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<p>This dissertation examines the development of Huguenot confessional identity and political strategy under the Edict of Nantes through sermons. Here, sermons serve as a vital medium of ideological exchange, shaping and reflecting the mental world of France's Protestant population, while acting as a source of dialogue between Huguenot ministers, their parishioners and readers, and the crown. As a result, this study demonstrates the cultural tools that influenced how the Huguenot population made sense of their position in France in the seventeenth century, and it shows that, while Huguenots lost much of their effective political power after 1629, their ministers were active in the decades after through informal but telling channels, instructing their parishioners about proper civic and political belief, and positing for their various audiences a view of the French polity – and of its absolutist monarchy – that included a legitimate place for the Huguenot population.</p> <p>The introduction and the first chapter provide the historical and historiographical background, while also offering a detailed explanation of the training and vocation of Huguenot ministers, shedding light on their sermons and their social and professional networks. Chapters two and three provide the heart of the argument, exploring the elements of the sermons that emphasized, first, the necessity of religious particularism for Huguenots within France and, second, their abiding devotion to the crown. Together, these dual elements of Huguenot identity meant that they were negotiating their own vision for the kingdom and their place within it. The final three chapters examine the prevalence and significance of the Huguenot dual identity in diverse sermon themes, while also showing its legacy beyond the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.</p> <p>This dissertation provides an important contribution to Reformation and French historiography, while also complicating notions about religious identity and the development of absolutist thought by demonstrating a confessionally-distinct political activism that is not often recognized. It also reveals the interwoven nature of religion and politics in the Reformation era, here as it is manifested in sermons.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Les philosophes français des Lumières se sont évertués, notamment dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle, à préciser les cas où l’inégalité et les limites de la liberté seraient conformes aux lois naturelles afin de proposer les préceptes permettant une vie sociale épanouie. Ce faisant, ils ouvrirent la voie à la formation des absolutismes éclairés qui trouvent leurs racines juridiques dans la théorie du droit naturel. Elaborée pour une large part par Voltaire qui la mettait directement en relation avec l’idéologie des absolutismes « classiques », l’idéologie des absolutismes éclairés avait pour but principal la création d’un Etat fort. Ayant accepté les propositions des philosophes les « rois philosophes » ou « monarques éclairés » fondèrent les justificatifs d’une telle politique sur la langue, la mode, et surtout sur la confiance dans un progrès que la France avait su promouvoir. / The French philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment, especially in the second part of the eighteenth century, endeavoured to specify the cases in which inequality and the limitations of freedom would be in accordance with natural laws in order to propose precepts for a blossoming life. By doing so, they opened the way to the formation of enlightened absolutism, a model of government that finds its legal foundations in the Natural Law Theory Developed largely part by Voltaire, who put it in the direct relation with the ideology of “classical” absolutism, the ideology of enlightened absolutism had as its principal goal the creation of a strong state. Having embraced the philosophers’ precepts, the “enlightened monarchs” or “philosopher kings” founded the evidence of such a policy on language, fashion, and especially on the confidence in a progress that France had been able to promote.

Cette recherche a pour point de départ l’engouement suscité par le genre du traité des passions,soucieux de proposer une anatomie des passions de l’âme et en particulier de la haine. Celle-ci futincriminée aux lendemains des guerres de Religion dans le premier XVIIe siècle (1610-1659) comme laprincipale fautive dans le dérèglement du corps social. Une raison de l’odieux s’esquisse par la volonté dedomestiquer les effets funestes de cette odieuse passion mais aussi d’en faire un usage vertueux. Par letransfert à la pensée politique et religieuse du modèle anthropologique et moral d’une raison qui gouverneles passions haineuses, tous les champs de l’activité humaine se trouvèrent investis. Ce désir de pacifier lespassions du corps individuel comme du corps social et politique contribua à l’élaboration et à la diffusiond’une pensée théologico-politique favorable au renforcement de l’absolutisme. Le contrôle des mauvaisespassions impliqua de faire valoir le modèle d’une haine vertueuse, d’une raison de l’odieux, justifiée parl’exercice d’une passion d’Etat. La xénophobie politique voire étatique participa à l’artificialisation d’unehaine publique contre les « ennemis d’Etat » et renforça l’idée d’un sentiment ou d’un ressentimentnational. Il s’agit davantage de retracer l’imaginaire de la haine et de ses usages socio-politiques, plus qued’étudier cette passion comme une émotion. Le champ polémique des libelles, véritables fabriques del’odieux, permet d’étudier les stratégies politiques (anti-)pathiques mises en oeuvre, publicisées etinstrumentalisées dans l’écriture polémique, de la régence de Marie de Médicis aux ministères cardinaux deRichelieu puis Mazarin. / This research takes as its starting point the enthusiasm aroused by the genre of the treatise on the passions, which attempted to offer an anatomy of the passions of the soul in general and hatred in particular. In early seventeenth century France, hatred was held to be the primary cause of the disturbances that had shaken the body politic during the French Wars of Religion. Rational understandings of hatred began to emerge, driven by a desire to domesticate the dire effects of this odious passion and to find a virtuous use for it. The transfer into political and religious thought of an anthropological and moral model of a reason that governed hateful passions ensured that all fields of human activity were concerned. This desire to pacify the passions of the individual body as well as those of the body politic and economic contributed to the elaboration and diffusion of theologico-political thought favorable to the strengthening of Absolutism. Controlling evil passions involved highlighting a model of virtuous hatred, a “reason of the odious”, justified by the practice of a passion d’Etat. Political orstate xenophobia contributed to the artificialisation of public hatred against “enemies of the state” and reinforced the idea of national sentiment or resentment. The goal here is more to describe the imaginary of hatred and its socio-political uses, rather than studying this passion as such. The political field of libelles,veritable factories of hatred, allow one to study the (anti-)pathetical political strategies that were put into place, publicised and instrumentalised in polemical writing from the time of the Regency of Marie de Medici to the ministries of cardinals.

Notre thèse se propose d’envisager l’écriture des Mémoires, de la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle à la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, à l’aune d’une écriture de l’idéal familial. Il nous semble en effet que la famille permet de lire à nouveaux frais ces textes pour y voir non plus exclusivement l’expression d’un « je » singulier, mais en réalité d’un « je-nous », d’une identité qui se fait à la fois singulière et collective. En effet, les mémorialistes aristocrates de la Première Modernité investissent, dans leurs Mémoires un espace dans lequel refonder les valeurs de la lignée aristocratique pour affirmer une image d’eux-mêmes au sein de l’espace social et curial : pour ce faire, ils fabriquent un récit familial, une légende de la famille à transmettre au gré de mythes familiaux et de généalogies. Ils construisent une fiction de solidarité au sein d’une famille choisie, qui reconfigure les frontières de la parenté objective pour intégrer à une parenté rêvée des personnages et des collectifs que seule l’écriture peut configurer en membres d’une famille d’encre / Our work proposes to consider the writing of Memoirs, from the second half of the sixteenth century to the first half of the eighteenth century, in the light of a writing of a familial ideal. It seems to us that family enables a new way of reading Memoirs, in order to see not only the expression of a singular "I", but in fact an "I-we", an identity that is both singular and collective. Indeed, the aristocratic memorialists of the early modern period invest, in their Memoirs, a space in which they can regenerate the values of the aristocratic lineage to assert an image of themselves within the social and curial space: to do so, they build a family story, a legend of the family to be transmitted using family myths and genealogies. They build a fiction of solidarity within a chosen family, which reconfigures the boundaries of objective kinship to integrate, into a dreamed kinship, characters and collectives that only writing can configure as members of an "ink family"

Some form of absolutism has generally been the majority view within philosophy and in other traditions, and it is common to take absolutism for granted without providing rational arguments or empirical evidence in support of it. However, such attitudes are not viable if we want to avoid dogmatism. In this paper, I question absolutism and the closely associated correspondence theory of truth through the writings of Goodman and Nāgārjuna. I first describe Goodman‟s philosophy with a focus on his works dealing with „worldmaking‟ and multiple true versions. Subsequently follows an outline of Nāgārjuna‟s philosophy, in which he intended to show that the notion of an essence, an inherently existent entity or relation, is incoherent and that essences would be incompatible with experience. I then reflect on the relation between absolutism and relativism, and propose that the philosophies of Goodman and Nāgārjuna make it possible to transcend both. The paper ends with a discussion on the notion of knowledge in the absence of absolute entities and essences. From the works of Goodman, Nāgārjuna, and Bohm, I put forward the idea that an aspiration for a greater good and fitting is more general than a desire for knowledge of entities, and that it is therefore important to be aware of the larger context in which any given entity appears so that it can be seen to what extent further inquiry and use of it can lead to a greater good and fitting.

Submitted by Jean Medeiros (jeanletras@uepb.edu.br) on 2017-02-09T13:19:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Syana Monteiro de Alencar Ramos.pdf: 1709883 bytes, checksum: 8bea03ea4c1c05e88f8fdf4e11d543e9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Secta BC (secta.csu.bc@uepb.edu.br) on 2017-02-09T21:40:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Syana Monteiro de Alencar Ramos.pdf: 1709883 bytes, checksum: 8bea03ea4c1c05e88f8fdf4e11d543e9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-09T21:40:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Syana Monteiro de Alencar Ramos.pdf: 1709883 bytes, checksum: 8bea03ea4c1c05e88f8fdf4e11d543e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-10 / In the present study aimed to identify and analyze the error conceptions acquired throughout life for mathematics teachers of paradise. The concepts and visions built are established as truths at the heart of this professional as an individual and are reflected to the classroom for him as a teacher. Rationale for the study was carried out a literature review of literature addressing this issue or that relate to it. Among them we can mention the bank and liberating education and problem solving. The sources consulted point to a relationship between these axes. Both converge in order to seek improvements in teaching. Thus, there was the need to understand how the math teachers of paraíba realize the error having as parameter absolutism and fallibilism. It was also a comparison of these views with the resolution of issues and banking and liberating education. The investigation was made through a semi-structured questionnaire. The same was applied to 70 state teachers of paradise. The research is qualitative. Among the results there is the approximation of the absolutist features of most respondents. / No presente trabalho buscou-se identificar e analisar as concepções de erro adquiridas ao longo da vida pelos professores de matemática da paraíba. Os conceitos e visões construídos se estabelecem como verdades na essência desse profissional enquanto indivíduo e são refletidos para sala de aula por ele enquanto docente. Para fundamentação do estudo foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica de literaturas que abordam essa temática ou que se relacionam com ela. Dentre elas citamos a educação bancária e libertadora e a resolução de problemas. As fontes consultadas apontam para uma relação existente entre esses eixos. Ambas convergem no sentido de buscar avanços no ensino. Assim, verificou-se a necessidade de compreender de que forma os professores de matemática da paraíba percebem o erro tendo como parâmetro o absolutismo e o falibilismo. Foi ainda feita uma comparação dessas visões com a proposta de resolução de problemas e da educação bancária e libertadora. A investigação foi feita através de um questionário semiestruturado. O mesmo foi aplicado a 70 professores do estado da paraíba. A pesquisa é de caráter qualitativo. Entre os resultados obtidos destaca-se a aproximação das características absolutistas da maioria dos entrevistados.

Magister Educationis - MEd / This thesis is concerned with discussing music education as an aspect of aesthetic education, with special reference to the general music (Class music) curriculum at the secondary schools. Class music, or general music education, is being neglected at secondary schools in South Africa. A strong need for reform is necessary to revitalize the neglected state of class music in schools. Chapter One explains and discusses what is meant by the concept of aesthetic education and its relationship with the arts and especially music education. Chapter Two critically analyses and discusses music as aesthetic education as laid down by Charles Leonhard and Robert House. The soundness of their view comes under severe scrutiny, by the highlighting of contrasting viewpoints. Present criteria operant in music education are critically viewed and the soundness of these criteria as theory are evaluated. Chapter Three discusses Popular music and Classical music in aesthetic education. While the merits of these types of music are of importance, they culminate in a view which propagates the peaceful coexistence of both Popular and Classical music as an aim in aesthetic education. Chapter Four is a critical discussion of the general music education curricula in South Africa. This discussion is based mainly on the C LAS P - model, that is , Composition, Literature, Audition, Skills, and Performance. Chapter Five makes some recommendations towards a music curriculum for the general school music curriculum, based on the C.L.A.S.P - model, and aesthetic principles.

This thesis studies the negotiation of political power between the Danish absolutist state, the local government on Bornholm, and its subjects there during the winter of 1738–1739. The aim is to better understand how political power was negotiated in a peripheral region of an early modern state, but also to explore what caused this interaction to begin with and why its eventual outcome was a compromise by the state. The empirical evidence consists mostly of documents created and obtained by an investigative commission formed by the Danish king in 1738 in response to an anonymous letter that accused the local government on Bornholm of corruption and serious criminal offences. The local government had become complicit in peasants’ squatting on disputed land that technically belonged to the king. It will be argued that there existed a distinct political culture on Bornholm that shaped these negotiations and their outcome. Furthermore, the work of the commission and the eventual compromise made by the state demonstrates how this political culture collided with Copenhagen officials’ designs for the island at the time. The investigation into the behaviour of the governor of Bornholm and his eventual treatment sheds light on the role and boundaries of such early modern local officeholders, but also reveals how officials such as him were protected by nepotism and kinship within the Danish absolutist state. Finally, it will be argued that the anonymous letter that led to the establishment of the commission was the product of local conflicts that had escalated to a point of desperation. / <p></p><p></p>

Thesis (DTh (Systematic Theology and Ecclesiology))—University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / During the 16th and 17th centuries, the Stewart rulers of Scotland and England endeavoured to enforce Royal Absolutism on both countries. This included ecclesiastical pressure on the Scottish Presbyterians, giving rise to a movement known as the Covenanters. One identifying aspect was their fieldpreachings, or Conventicles, held in secret, frequently on the moors. As persecution increased, worshippers took weapons to these Conventicles for selfdefence in case of attack during the service. Royal efforts to impose Episcopalianism on Scotland intensified after the Restoration of 1660 and were met with resistance. In 1666 open revolt broke out in The Pentland Rising, which was put down with great severity after the Covenanters were defeated at Rullion Green. Open revolt broke out again in 1679, when some Covenanters defeated a small royalist force at Drumclog, but they were soundly defeated by the royal army at Bothwell Brig shortly afterwards. The Covenanters split into two factions, moderate and extreme; the extreme element becoming known as Cameronians after the martyred covenanting preacher Rev Richard Cameron, “The Lion of the Covenant.” The hypothesis researched was that; The development and actions of the Cameronian movement made a significant contribution to Freedom of Religion in Scotland. The hypothesis rests on whether Cameronian influence was significant, and to what degree. Subsequent to Bothwell Brig, the Covenanting movement virtually collapsed in Scotland. The leaders fled to Holland and the common people who remained were severely persecuted. But by early 1680, two covenanting ministers, Richard Cameron and Donald Cargill, had returned from Holland to preach in the fields against Erastian limitations on doctrine, worship, discipline, and church government. They were hunted down and killed, but their followers (now called Cameronians) formed their own ecclesiastical polity known as the United Societies. This was a presbyterial Church, separate but not sundered from the Church of Scotland (The Kirk), which had by now largely accepted a considerable degree of Erastianism. The Cameronians became a small but vociferous pressure group, not only persecuted, but denigrated by moderate Presbyterians. Throughout this period they ensured a considerable degree of freedom of religion for themselves, despite the ever intensifying persecution. Their stance was vindicated at the Glorious Revolution of 1688/9, one outcome being the raising of both a guard, and a regiment, of Cameronians, both of which enabled a period of comparative calm and safety to prevail, thus allowing Parliament and the General Assembly to finalise the Revolution Settlement for both Church and State, without any external threat from Jacobitism. The Cameronian clergy then became reconciled with the Kirk in 1690, and brought two-thirds of the United Societies with them, thus ending their period of isolation, and once more presenting a (virtually) united Presbyterian front to the world. Rev Alexander Shields was critical to both the formation of the regiment and reconciliation with the Kirk. The thesis demonstrates that the Cameronians made four significant contributions to freedom of religion in Scotland. Firstly, they made a significant contribution to freedom of religion by their struggle to protect the right to retain their own freedom of doctrine, worship, discipline and church government, resisting every effort to remove these by force. In 1690 they secured these freedoms. Secondly by their new-found military effectiveness, they secured a climate of comparative peace and stability in the latter half of 1689 and 1690, during which both Parliament and General Assembly were able to carry through vital legislation for Church and State, without any external threat. Thirdly, through the reconciliation of their clergy with the Kirk, the Cameronians were catalytic in the establishment of a [virtually] united Presbyterian front in Scotland,1 thereby ensuring that the Kirk was strong enough to accept the existence of other denominations without feeling unduly threatened. Fourthly, Rev Alexander Shields stands out as catalytic in the achievement of the Second and Third significant contributions. It can be argued that his behaviour, in itself, was a significant contribution to Freedom of Religion.