<p>The aim of this thesis is to analyze China-EU trade relations with focus on the period after 1975, when the diplomatic relations between China and EU developed. The research questions are (i) what is the driver in the development of China-EU trade relations? This question is subdivided into two questions: how do economic factors impact on China-EU trade relations and how do political factors influence China-EU trade relations? (ii) what are the existing problems in the current China-EU relations? (iii) what are the future prospects? </p><p>To carry out the research questions and fulfill the aim of the paper, a qualitative and quantitative method has been chosen in order to interpret and understand China-EU traderelations. The theoretical framework of this study is neo-realism and neo-liberalism with particular attention focusing on political issues and economic issues respectively. </p><p>A number of conclusions can be drawn from research. First, China-EU trade has developed very rapidly. Trade relations between the two sides are good. They are the third largest traders with each other. Secondly, the momentum for the development of China-EU trade relations is rooted in their common interests in both the political and economic fields. Thirdly, the prospect of China-EU trade relations is promising. These factors include (i) the establishment of a foundation to promote the healthy development of China-EU trade (for example, a set of legal framework provides both sides with the legal basis for their economic relations); and (ii) the prediction of future political and economic environment as favorable to the development of China-EU trade relations. </p><p>All factors show optimistically that China-EU trade will continue to prosper. The China-EU trade relationship is not without friction and the author theorizes that there are some potential danger factors; such as the Taiwan issue and trade disputes that may shadow the future development of China-EU trade relations and cannot be overlooked. At the end the author puts forward four suggestions to promote the further development of China-EU trade relations: (i) maintain the existing high-level of exchanges such as the annual EU-China summit; (ii) set up a warning mechanism to prevent trade disputes escalating; (iii) provide a method for establishing negotiations; (iv) prevent the politicizing of trade relations, for example, do not connect human right issue with trade relations. Unrelated issues should be addressed separately.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to analyze China-EU trade relations with focus on the period after 1975, when the diplomatic relations between China and EU developed. The research questions are (i) what is the driver in the development of China-EU trade relations? This question is subdivided into two questions: how do economic factors impact on China-EU trade relations and how do political factors influence China-EU trade relations? (ii) what are the existing problems in the current China-EU relations? (iii) what are the future prospects? To carry out the research questions and fulfill the aim of the paper, a qualitative and quantitative method has been chosen in order to interpret and understand China-EU traderelations. The theoretical framework of this study is neo-realism and neo-liberalism with particular attention focusing on political issues and economic issues respectively. A number of conclusions can be drawn from research. First, China-EU trade has developed very rapidly. Trade relations between the two sides are good. They are the third largest traders with each other. Secondly, the momentum for the development of China-EU trade relations is rooted in their common interests in both the political and economic fields. Thirdly, the prospect of China-EU trade relations is promising. These factors include (i) the establishment of a foundation to promote the healthy development of China-EU trade (for example, a set of legal framework provides both sides with the legal basis for their economic relations); and (ii) the prediction of future political and economic environment as favorable to the development of China-EU trade relations. All factors show optimistically that China-EU trade will continue to prosper. The China-EU trade relationship is not without friction and the author theorizes that there are some potential danger factors; such as the Taiwan issue and trade disputes that may shadow the future development of China-EU trade relations and cannot be overlooked. At the end the author puts forward four suggestions to promote the further development of China-EU trade relations: (i) maintain the existing high-level of exchanges such as the annual EU-China summit; (ii) set up a warning mechanism to prevent trade disputes escalating; (iii) provide a method for establishing negotiations; (iv) prevent the politicizing of trade relations, for example, do not connect human right issue with trade relations. Unrelated issues should be addressed separately.

Customs and foreign trade regulations are made to regulate import and export activities. The majority of these regulations are applied on import procedures. The country of origin and the tariff code become important when determining the tax amount of the merchandise in importation. Anti-dumping duty is defined as a financial penalty, published by the Ministry of Economy, enforced for suspiciously low priced imports in order to protect the local industry from unfair competition. It is accrued according to tariff code and the country of origin. To avoid such an obligation in order to not to pay tax, a tariff code that is different from the original tariff code may be declared on the customs declaration which is called as &quot / Tariff Code Circumvention&quot / . To identify such misdeclarations, a physical examination of the merchandise is required. However, with limited personnel resources, the physical examination of all imported merchandise is not possible. In this study, a data mining framework is developed on Turkish customs database in order to detect &ldquo / Tariff Code Circumvention&rdquo / . For this purpose, four types of products, which are the most circumvented goods in the Turkish customs, have been chosen. First, with the help of Risk Analysis Office, the significant features are identified. Then, Infogain algorithm is used for ranking these features. Finally, KNN algorithm is applied on the Turkish customs database in order to identify the circumvented goods automatically. The results show that the framework is able to find such circumvented goods successfully.

隨著WTO爭端解決機構近年來的實踐，許多制度性問題紛紛浮現，特別是WTO爭端解決小組或上訴機構在反傾銷爭端中審查基準實踐上所引發之爭議。批評者主要認為上訴機構於反傾銷規範之法律解釋上不當適用解釋規則，並未遵循反傾銷協定第17.6(ii)條之規範。另外，上訴機構實質上近乎重新審理被訴會員之法律見解，似乎違反第17.6(ii)條之規範意旨。本文嘗試整理相關經由WTO上訴機構裁決之反傾銷爭端，觀察及彙整第17.6(ii)條於現行運作中之實踐情形，並檢視上述兩項爭議之正反意見。經分析後發現，上述兩項爭議皆涉及不同之政策考量與WTO組織間的互動。易言之，除爭端解決機構對於協定條文之法律解釋外，偏重與選擇不同之政策考量做為正當性基礎，將決定著審查基準之面貌。在進一步分析並檢討在反傾銷制度下可能影響審查基準之政策價值後，本文認為WTO爭端解決機制為維繫其準司法機關之正當性與確保經由多邊架構所帶來之合作利益，有統一法律解釋與重新審理被控訴會員之法律解釋之必要。另外，反傾銷協定第17.6(ii)條審查基準之解釋上，不宜採取其立法來源—美國法Chevron doctrine—之規範內涵。同時，為避免反傾銷制度遭濫用成為貿易保護政策之工具，應賦予WTO爭端解決機構於審理反傾銷爭端時較為自主之法律解釋權力。然而，基於適度尊重WTO會員主權之考量與司法自制之要求，本文建議，WTO爭端解決機構在審理反傾銷案件時，除須正確地援引並靈活運用國際法上習慣解釋規則外，更需適度參照第17.6(ii)條之立法目的，藉由嚴格適用WTO協定，以充實其所採取審查基準之正當性基礎。 / With practices of WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB), the institutional issues on Standards of Review have emerged, especially on WTO Anti-dumping disputes. Contestations are focus on whether Appellate Body has mal-applied rules of interpretations on Anti-Dumping Agreement (ADA) as to go beyond Article 17.6(ii). Moreover, Critics query whether Appellate Body De Novo reviewed member’s legal interpretations as to disregard purpose of Article 17.6(ii). By examining relevant anti-dumping penal and appellate body reports, current modes of practices on ADA Article 17.6(ii) are concluded, and probed to its different critiques. Further, issues of such are result from policy considerations of Standards of Review under Anti-Dumping System. In other words, apart from penal and appellate body’s interpretations on ADA, different policy ends will influence current practices of Standards of Review. Consequently, the article checks on and assays on relevant policy justifications of deferential standards of review under anti-dumping system. Concluded, for retaining its institution justifications and ensuring the cooperation gains under multilateral approach, WTO dispute settlement institutes have the necessities in de novo review and leveling legal interpretations. Moreover, due to the different characters, the Chevron mode interpretations on standards of review is without analogy to ADA article 17.6(ii); meanwhile, for preventing distorting antidumping measures as trade protection tools, WTO dispute settlement institutes should have much room on discretion of reviewing members’ ADA legal interpretations. However, in respecting WTO Member’s sovereignty and the requiring of judicial restraint, when taking the standards of review on examining anti-dumping disputes, WTO dispute settlement institutes would strictly and nimbly retain customary rules of interpretation of public international law with considering purposes of ADA article 17.6(ii).

Orientador: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: Christian Lohbauer / Banca: Marcelo Passini Mariano / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O objetivo dessa dissertação é analisar o funcionamento da dinâmica política dos Estados Unidos no processo de tomada de decisões de política externa comercial no contencioso do suco de laranja na Organização Mundial do Comércio ocorrido entre 2009 e 2011, visando compreender como tal dinâmica influenciou o embate internacional. A utilização pelos EUA da metodologia já condenada pelo regime internacional de comércio para o cálculo de direitos antidumping sobre o produto brasileiro denota que, embora o segmento citricultor não articule cadeias produtivas na economia nacional, sua importância no Estado da Flórida e a importância estratégica deste Estado na dinâmica política interna estadunidense são suficientes para que o setor consiga superar as preferências de livre comércio das indústrias, garantindo proteção. Desta forma, mostraremos como os interesses dos citricultores da Flórida se organizaram e manipularam um conjunto de informações buscando influenciar tanto as instituições responsáveis pela formulação da política externa comercial quanto a dinâmica política estadunidense na defesa de suas demandas / Abstract: The goal of this work is to analyze the operation of politic dynamic in United States in the foreign commercial politics decision-making process in the orange juice contentious in the World Trade Organization (WTO) occurred between 2009 and 2011, for to comprehension how this dynamic had influenced the international dispute. The use of methodology already sentenced for the international trade regime to calculate antidumping duties about the Brazilian product by USA, replaced temporarily for application of phytosanitary measure, it shows that, although citrus sector don't articulate national productive chains with meningful economic, your importance within Florida State and the Florida strategic importance within politic dynamic in USA are enough that the sector get overcome the preferences of industy's free market, and guaranteeing protection. So, seek to demonstrate how Florida citrus growers organize and operate a set of information seeking to influence both policy makers and the USA politic dynamic in order to defend of their interests / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-13T12:10:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-03-05. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-07-13T12:25:11Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000829306.pdf: 1408582 bytes, checksum: c6671d9b37fb717562299edcfc1315ca (MD5) / O objetivo dessa dissertação é analisar o funcionamento da dinâmica política dos Estados Unidos no processo de tomada de decisões de política externa comercial no contencioso do suco de laranja na Organização Mundial do Comércio ocorrido entre 2009 e 2011, visando compreender como tal dinâmica influenciou o embate internacional. A utilização pelos EUA da metodologia já condenada pelo regime internacional de comércio para o cálculo de direitos antidumping sobre o produto brasileiro denota que, embora o segmento citricultor não articule cadeias produtivas na economia nacional, sua importância no Estado da Flórida e a importância estratégica deste Estado na dinâmica política interna estadunidense são suficientes para que o setor consiga superar as preferências de livre comércio das indústrias, garantindo proteção. Desta forma, mostraremos como os interesses dos citricultores da Flórida se organizaram e manipularam um conjunto de informações buscando influenciar tanto as instituições responsáveis pela formulação da política externa comercial quanto a dinâmica política estadunidense na defesa de suas demandas / The goal of this work is to analyze the operation of politic dynamic in United States in the foreign commercial politics decision-making process in the orange juice contentious in the World Trade Organization (WTO) occurred between 2009 and 2011, for to comprehension how this dynamic had influenced the international dispute. The use of methodology already sentenced for the international trade regime to calculate antidumping duties about the Brazilian product by USA, replaced temporarily for application of phytosanitary measure, it shows that, although citrus sector don't articulate national productive chains with meningful economic, your importance within Florida State and the Florida strategic importance within politic dynamic in USA are enough that the sector get overcome the preferences of industy's free market, and guaranteeing protection. So, seek to demonstrate how Florida citrus growers organize and operate a set of information seeking to influence both policy makers and the USA politic dynamic in order to defend of their interests

EU and China are important trade partners to each other; trade relationship is one of their crucial bilateral relationships. Within EU-China trade relationship, the dumping and anti-dumping issues play an important role. When EU commission initiates anti-dumping investigation, Chinese producers always have different responses. This study mainly focuses on the reasons behind Chinese producers’ various responses facing EU anti-dumping investigations. By digging out the real reasons behind Chinese producers’ various responses, this study is expected to make some contribution to the dumping and anti-dumping discussion between China and EU in academic level and to make some contribution to the policy adjusting of both sides in political lever. Some hypotheses drawing from a Chinese lawyer Tao Jingzhou’s claim in an interview are tested in this study. These hypotheses listed some possible factors affecting Chinese producers’ responses. There are many anti-dumping cases between China and EU, CFL-i (Integrated electronic compact fluorescent lamps) case initiated in April 2000 was chosen as a research object for case study in this research. When it comes to theory, Hirschman’s theory of exit and voice is used as the basic theory structure of this study. His followers especially Barry and Birch refined Hirschman’s model into exit-voice-silence. This model is implemented in this study as a theory approach. By interviewing some key people in the Chinese producers involving in CFL-i case and comparing the interview results with hypotheses, come conclusions are coming out: First, in the case study level, Chinese producers’ choice of options is in a dynamic process. With the change of situation, a certain producer can choose different option in different period of time. While this study verified the variables influencing the choice of Chinese producers mentioned by Tao Jingzhou in the hypotheses such as degree of depending on EU market, sufficient of funds, supports from local government, financial system, ownership of the company and the diversity of products, it found several other variables which also affect the decision making of Chinese producers such as nationalism, previous success experience. Second, when it comes to political level, for Chinese side, Chinese government especially local government should be more supportive when their enterprises are facing anti-dumping investigation from EU. In EU’s part, according to what has been discussed in the case study, currently it is not the time for EU to take China as a market economy treatment. However, its harsh criteria for applying for MET and individual treatment would get continuous severe critical from Chinese producers and government, which will negatively affect its trade relationship with China. For both sides, bilateral negotiations on anti-dumping duty or undertakings would be good for the long-run interests of both sides.

De nos jours, le multilatéralisme et le libre échange sont le fondement du système économique. La participation de la Thaïlande à l’OMC et au FMI joue un rôle incontournable dans les stratégies de développement du pays. En tant que pays en développement et malgré certaines dispositions particulières en sa faveur, l’influence qu’elle exerce au sein de chaque institution reste limitée. Ce qui l’a conduite à chercher des alliances en regroupant avec les pays qui partagent les mêmes positions pour mieux se faire entendre.Grâce à cette participation, le gouvernement thaïlandais dispose d’une source de financement en cas de crise économique et financière. Il peut mieux mener les politiques commerciales dont l’accent a été mis sur la promotion des exportations et avoir un mécanisme de règlement des différends qui lui permettent de défendre les intérêts de ses producteurs de manière plus efficace surtout lorsqu’il s’agit d’un différend avec des pays développés. Mais face à des limites du système multilatéral à vocation universelle (impasse du Cycle de Doha, problème de la conditionnalité de l’aide et de l’efficacité des mesures prévues par le FMI), la Thaïlande est retournée plus vers le bilatéralisme et le régionalisme afin de protéger les intérêts du pays. / In this day and age, multilateralism and free trade are the foundations of theeconomic system. The participation of Thailand in the World Trade Organization (WTO) andthe International Monetary Fund (IMF) plays an essential role in the development strategies ofthe country. As a developing country and despite some specific provisions in its favour,Thailand’s influence within each institution is limited. A greater voice, by gathering withcountries that share the same positions, prompted Thailand to seek such alliances. Throughthis participation, the Thai government has a funding source in the event of economic andfinancial crisis. They can improve trade policies that focus on export promotion and have adispute settlement mechanism that allows them to better defend the interests of its producers,especially when these disputes involve developed countries. But the limits of the multilateralsystem (Doha round impasse, the issue of conditionality and effectiveness of the IMF’smeasures) incite Thailand to turn more towards bilateralism and regionalism for protecting thecountry’s interests.

Notre thèse a pour but de réfléchir à cette question majeure, de tenter de résoudre cette impasse : le droit du commerce international contemporain a été élaboré à partir de principes libéraux pour réaliser la libre circulation des marchandises et des services (OMC, GATT, GATS…), sans toutefois tenir compte des différentes barrières culturelles internes des pays (par exemple en Chine), ni de considérations « autres que d’ordre commercial ». Comment dépasser les barrières internes ? Comment intégrer les valeurs non commerciales ? La Chine est à la fois une partie du problème et une partie de la solution à cette question. Une partie du problème en ce que les frictions entre les principes de libre circulation et les habitudes propres à une aire culturelle donnée sont particulièrement vivaces dans le cas de la Chine et font sans cesse surface dans le cadre des exigences de régulation. Une partie de la solution aussi en ce que son engagement pour les technologies vertes et les énergies renouvelables donne plus poids à la nécessité d’élargir les lois étroites du commerce pour prendre en compte les considérations autres que commerciales / This doctoral thesis will aim at addressing the following problematic issue: contemporary international trade law has been established on liberal (free trade) principles in order to allow the free movement of goods and services (WTO, GATT, GATS, etc.), without taking into account other countries internal cultural barriers (for example in China), or non-trade concerns (NTCs). How to overcome internal barriers? How to integrate non-trade concerns? China is part of the problem as well as part of the solution. On one hand frictions between global free-trade principles and local cultural habits are overwelhming present in China and continuously interfere with the requirements of trade regulation. On the other China’s involvement in green technology or renewable energies give more weigth to the necessity of extending the international trade framework to include non-trade concerns in its definition

Le droit de l’Union européenne appréhende les comportements d’entreprises en matière de prix par des règles antitrust et par une législation contre le dumping. Ces deux réglementations diffèrent à de nombreux égards. Elles poursuivent des objectifs différents : défense des intérêts de certains concurrents européens versus promotion de la libre concurrence au bénéfice des consommateurs. Cependant, toutes deux contribuent à protéger la loyauté de la concurrence (i.e. promotion d’une certaine homogéniété des conditions de concurrence). Elles appréhendent des pratiques tarifaires différentes : les marchés concernés sont définis différemment (produit concerné exporté depuis un pays tiers et produit similaire fabriqué par l’industrie de l’Union versus marché de produit et marché géographique en cause) et les caractéristiques des entreprises concernées sont également différentes (aucune forme d’accord entre entreprises ou de pouvoir de marché minimum requis par la législation antidumping) ; le dumping discriminatoire n’équivaut à aucun prix discriminatoire anticoncurrentiel, et le dumping à perte n’est pas l’équivalent du prix prédateur ni de tout autre prix bas anticoncurrentiel. Nonobstant leurs différences, les deux réglementations doivent coexister paisiblement. Pourtant, les opportunités de biais protectionnistes dans la détermination du dumping préjudiciable sont toujours nombreuses dans la législation antidumping et la pratique de la Commission. En outre, la mise en oeuvre de la législation antidumping peut être néfaste pour la concurrence dans le marché intérieur via l’incidence des procédures et des mesures antidumping et les effets anticoncurrentiels de certains comportements d’entreprises dans le cadre des procédures antidumping ou environnant ces dernières. De telles incidences nocives pour la concurrence sont déjà réduites par des dispositions telles que la règle du droit moindre et la clause d’intérêt public (intérêt de l’Union), mais pourraient et devraient l’être davantage. / European Union law addresses pricing practices of undertakings through antitrust provisions and an anti-dumping legislation. These two sets of regulations differ in many respects. They pursue different aims: protection of the interest of some European competitors versus promotion of free competition for the benefit o f consumers. However, they both hept to ensure fair competition (i.e. promotion of alevel playing field). They address different pricing practices: the markets concerned are differently defined (concerned product exported from one third country andsimilar product produced by the Union industry versus relevant product and geographic markets) and the characteristics of the undertakings concerned are also different (no sort of agreement between undertakings and no minimum market power required in anti-dumping law); price discrimination dumping in not equivalent to any anti-competitive price discrimination and below cost dumping is not equivalent to predatory pricing or to any other low anti-competitive price. Not with standing their differences, both sets of regulations have to coexist peacefully. Yet, opportunities of protectionist biases in the determination of injurious dumping are still numerous in the anti-dumping legislation and Commission’s practice. Moreover, the enforcementof the anti-dumping legislation may negatively affect competition in the internal market through the impact of the anti-dumping proceedings and measures and the anti-competitive effects of some undertakings’ behaviors within the ambit of, or surrounding the anti-dumping proceedings. Such harmful effects on competition of the anti-dumping action are already reduced by provisions such as the lesser duty rule and the public interest clause (Union interest), but could and should be further reduced.