O presente trabalho tem duplo objetivo, prático e teórico. Em termos práticos, busca sistematizar as discussões sobre a responsabilização dos militares e do Estado por acontecimentos do regime militar, bem como sobre a busca da verdade e a preservação da memória. Destacam-se nas discussões os acontecimentos da Guerrilha do Araguaia. Em termos teóricos, tem a intenção de apresentar uma exposição compreensiva da Teoria da Argumentação, tentando adaptá-la, na medida do possível, às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. Para cumprir esse duplo objetivo, o trabalho aplica a Teoria da Argumentação às discussões sobre o regime militar almejando benefícios para a teoria e para a prática. Desse modo, o trabalho inicia apresentando os principais conceitos e ferramentas da Teoria da Argumentação. Em seguida, realiza algumas adaptações das ferramentas para que sejam utilizadas na argumentação jurídica. Por fim, utilizando os conceitos e ferramentas expostos e adaptados, apresenta o Mapa Argumentativo dos debates sobre o regime militar, com destaque para as discussões sobre a possibilidade de responsabilizar criminalmente os militares por torturas, execuções e desaparecimentos forçados. São levados em consideração especialmente os aspectos fáticos do caso da Guerrilha do Araguaia e argumentos levantados pelo STF no julgamento da ADPF 153 e pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no Caso Gomes Lund (Guerrilha do Araguaia) v. Brasil. A dissertação conclui que os militares não foram beneficiados pela Lei de Anistia e aponta para a continuidade dos debates tanto sobre o aspecto criminal quanto outros problemas identificados no Mapa. Na parte teórica, chama-se atenção para a necessidade de continuar o estudo da Teoria da Argumentação e de adaptá-la às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. / This dissertation has two objectives: a practical and a theoretical one. The practical objective is to organize discussions concerning the responsibility of the State and the Military due to events occurred in the Brazilian Military Government, as well as discussions about the search for the historical truth and preservation of its memory. Special attention is draw upon the Araguaias Guerilla. Theoretically, the work intends to present the main aspects of Argumentation Theory trying to adapt it - as long as possible - to be used in Legal Argumentation. To fulfill this double objective, one applies Argumentation Theory to the Military Government events discussions aiming for benefits both for theory and practice. Hence, it begins presenting the essential concepts and tools of Argumentation Theory. It follows with the tools adaptations to Legal Argumentation. Finally, the Argumentation Map of the discussions is presented. The problem whether the most severe crimes of the military personnel (tortures and executions for instance) were amnestied is dealt with in greater detail. The events of Araguaias Guerrilla, the arguments of Brazilian Supreme Court in ADPF 153 and the arguments of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Gomes Lund v Brazil Case are all given special attention. The dissertation concludes that the military (States agents) were not amnestied. It also points out the next steps in the discussions. As for the theoretical concerns, the conclusion draws attention to the importance of studying and developing Argumentation Theory in connection with Legal Argumentation.

A pesquisa analisa a aparição dos temas do exílio, dos exilados e dos banidos nos debates sobre a anistia, ocorridos entre outubro de 1978 e agosto de 1979, no jornal Folha de São Paulo. O processo de abertura política no final da ditadura civil-militar, expresso nas modificações na legislação, como por exemplo, na aprovação da nova Lei de Segurança Nacional, abriu novas perspectivas para os exilados retornarem ao Brasil, coincidindo com um momento em que o jornal estava reavaliando a sua postura editorial frente ao fortalecimento da sociedade civil. A Folha fez a cobertura das atividades realizadas no exílio debatendo a anistia, mas concedeu um espaço maior aos exilados mais conhecidos, como Leonel Brizola, Luís Carlos Prestes e Miguel Arraes. Os artigos e notícias registraram a movimentação dos exilados para reivindicar o acesso a documentos básicos, como o passaporte, e a insegurança, no retorno ao Brasil – ainda antes da anistia – quanto à reabertura de processos na justiça militar. Em termos gerais, a cobertura da Folha sobre os temas do exílio e da anistia, no contexto do final da ditadura civil-militar, reforçou a associação dessa medida com a pacificação e a reconciliação nacional. / The research analyzes the appearance of the themes of exile, exiles and banished in the debates on amnesty, which occurred between October 1978 and August 1979, in the newspaper Folha de São Paulo. The process of political opening at the end of the civil-military dictatorship, expressed in changes in legislation, such as the adoption of the new National Security Law, opened up new prospects for exiles to return to Brazil, coinciding with a time when the newspaper was re-evaluating its editorial position regarding the strengthening of civil society. Folha covered the activities carried out in exile debating the amnesty, but granted a larger space to the more well-known exiles, such as Leonel Brizola, Luís Carlos Prestes and Miguel Arraes. The articles and news reported the movement of exiles to claim access to basic documents, such as passports, and insecurity, on returning to Brazil – even before the amnesty – regarding the reopening of military justice proceedings. In general terms, Folha's coverage of the issues of exile and amnesty, in the context of the end of the civil-military dictatorship, reinforced the association of this measure with pacification and national reconciliation.

Lorsque des peuples émergèrent enfin d’un conflit armé interne ou international qui s’était traduit par de longues années de souffrances et d’injustice, l’accord de paix conclu entre les anciens partis antagonistes, le plus souvent le gouvernement et les forces rebelles, comporta presque toujours une amnistie des crimes de masse commis par un grand nombre de leurs partisans. Ainsi, depuis le début du vingtième siècle, plusieurs dizaines d’Etats – principalement en Amérique latine et en Afrique - adoptèrent de telles mesures, qui revêtirent un caractère polymorphe. Principalement dirigées vers les simples exécutants de violations graves du droit humanitaire, elles furent parfois prises par des dirigeants politiques autocrates qui n’étaient pas toujours animés des meilleures intentions et qui cherchaient à consolider leur pouvoir ou à se ménager une porte de sortie honorable ; considérées comme « scélérates », elles s’opposent aux amnisties « ver-tueuses » adoptées par des dirigeants démocrates qui estimèrent qu’elles constituaient l’option la plus raisonnable pour favoriser la réconciliation et le rétablissement de l’Etat de droit dans leur pays, compte tenu des circonstances.Pourtant une telle voie leur était théoriquement inter-dite puisque la communauté internationale s’est très tôt engagée dans une lutte contre l’impunité des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l’humanité, déclarés imprescriptibles, qui ne peuvent bénéficier d’aucune mesure de clémence publique et qui doivent être réprimés par tous les Etats au nom de leur « compé-tence universelle ». Toutefois cette « posture de conviction » sur l’illégitimité des amnisties des crimes de masse au regard du droit international humanitaire se heurta souvent aux contingences du terrain. Prenant en considération l’aspiration prioritaire des peuples au retour à la paix, fut-ce au détriment du droit des victimes à la vérité, aux réparations et au recours juridictionnel, la communauté internationale composa fréquemment avec ces impératifs pour adopter un « comportement de responsabilité ». Celui-ci s’imposa d’autant plus à elle, et tout particulièrement aux Nations unies, qu’elle n’était pas en mesure de propo-ser une alternative satisfaisante à l’amnistie. Elle n’a en effet mis en place aucun mécanisme juridictionnel permettant de juger les auteurs ordinaires de crimes de masse, qui se comptent par millions. Quant aux juri-dictions internes des pays post-conflictuels, elles n’offraient généralement aucune garantie d’efficacité et d’impartialité. / InWhen the people finally emerged from an internal or international armed conflict, which resulted in lasting years of suffering and injustice, peace agreements between former opposing parties (most often the government and representatives of rebel forces) almost always included an amnesty for mass atrocities com-mitted by a large number of their supporters.Thus, since the early 20th Century, dozens of states, mainly in Latin America and Africa, adopted such measures, which assumed a polymorphic character.These amnesties, mainly directed to « low level participants » in serious violations of international humanitarian law, were often adopted by political autocrats seeking to consolidate their power, or to arrange an honourable way out. This type of amnesty, viewed as « villainous » is in complete contrast to « virtuous » amnesties adopted by democratic leaders who considered them the most appropriate option to ensure the reconciliation between communities, and to restore the rule of law in their country, given circum-stances.Both types of amnesties however, are prohibited by international conventions because the international community commits itself to struggling against impu-nity for war crimes and crimes against humanity; declared inalienable, which cannot benefit from any public leniency. The perpetrators of such serious violations of criminal humanitarian laws must be punished by all States in the name of their « universal jurisdiction ». This mind-set on the illegitimacy of amnesties for international crimes however, often encountered pressures from the military.Taking into account the aspiration of peoples’ priority for a return to peace and security, even at the expense of the rights of victims to truth, reparations and judi-cial proceedings, the international community often composed with these requirements to adopt a « respon-sible behaviour ». It is even more strongly enforced by the United Nations, as no satisfactory alternative to amnesty granted to « low level perpetrators » was offered by international criminal jurisdictions. As for the domestic courts of post-conflict countries, they generally offered no guarantee of efficiency and impartiality.

O presente trabalho tem duplo objetivo, prático e teórico. Em termos práticos, busca sistematizar as discussões sobre a responsabilização dos militares e do Estado por acontecimentos do regime militar, bem como sobre a busca da verdade e a preservação da memória. Destacam-se nas discussões os acontecimentos da Guerrilha do Araguaia. Em termos teóricos, tem a intenção de apresentar uma exposição compreensiva da Teoria da Argumentação, tentando adaptá-la, na medida do possível, às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. Para cumprir esse duplo objetivo, o trabalho aplica a Teoria da Argumentação às discussões sobre o regime militar almejando benefícios para a teoria e para a prática. Desse modo, o trabalho inicia apresentando os principais conceitos e ferramentas da Teoria da Argumentação. Em seguida, realiza algumas adaptações das ferramentas para que sejam utilizadas na argumentação jurídica. Por fim, utilizando os conceitos e ferramentas expostos e adaptados, apresenta o Mapa Argumentativo dos debates sobre o regime militar, com destaque para as discussões sobre a possibilidade de responsabilizar criminalmente os militares por torturas, execuções e desaparecimentos forçados. São levados em consideração especialmente os aspectos fáticos do caso da Guerrilha do Araguaia e argumentos levantados pelo STF no julgamento da ADPF 153 e pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no Caso Gomes Lund (Guerrilha do Araguaia) v. Brasil. A dissertação conclui que os militares não foram beneficiados pela Lei de Anistia e aponta para a continuidade dos debates tanto sobre o aspecto criminal quanto outros problemas identificados no Mapa. Na parte teórica, chama-se atenção para a necessidade de continuar o estudo da Teoria da Argumentação e de adaptá-la às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. / This dissertation has two objectives: a practical and a theoretical one. The practical objective is to organize discussions concerning the responsibility of the State and the Military due to events occurred in the Brazilian Military Government, as well as discussions about the search for the historical truth and preservation of its memory. Special attention is draw upon the Araguaias Guerilla. Theoretically, the work intends to present the main aspects of Argumentation Theory trying to adapt it - as long as possible - to be used in Legal Argumentation. To fulfill this double objective, one applies Argumentation Theory to the Military Government events discussions aiming for benefits both for theory and practice. Hence, it begins presenting the essential concepts and tools of Argumentation Theory. It follows with the tools adaptations to Legal Argumentation. Finally, the Argumentation Map of the discussions is presented. The problem whether the most severe crimes of the military personnel (tortures and executions for instance) were amnestied is dealt with in greater detail. The events of Araguaias Guerrilla, the arguments of Brazilian Supreme Court in ADPF 153 and the arguments of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Gomes Lund v Brazil Case are all given special attention. The dissertation concludes that the military (States agents) were not amnestied. It also points out the next steps in the discussions. As for the theoretical concerns, the conclusion draws attention to the importance of studying and developing Argumentation Theory in connection with Legal Argumentation.

<p>Since the 1980&rsquo / s, many dictatorships around the world have been replaced by new democracies. These old dictatorships were notorious for their human rights abuses. Many people were killed and tortured / and many others were disappeared. When the new governments came into power, they had to confront these injustices that were perpetrated under the predecessor regime. This was necessary to create a culture of human rights / promote a respect for the law and access to justice. Many confronted these injustices in different ways, some granted amnesty, some prosecuted and others instituted truth commissions. This research paper focuses on truth commissions. The research focuses particularly on the study of the South African Truth Commission. The mandate of the South African Truth Commission is analysed and the investigation into whether the commission served the purpose for which it had been established is discussed.</p>

<p>Since the 1980&rsquo / s, many dictatorships around the world have been replaced by new democracies. These old dictatorships were notorious for their human rights abuses. Many people were killed and tortured / and many others were disappeared. When the new governments came into power, they had to confront these injustices that were perpetrated under the predecessor regime. This was necessary to create a culture of human rights / promote a respect for the law and access to justice. Many confronted these injustices in different ways, some granted amnesty, some prosecuted and others instituted truth commissions. This research paper focuses on truth commissions. The research focuses particularly on the study of the South African Truth Commission. The mandate of the South African Truth Commission is analysed and the investigation into whether the commission served the purpose for which it had been established is discussed.</p>

Swedish Amnesty was founded in 1964 for the purpose of working for the release of prisoners of conscience. Forty years later the organization has expanded its realm of activity to include ideas such as women’s rights, homosexuals’ rights and corporate responsibility for human rights. When these ideas were first introduced, they challenged prevailing assumptions about what the organization should be concerned with. Adopting a longitudinal approach, this dissertation investigates how these three ideas have been transformed from organizational anomalies into organizational practices. This study contributes to organizational institutional theory in general, and the translation of ideas in particular. The study shows that the translation of ideas in an organization is characterized more by conflicting interests and power relationships than previous research in the area has suggested. Four different editing strategies through which ideas were translated into practice could be seen: assimilation, colonization, creolization, and loose coupling. The processes were driven by institutional entrepreneurs who had a personal interest in the ideas and who saw the organization as a tool for promoting their development in society. The entrepreneurs were primarily new members who were shaped more by their historical life trajectories than by the organizational context into which they had entered. The study shows that the institutionalization of ideas about new practices is an incremental process in which ideas are translated into the organization in piecemeal versions. It suggests that institutionalization is an ongoing process in which the practice changes continuously. At the same time this process is also characterized by a certain amount of stability. New practices blend elements of old ones. Finally, this study has shown that organizational identities and interests are not antecedents of action, but rather are something emerging in the translation process.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-07-01Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:09:30Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_rs_me_mar.pdf: 3661840 bytes, checksum: 4bb00a563d752aa7e368323935505db5 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O presente trabalho de Mestrado consiste numa pesquisa sobre os militares não-anistiados pertencente à Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil (AMFNB), que se organizaram politicamente no período inicial da abertura política de 1979, primeiramente, na União dos Militares Não-Anistiados e em seguida, modificada para Unidade de Mobilização Nacional pela Anistia (UMNA). O estudo dessa temática surgiu ainda na graduação do curso de Ciências Sociais mediante a participação em Grupo de Estudo sobre a Esquerda Militar, bem como em Congressos referentes ao tema de Defesa Nacional, Militares e Política. Tendo por objetivo investigar a luta dos marinheiros atingidos pelos Atos Institucionais e Complementares no período da Ditadura Militar de 1964-1985 no Brasil, pela aplicação do direito à anistia e por sua ampliação, tendo em vista a constituição e atuação política dos marinheiros da UMNA. Considera-se que os membros dessa entidade a identificaram como um Partido Militar enquanto possibilidade histórica no momento em que a luta pela anistia passou de um patamar jurídico para o político a partir dos debates... / The present work consists in a search about the military no amnesty concern of a Association of the Sailor and Naval of the Brazil (AMFNB), that is organized political in initial age of the political open in 1979, first, in the Union for the Amnesty (UMNA). The study about this theme appeared in graduation the curs of Social Sciences about the participation in Group of the Study about the Military left, like in Congress referents of the theme National Defense, Military and Political. Like for object search the fight of sailors reached or the Institutionally acts and complementary in age of the Military Dictatorship of the 1964-1985 in the Brazil, for the application of the law for anmities and its enlargement, consider the constitution and political application of the sailors oh the UMNA. Consider that the members oh the entity identify like a Military Side while the historic possibilities in the moment in the fight for the amnesty passed for he juridical for a political landing because of the debates occurred in the National Congress. The development of the search consisted in the qualitative boarding of the type search camp and the methodology of the Oral History and Documental Analyze. Thus, be realized, at first, for the bibliographic analyze, and before, for the interviews semi-structural‟s, documents and historical registries in the aquiver of the entity, like theory analyze of the all the views collected. Thus, may consider that the fight of the sailors even no amnesty oh the UMNA for the applications of the law for amnesty, extensive and no restrict, results of the identification for the sailors like a Military Side occurred in the National Congress when the conquest on the political amnesty only be possible for a actuation, also, political

A pesquisa analisa a aparição dos temas do exílio, dos exilados e dos banidos nos debates sobre a anistia, ocorridos entre outubro de 1978 e agosto de 1979, no jornal Folha de São Paulo. O processo de abertura política no final da ditadura civil-militar, expresso nas modificações na legislação, como por exemplo, na aprovação da nova Lei de Segurança Nacional, abriu novas perspectivas para os exilados retornarem ao Brasil, coincidindo com um momento em que o jornal estava reavaliando a sua postura editorial frente ao fortalecimento da sociedade civil. A Folha fez a cobertura das atividades realizadas no exílio debatendo a anistia, mas concedeu um espaço maior aos exilados mais conhecidos, como Leonel Brizola, Luís Carlos Prestes e Miguel Arraes. Os artigos e notícias registraram a movimentação dos exilados para reivindicar o acesso a documentos básicos, como o passaporte, e a insegurança, no retorno ao Brasil – ainda antes da anistia – quanto à reabertura de processos na justiça militar. Em termos gerais, a cobertura da Folha sobre os temas do exílio e da anistia, no contexto do final da ditadura civil-militar, reforçou a associação dessa medida com a pacificação e a reconciliação nacional. / The research analyzes the appearance of the themes of exile, exiles and banished in the debates on amnesty, which occurred between October 1978 and August 1979, in the newspaper Folha de São Paulo. The process of political opening at the end of the civil-military dictatorship, expressed in changes in legislation, such as the adoption of the new National Security Law, opened up new prospects for exiles to return to Brazil, coinciding with a time when the newspaper was re-evaluating its editorial position regarding the strengthening of civil society. Folha covered the activities carried out in exile debating the amnesty, but granted a larger space to the more well-known exiles, such as Leonel Brizola, Luís Carlos Prestes and Miguel Arraes. The articles and news reported the movement of exiles to claim access to basic documents, such as passports, and insecurity, on returning to Brazil – even before the amnesty – regarding the reopening of military justice proceedings. In general terms, Folha's coverage of the issues of exile and amnesty, in the context of the end of the civil-military dictatorship, reinforced the association of this measure with pacification and national reconciliation.

Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo a implementação no Brasil de políticas reparatórias por perseguições políticas cometidas à época da ditadura militar no país (1964-1985). A partir da experiência da Comissão de Anistia do Ministério da Justiça, busca-se compreender de que forma a legislação vigente que regulamenta a concessão de reparação econômica para vítimas do arbítrio militar é operada e como, nesse processo, novas pautas e demandas políticas são articuladas dentro da referida agência estatal. Ao mesmo tempo, atenta-se para os sujeitos responsáveis pelos julgamentos de tais requerimentos, buscando identificar as redes sociais que os aproximam e suas trajetórias vida. A partir de um trabalho etnográfico nas Caravanas da Anistia – sessões itinerantes de apreciação de requerimentos de reparação --, analisa-se como se dá a construção de um “ritual político” como espaço de enunciações e escutas de narrativas sobre a ditadura militar. / This research has as object of study the implementation in Brazil of policies of reparation for political persecution which took place during the military dictatorship in the country (1964-1985), from the experience of the Amnesty Commission in the Ministry of Justice. The aim is to understand the way the current legislation, which regulates the concession of economic reparation to victims of the military's arbitrary acts, is operated, and how, in this process, new issues and political demands are articulated inside the aforementioned government agency. Based on ethnographic work in the Caravanas da Anistia - itinerant sessions of examination of reparation requests - the construction of a "political ritual" as a space of enunciation and listening of narratives about the military dictatorship is analyzed.