A pesquisa que fundamenta este trabalho foi realizada na galeria de seguro da Penitenciária Feminina Madre Pelletier, mediante grupo de discussão e escrita, junto a mulheres em cumprimento de pena privativa de liberdade. É abordado o dia-a-dia da vida aprisionada, apresentando peculiaridades do trabalho grupal numa galeria de seguro. Também são exploradas as relações entre viver, conhecer e poder. Neste contexto, o estudo do limite enquanto barreira e contato comporta aspectos não racionais e não conscientes da cognição, que é inerente à vida. A partir das noções de autopoiese, de processos de subjetivação e de invenção de si e do mundo, consideramos que tomar o ser vivo como indivíduo - e o ser humano como um caso do vivo – é apenas uma possibilidade dentre outras. Desse modo, mediante vivências do coletivo dentro de uma instituição onde prima o modo indivíduo de subjetivação, é possível questionar o indivíduo como fundamento para o Direito na criminalização e, conseqüentemente, a aplicação individual da pena. A prisão é aqui tomada como uma opção política de segregação e de proliferação da delinqüência. Ao tentar atualizar as linhas de fuga na Penitenciária, buscou-se destacar a existência, em quaisquer circunstâncias, de produção de vida para além da sobrevida, cartografando os modos de invenção de si que proliferam apesar do aprisionamento. Outrossim, buscou-se produzir novos subsídios teóricos para o abolicionismo penal a partir da Psicologia. Mediante a cartografia como método, a discussão e a escrita se constituíram como agenciamentos, e a escrita, o caderno e o grupo, como dispositivos. A dissertação está caotizada em rizomas e fractais, como uma forma de escrever a vida dentro das grades e a grade dentro das vidas, tendo como resultado final aberturas-problema. / The research on which this dissertation is based was developed at the Penitenciária Feminina Madre Pelletier‟s security gallery, by means of a discussion and writing group developed with women in the process of carrying out freedom-depriving penalty. We explore the everyday experience of imprisonment, unveiling the peculiarities of group work in a security gallery, as well as the relations among living, knowing and power. In such a context, the study of limit both as a form of border and a mode of contact embraces non-rational and non-conscious aspects of cognition as inherent to life itself. Taking as starting points the notion of autopoiesis, the processes of subjectivation and invention of oneself and of the world, we consider that regarding the living being as an individual – and he human as a case of “alive” – is just a possibility among several others. Thus, the experiences of the collective within an institution where the individual is the main mode of subjectivation, enables to put into question the individual as the foundation on which Law roots its right to criminalize the individual and, as a consequence, apply punishment on an individual basis. Therefore, in this work, the prison is taken as a political option of segregation and of delinquency proliferation. Upon trying to refresh prison flight lines, it was also emphasized the existence, regardless of the circumstances, of life production beyond survival, by cartographing the ways of self-production that pullulate in despite of imprisonment. Besides that, it was made an attempt to produce new theoretical basis within the field of Psychology in defense of penal abolitionism. Having cartography for a method, group discussion and writing became agencements, and writing itself, the notebook and the group became devices. This dissertation is chaotizised in rhizomes and fractals, as a way of writing the life inside the enclosures and the enclosures within the lives, the whole process yielding some “problem openings” as the final result.

Orientador: Robert Wayne Andrew Slenes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T02:59:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Brusantin_BeatrizdeMiranda_D.pdf: 2842310 bytes, checksum: cf4c6d243f19f3d66c375f0578966410 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Neste trabalho almejamos reconstruir as culturas festivas e de luta dos trabalhadores dos engenhos de açúcar da zona da mata norte de Pernambuco entre 1870 e 1888. Tendo como foco analítico a comarca de Nazareth, buscamos compreender as relações sociais do período e suas diversas redes de poder. Numa visão dialética dos processos sociais, refletimos sobre as relações de conflito, negociação e acomodação entre os vários setores sociais, objetivando, sobretudo, alcançar as complexidades sócio-econômicas, políticas e culturais de uma comunidade escravocrata e, nesta conjuntura, analisar as possibilidades escravas de melhores condições de vida e de liberdade. O objetivo de compreender as ações dos escravos e livres levou-nos também a entender as atitudes harmônicas ou não da classe dos senhores e proprietários. A identificação das redes de conflitos fez-nos identificar as brechas e, através destas frestas, visualizamos as estratégias sociais e culturais dos trabalhadores. Em suma, este trabalho objetivou investigar a história dos trabalhadores, escravos e livres, sob a perspectiva analítica da História Social, valorizando analiticamente a cultura popular e a conjuntura específica da zona da mata norte Pernambucana nas últimas décadas da escravidão. Objetivamos, sobretudo, apostar na hipótese de que a micro-análise nos proporciona uma visão ampla das questões, trazendo sua complexidade e sua dinâmica multifacetada, isto é, uma interpretação da realidade com suas variáveis sócio-econômicas, políticas e culturais peculiares e conjunturais. Corroboramos com a análise dos processos sociais que envolvem proprietários e escravos sem generalizações. A proposta, assim, foi produzir uma versão peculiar sobre as relações de classe na sociedade escravista a qual abrangesse de forma dialógica, as ações de cima e as de baixo, não necessariamente, nesta ordem e de forma diacrônica / Abstract: In this work we aim to reconstruct the festive culture and struggle of workers to the sugar mills of the north of the forest zone of Pernambuco between 1870 and 1888. Focusing on analytical county of Nazareth, we crave to understand the social relations of the period and its various networks of power. In a dialectical view of social processes, we reflect about the relations of conflict, negotiation and accommodation between the various social sectors, aiming to grasp, mainly, the complexities of socio-economic, political and cultural community and slavery and at this juncture to consider the possibilities slaves of a better life and freedom. In order to understand the actions of the slaves and free, also led us to comprise the attitudes harmonic or not, the class of masters and owners. The identification of networks of conflict moved us to identify gaps, and through these cracks to observe the social and cultural strategies of the workers. In summary, this study aimed to investigate the history of workers, slave and free, from the analytical perspective of Social History, valuing analytically popular culture and specific conjuncture of the forest area north of Pernambuco in the last decades of slavery. We aim, above all, betting on the assumption that the micro-analysis gives us a broad overview of the issues, bringing its complexity and dynamic multifaceted, ie, an interpretation of reality with their conjucturais and peculiar variables socio-economic, political and cultural. We corroborate the analysis of social processes involving owners and slaves without generalizations. The proposal, therefore, was to produce a peculiar version of the class relations in the slave society which encompass, of dialogical form, the actions, from above and from below, not necessarily in this order and diachronic form / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História

Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle, le Sultanat de Zanzibar a été au cœur des politiques abolitionnistes et coloniales aussi bien françaises que britanniques. En effet, l’île de Zanzibar ne fut pas seulement le plus grand marché aux esclaves de l’océan Indien mais aussi la porte d’entrée privilégiée des trafiquants d’esclaves, des abolitionnistes, et des partisans de la colonisation en Afrique Orientale. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux controverses, ayant opposé la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les eaux territoriales de Zanzibar, sur le droit de visite des bateaux transportant des esclaves ainsi que sur le droit des boutres à battre pavillon français et à échapper ainsi aux contrôles de la Royal Navy. Cette recherche souligne combien ces questions furent importantes, non seulement pour les relations de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et du Sultanat de Zanzibar, mais aussi pour le droit international et les relations internationales jusqu’à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce travail montre que les opérations de lutte contre la traite qui ont eu lieu à Zanzibar ont inspiré de nombreux officiers de marine, des consuls, des diplomates, des juristes, et des hommes politiques, aussi bien français que britanniques, quant à la conception et à la mise en œuvre « d’interventions humanitaires ». Ainsi l’histoire des opérations de lutte contre la traite menées dans le sultanat de Zanzibar permet d’éclairer de manière originale l’histoire du concept d’intervention humanitaire ou « d’humanité » (« intervention in the score of humanity »). Cette recherche souligne combien la nature de ces interventions humanitaires a sans cesse oscillé entre de véritables idéaux abolitionnistes et des enjeux coloniaux pressants. / In the second half of the nineteenth century the Zanzibar Sultanate became the focal point of French as well as British imperial and humanitarian policies. In fact, the island was not only the most important slave trade emporium of the Indian Ocean but it was also the great gateway to East Africa for slave traders, humanitarians, or imperialists alike. This thesis looks at the controversies which took place in Zanzibar waters between France and Britain over the right of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade as well as the right of dhows to fly the French flag and escape the Royal Navy’s scrutiny. This research highlights how important these questions were, not only for the relations of France, Britain, and the Zanzibar Sultanate, but also for international law and international relations up until the eve of the First World War. This work demonstrates that the anti-slave trade operations which took place in Zanzibar inspired many navy officers, consuls, diplomats, Foreign Secretaries, and lawyers – whether British, French, or American – on the theory and the practice of “humanitarian interventions”. Indeed, the history of anti-slave trade operations implemented in the Zanzibar Sultanate sheds a new light on the history of the concept of humanitarian intervention, or “intervention in the score of humanity” – (“l’intervention d’humanité”) – as it was then called. This research underlines how these humanitarian interventions unceasingly swung between genuine humanitarian ideals and pressing imperial issues.

The thesis deals with the abolitionist movement in the United States of America and approaches it as an internally disunited movement. It focuses on the conflicts between its most influential representatives, including William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass. Different motives of the anti-slavery leaders' involvement in the matter are analyzed and used to explain the arguments among these. Attention is given to the problem of racial oppression as one of the main forces having determined not only the development of the abolitionist movement but also the events following the 1865 Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, mostly the rise of the Black nationalism movement and of black racism. Even though many abolitionists saw slavery as based on racism and, therefore, endeavored to reach its abolition, in practice, many of them refused to acknowledge racial equality between white and African American people. This paradox is one of the central problems of American abolitionism examined in the thesis. The first three chapters discuss abolitionist ideas of William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, and David Walker with focus on their distinct and opposing views. The fourth chapter deals with the emancipation of women as it was closely linked to the emancipation of slaves; the...

This thesis is concerned with literature connected with the abolition of slavery in British colonies. The thesis will treat the topic of the abolitionist movement from the perspective of social, cultural and literary history from the beginnings until the abolition of slavery in British colonies in the Caribbean in 1833 with the Slavery Abolition Act. The thesis will focus on the discourse of race and slavery. The chosen authors represent different opinions and perspectives as the discussion will focus on sentimental poetry, travel writings as well as slave narratives. The chief aim is to identify and define the strategies of abolitionist discourse and the rhetorical practices which it employed especially in shaping the image of Africans and how the hegemonic discourse of sentimentalism influenced their writing. The first part of the thesis is concerned with establishing a theoretical background and the establishing of the literary traditions and customs of the eighteenth century, definition of the sentimental discourse and philosophies of the Enlightenment. This will be framed by a definition of Edward Said's "Orientalism" as well as Paul Gilroy's theory of the "Black Atlantic," which will enable us to define the space between Britain, Africa and the Caribbean, where the history of slavery of...

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[pt] O presente trabalho busca fazer uma retomada do abolicionismo penal a partir das bases teóricas da criminologia crítica. Em meio aos diversos discursos e propostas de abolição penal contemporâneos, o que se pretende é argumentar que uma prática que vise a realização da abolição do sistema punitivo precisa se calcar em bases teórico-metodológicas rigorosas, a fim de compreender os processos que determinam o sistema punitivo e sua relação com estrutura econômica. Defende-se que a prática abolicionista precisa se socorrer dos conhecimentos acumulados pela criminologia crítica, de base marxista, a fim de que se possa organizar a ação política necessária para uma mudança nas condições sociais que determinam a violência e a pena. Ao se examinar a síntese das diversas determinações que criam o Estado, o direito e a pena na sociedade burguesa por meio da categoria do sujeito de direito e do princípio da troca equivalente de mercadorias é possível verificar o desenvolvimento histórico e as alterações das formas de punição na sociedade capitalista de acordo com a organização e necessidades de produção e reprodução dos modos de produção. Somente a partir dessa análise e compreensão das relações que a punição estabelece com o Estado e com a sociedade dentro da estrutura econômica é se torna possível propor um modelo de prática abolicionista que não seja idealista. / [en] This work intends to review the penal abolicionism from the theoretical basis of the critical criminology. Amongst the different contemporary penal abolition discourses and propositions, the intent is to argue that a praxis that aims at the accomplishment of abolishing the punitive system needs to hold onto a strong theoretical and methodological foundation, in order to comprehend the processes that determines the punitive system and its relation to the economic structure. The abolitionist action has to resort to the cumulated knowledge of the critical criminology, of marxist source, in order to be able to organize the political action needed to provoke a change in the social conditions that determine violence and punishment. When looking closely at the synthesis of the different determinations that build up the state, law and punishment in burgoise society, throughout the categories of subject of Law and the equivalent exchange of merchandise principle it is possible to verify the historical development and changes in the means of punishment in the capitalist society according to the organization and needs of production and reproduction of the means of production. Only through this analysis and comprehension of the relation that punishment establishes to the State and to the society within the economic structure it is possible to propose a model of abolitionist action that is not idealist.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar diferentes representações da comunidade política no Brasil da segunda metade do século XIX, a partir de uma reflexão filosófica acerca da formação das identidades políticas, em especial o povo. A hipótese a ser testada é de que a constituição dos sujeitos políticos exige o manejo de um tipo especial de representação política, que nos propomos chamar originária, a qual confere aos agregados demográficos sentidos e valores que não derivam de sua mera existência natural. Na ausência de um fundamento invariante que sirva de essência imutável a tais identidades, a constituição política do povo passa a nomear um processo permanente, contingente e precário de devir político, no qual diferentes representações do social disputam a hegemonia, numa permanente tensão entre a comunidade enquanto identificação e a agência coletiva enquanto subjetivação. Com base nesse referencial teórico, inicia-se uma investigação histórica acerca de três diferentes representações originárias de um povo brasileiro, desenvolvidas entre o apogeu do Império e a crise da escravidão: a saquarema, representada por José de Alencar; a abolicionista liberal, de Joaquim Nabuco; e a do republicanismo negro, de Luiz Gama. Em comum entre elas, o papel central dos juristas na reflexão sobre a existência ou refundação de uma comunidade política brasileira, e um diálogo permanente do direito com a política, a filosofia e a literatura, que podem contribuir para uma visão mais ampla do que entendemos por história constitucional do Brasil. / [en] The present study aims to analyze different representations of the political community in Brazil in the second half of the 19th century, based on a philosophical reflection on the formation of political identities, especially the people. The hypothesis to be tested is that the constitution of political subjects requires the handling of a special type of political representation, which we propose to call original. That gives the demographic aggregates meanings and values that do not derive from their mere natural existence. In the absence of an invariant foundation that serves as an immutable essence to such identities, the political constitution of the people starts to name a permanent, contingent and precarious process of political becoming, in which different representations of the social dispute hegemony, in a permanent tension between community as identification and collective agency as subjectivation. Based on this theoretical framework, a historical investigation begins about three different representations originating from a Brazilian people, developed between the apogee of the Empire and the crisis of slavery: the Saquarema, represented by José de Alencar; the Liberal Abolitionist, by Joaquim Nabuco; and the Black Republicanism, by Luiz Gama. In common among them, the central role of jurists in the reflection on the existence or refoundation of a Brazilian political community, and a permanent dialogue between law, politics, philosophy and literature, which can contribute to a broader vision of what we understand for the constitutional history of Brazil.

Presque quiconque est exposé.e pour une première fois à l’abolitionnisme pénal est frappé.e d’une même interrogation : celle de l’alternative. Que devrions-nous substituer à l’État afin d’assurer la sécurité de toutes et de tous et l’accès à une justice équitable et égalitaire en cas d’offense? À une époque de fortes effervescences politiques, cette question devait nécessairement occuper les révolutionnaires anticipant la mise en œuvre de la commune libertaire. Du moins, ce fut le cas pour l’anarchiste Pierre Kropotkine. L’héritier d’une famille princière russe s’intéresse d’abord à l’évolution des espèces. Le géologue de formation parcourt son pays natal et découvre l’existence d’un procédé de régulation sociale présent dans la quasi-totalité du règne animal : l’entraide. En s’opposant aux darwiniens autoproclamés, Kropotkine démonte le mythe d’une espèce humaine cruelle à l’état de nature. L’État, inutile en ces circonstances, doit être renversé afin d’offrir un maximum d’espace à nos intuitions solidaires. Ces intuitions doivent être enseignées aux futur.es communard.es plutôt que réprimées tel que le fait une institution comme la prison. Sa critique, qui fait de l’institution carcérale une véritable école du crime, est reprise par les abolitionnistes actuelles. Qu’en est-il des alternatives qu’il propose? L’anarchiste serait-il ouvert à la punition? Favorable à une justice réparatrice? Difficile de résoudre ces interrogations. Une chose est certaine, il existe dans l’histoire une multitude de façons de pratiquer la justice qui s’affranchit d’une autorité centrale. Que ce soit en mobilisant quelques indvidu.es, une commune voisine ou encore toute la communauté, les sociétés étudiées par Kropotkine, en pratiquant l’arbitrage, parviennent à résorber leurs conflits. / Almost anyone who is exposed to penal abolitionism for the first time is struck by the same question: what is the alternative? What substitute can the state implement so as to assure security for all as well as equal and equitable access to justice in the case of an offense? At a time of strong political effervescence, this question had to occupy the revolutionaries anticipating the implementation of the libertarian commune. At least, that was the case for anarchist Peter Kropotkin. The heir to a Russian princely family is first interested in the evolution of species. The geologist travels through his native country and discovers the existence of a process of social regulation present in almost all of the animal kingdom: mutual aid. By opposing to the self-proclaimed Darwinians, Kropotkin dismantles the myth of a cruel human species in the state of nature. The State, useless in these circumstances, must be overthrown in order to offer maximum space to our solidarity intuitions. These intuitions must be taught to future communards rather than repressed by an institution like prison. His criticism, which makes the penal institution a veritable school of crime, is usefull to current abolitionists. What about the alternatives it offers? Would the anarchist be open to punishment? In favor of restorative justice? It is difficult to answer these questions. One thing is certain, there are in history a multitude of ways of practicing justice that frees itself from a central authority. Whether it be by mobilizing a few individuals, a neighboring town or even the entire community, the societies that Kropotkin studied, by practicing arbitration, manage to resolve their conflicts.

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