Classics and Modern European Languages / M.A. (Ancient History)

LL.D.

Esta tese explora relações entre o adultério e a política romana em torno de questões acerca da sexualidade feminina e da violência contra a mulher. Temos como objetivo compreender o contexto próximo à Lei Júlia sobre adultério, promulgada por volta do ano 18 a.C., por Augusto, primeiro imperador de Roma (31 a.C.-14 d.C.). Esta lei, voltada para a aristocracia, fez parte da reforma política empreendida por este imperador no período de transição da República para o Império Romano. A lei determinava o exílio, em ilhas diferentes, para ambos os acusados, e fixava os limites de ação no que diz respeito as práticas punitivas de adúlteros, principalmente aquelas exercidas diretamente por pais e maridos. Uma de nossas hipóteses é que antes da Lei Júlia havia uma disputa pela legitimidade de algumas práticas punitivas, que tinham como garantia parcial a realização dos conselhos domésticos organizados pelos homens ofendidos, ou seja, os homens do grupo familiar da mulher acusada de adultério. Esta garantia era parcial porque as práticas necessitavam ser validadas por esse conselho, que, por sua vez, também tinha a sua validade questionada. Em torno destas validações permeavam costumes e discursos marcados por uma noção da expurgação da mulher adúltera da sociedade. Esta noção habitava o ideário romano e é notável, por exemplo, em narrativas sobre episódios importantes da história romana relacionados ao desenvolvimento político dessa sociedade, e também em aspectos da religião. Além disso, esta noção se relacionava com o poder sobre vida e morte dos tutelados, que poderia ser exercido pelo pater familias. Entretanto, este poder específico sofria graves questionamentos quando exercido de forma arbitrária, de modo que o pater familias tinha como dever expor as causas e circunstâncias da morte perpetrada. De certo modo, o adultério feminino era tido como causa aceitável para a morte da mulher. Contudo, discutia-se quem deveria ou a quem caberia tal ação: pai, marido ou governo. Neste sentido, esta tese identifica e analisa um debate, apresentado pelas fontes literárias do final da República e início do Império, a respeito da relação ideal entre a res publica e as mulheres no quesito da punição. Este debate demonstra como a aristocracia masculina pensava e discutia os limites da jurisdição privada e pública sobre as mulheres. E, também, revela a natureza da reação da aristocracia contra a Lei Júlia, entendida por este setor como interferência do governante no poder doméstico e privado do pater familias. Além disso, esse debate nos mostra de que forma, em uma sociedade patriarcal, a castidade feminina era vinculada a uma ideia de harmonia política e social. / This thesis explores some relationships between adultery and Roman politics related to questions about female sexuality and violence against women. The aim is to understand the context of the \'Julian Law on Adultery\', enacted around 18 B.C., by Augustus, the first emperor of Rome (31 B.C.- A.D. 14). This law was aimed at the aristocracy and formed part of the political reforms undertaken by Augustus during the transition from the Republic to the Roman Empire. The law prescribed the exile, to different islands, of both defendants in cases of adultery and set limits concerning the punishments of adulterers, notably those that were administered directly by fathers and husbands. The thesis hypothesises that before the Julian Law, there were disputes over the legitimacy of certain punishments for adulterers. The existence of these punishments was partially guaranteed through domestic councils that were organized by the offended men. These were men from the family of the woman who was charged with adultery. This guarantee was partial because some forms of punishment needed to be validated by this council, which, in turn, was also threatened. It shows some customs and discourses supporting the idea of excluding the adulterous woman from the society. That idea is present on some aspects of the roman ideology, for example, in narratives of important episodes of the roman political development and also in the religion. This idea was related to the power over life and death that could be exercised by pater familias over daughters and sons. However, this specific power was seriously questioned when exercised in an arbitrary manner. The pater familias was required to disclose the causes and circumstances of the death that he was responsible for. Female adultery was regarded as an acceptable reason for the woman\'s death. In the meantime, it was discussed who ought to enact this punishment: father, husband or government. In this sense, the thesis identifies and analyses a debate evident in late Republican and early imperial literary sources regarding the ideal relationship between the res publica and women in terms of punishment. This debate demonstrates how the male aristocracy thought about and discussed the limits of private and public jurisdiction over women. It also reveals how the aristocracy reacted against the Julian Law, regarding it as interfering with the domestic and private power of the pater familias. In addition, this debate shows us how a patriarchal society linked female chastity to the idea of political and social harmony.

The goal of this thesis on roman and greek reformers was to create a methodical summary of the most important constitutional reforms in ancient Rome and Greece. It is mostly focussed on the history of ancient Rome or Roman reformers, respectively. I call these reforms constitutional for their undoubted life-changing impact on the society as a whole - some of the reforms changed the ancient societies for the upcoming decades and even centuries, some changed them, as I believe, forever. For example a struggle between Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius had a far- reaching impact on Rome as too much of "unbreakable" rules were broken - which, of course, led to another and another heavy and unprecedented interventions which ultimately led to the fall of the republic and the beginning of the new, Imperial, era. Main sources of this thesis are the texts of ancient authors, such as Plutarch Suetonius and Appian, as it was one of my goals to use primary literature as much as possible.

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On étudie ici comment les Romains de la fin de la République et du début de l’Empire envisagent les opérations de nettoyage corporel. En suivant plusieurs questions pratiques (de quoi se nettoie-t-on ? dans quel but ? où le fait-on, avec quels moyens et comment ?) et en se fondant sur des analyses anthropologiques, archéologiques et lexicologiques, on délimite les domaines dans lesquels les Romains rangent les catégories du sale, du soin corporel et de la juste présentation de soi. Le vocabulaire de la saleté, en particulier, permet de circonscrire un ensemble varié de réalités indésirables : il n’y a pas « une » mais « des » saletés – tout est fonction de contextes – et le lexique reflète cette diversité.La justification de la propreté, au contraire, se fonde sur des prescriptions morales remarquables par leur permanence et leur cohérence tout au long de la période. La propreté doit être entendue comme la traduction concrète de la notion plus large de soin ; et réciproquement, la saleté traduit celle de négligence. Par conséquent, être un bon citoyen, et au-delà, un être humain véritable, cela passe par la propreté – avec une insistance telle qu’elle fait de cet état un marqueur de reconnaissance sociale. Plus on est propre et « brillant », plus on se situe en haut des hiérarchies civiques. Ces prescriptions morales aboutissent à l’émergence de cette réalité bien romaine qu’est le balneum : le lieu privilégié de l’entretien de ce modèle civique, au croisement entre univers moraux, cosmétiques et médicaux. Elles sont appuyées par un ensemble de techniques spécifiques accordant une place privilégiée au frottement du corps, à l’aide d’huile ou de détergents. / This thesis investigates how the Romans envision the operations related to body cleansing at the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire. Starting from practical questions – What has to be cleaned? For which purpose? Where does this operation take place? How is it completed? – and leveraging on approaches stemmed from anthropology, archeology and lexicology, we delimitate categories that the Romans link to concepts such as dirtiness, body care or appropriate self-presentation. The terminology of dirtiness, in particular, reveals a manifold set of undesired realities, which nonetheless never appears totally consistent; Depending on the context, there is not one, but several types of dirtiness. On the contrary, the justification of cleanliness is based on a whole range of moral prescriptions which are remarkable by their continuity and their consistency throughout the whole period. It appears that the concept of cleanliness should be understood within the frame of the broader notion of self care. Conversely, dirtiness more generally relates to self negligence. Consequently, being a good citizen, or even living as a genuine human being requires to be clean, to a point where cleanliness becomes a social marker: A clean and “shiny” appearance indicates a higher social status. Hence the growing importance of the balneum as a Roman institution – the place where this model is maintained, across civic, medical and cosmetic representations, through the development of techniques primarily based on body rubbing using oil and detergents.

L’objet de cette thèse de doctorat est l’étude systématique des mentions, des appellations et des titres des femmes de la dynastie Julio-Claudienne, dans les sources littéraires et épigraphiques. L’étude des appellations des femmes impériales durant la première époque du Principat s’insère dans l’axe de la recherche contemporaine qui vise à définir les espaces et les modalités d’action des femmes pendant l’antiquité classique, et en particulier pendant la phase délicate de transition entre la République romaine et le Principat. En effet, le passage entre la République et la nouvelle forme de gouvernement a également marqué un changement important dans la situation des femmes, car les modalités d’action des femmes, jusqu’alors confinées dans une sphère domestique et privée, évoluèrent. Cette thèse est organisée en deux parties : une première partie dédiée à l’étude et à l’analyse des appellations des femmes impériales et une deuxième partie, intitulée annexe, qui recueille et organise systématiquement tous les témoignages littéraires et épigraphiques pour chaque femme de la famille Julio-Claudienne. Notre but a été, par notre recherche doctorale sur les appellations des femmes de la dynastie Julio-Claudienne, d’avancer dans la définition des espaces d’action de ces femmes au début de l’Empire ainsi que dans la connaissance du rôle des femmes au sein de la cour impériale ; cette étude permet d’analyser en détail les rapports de parenté complexes qui lient les figures féminines concernées aux personnages masculins de la domus impériale ou à des figures qui s’y rapportent / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the appellations, names and titles of the women of Julio-Claudian family in literary and epigraphic sources. The analysis and study of the appellations of these imperial women during the first period of the Roman Empire, is part of the contemporary research that seeks to define the spaces and action modalities of women during the time of classical antiquity and in particular, the period of transition from the Roman Republic to the Roman Empire. In fact, the passage of the Roman Republic to a new form of government marked a significant change in the situation of women, especially for the women of the imperial domus. Women, who until then were normally confined to a domestic and private sphere, acquired and exercised new action modalities within new spheres of action. This thesis is organized in two sections: the first part of the study analyses the names, appellations and titles of imperial women and the second part collates and organizes all the literary and epigraphic evidences of each woman of the Julio-Claudian family. The purpose of this research on the appellations and names of the women of Julio-Claudian dynasty has been to advance the study of feminine spaces at the beginning of the Roman Empire and to illuminate of the new actions modalities for the imperial women during this period. Furthermore, this doctoral research contributes to deepening our understanding of the changes of the role and status of imperial women and the complex relative relationships of these women to the men of imperial family, such as the emperors and other male figures in Julio-Claudian dynasty, or to eminent personages in the Roman imperial society

La passion des Romains pour les jeux du cirque, et surtout pour les courses de chars, apparaît comme un topos dans la littérature ancienne. Si les auteurs anciens ont maintes fois évoqué l’état d’excitation du public, les jugements moraux et les stéréotypes l’emportent sur toute tentative d’analyse et très peu d’amateurs de courses ont laissé de témoignage, comme la première partie de cette thèse le met en évidence. Il nous a donc fallu dépasser ces préjugés afin d’expliquer les raisons d’un tel engouement. La confrontation des données issues des sources textuelles aux résultats de travaux récents en psychologie des émotions et en sociologie du sport nous a permis de démontrer, dans la seconde partie, le lien entre la passion des jeux et les émotions provoquées par ces spectacles. En effet, cette passion se nourrissait largement des émotions intenses éprouvées par les spectateurs, elles-mêmes conséquence d’un phénomène d’hyperstimulation sensorielle auquel ils étaient soumis depuis leur arrivée aux abords du bâtiment jusqu’à la fin des jeux. Cet engouement pour les ludi circenses avait donc des causes intrinsèques aux spectacles. Face à ce constat et à l’intérêt croissant du pouvoir pour les circenses dès la fin de la République, la troisième partie de cette thèse examine la question de l’instrumentalisation de ces jeux à des fins politiques. Si des chefs d’armées, comme Pompée ou Jules César, comprirent tout le bénéfice qu’ils pouvaient en retirer en terme de popularité et si, à partir d’Auguste, les circenses font partie intégrante de la politique impériale, il serait néanmoins erroné de percevoir les spectateurs du cirque comme une foule manipulée par le pouvoir. Ils jouissaient en ce lieu d’une autorité considérable, non seulement sur le déroulement des jeux, mais aussi à l’égard de l’empereur, à tel point que le rapport de force avec ce dernier pouvait même éventuellement s’inverser. Le cirque a été en effet parfois le cadre de manifestations d’hostilité de la foule à l’encontre de l’empereur ou de ses proches et dans la plupart des cas les manifestants ont obtenu gain de cause. La clémence du prince semble donc avoir été l’usage en ce lieu. Cependant, il convient de ne pas réduire les acteurs de ces mouvements de protestation à la plèbe. Ces manifestations étaient vraisemblablement souvent orchestrées et soigneusement préparées à l’avance, or il nous est apparu que seuls des membres de l’ordre sénatorial ou équestre avaient les moyens humains et logistiques d’y parvenir. / Passion for Roman circus games, and especially for chariot races, appears as a topos in ancient literature. Even if ancient authors frequently evoke the excitement of the audience, this excitement often attracts moral condemnations and stereotypes rather than critical analysis and there are very few testimonies coming from chariot races enthusiasts, as it may be noted in the first part of the thesis. This study aims to overcome these prejudices in order to explain the reasons for such an enthusiasm. In the second part, after confronting data coming from textual sources with what recent works in psychology of emotion and sociology of sport can teach us, we demonstrate the link between passion for the games and the emotions provoked by those spectacles. This passion, indeed, was mainly entertained by the intensity of the emotions, resulting themselves from the sensory overload which the spectators experienced, from the moment they were reaching the circus to the end of the games. This passion may be due to factors intrinsic to the show. Considering this aspect as well as the growing interest of the power for circenses at the end of the Republic, the third part examines the exploitation of the games for political purposes. Even if army leaders, such as Pompey and Caesar, well understood all the benefits they could derive in terms of popularity, and even if the circenses started to be, from Augustus on, an integral part of imperial policy, it would be a mistake to see the spectators simply as a crowd manipulated by political power. It appears that the spectators enjoyed considerable authority over this place, not only in relation to the conduct of the games, but also even in relation to the emperor, insomuch as the power struggle between the emperor and his subjects could sometimes be reversed. On several occasions, indeed, the circus was the scene of the crowd’s hostility against the emperor or his relatives, and in many such cases, the demonstrators were successful. It seems that it was customary for the emperor to show clemency within the circus. However, it is important not to generalise about the participants of protests and not to consider them simply as a plebeian mob. Such protests were in all likelihood often carefully orchestrated and planned in advance; it seems clear that only members of the senatorial or equestrian orders had the human resources and logistical capacity to achieve that.