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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2003 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research is neither to compare the theologies of Augustine and Calvin, nor to establish a theory that reveals Augustine's influence on Calvin's theology. This research, rather, endeavours to set up a bridge between two types of study on Calvin, namely studies on Calvin's use of Augustine and of Augustine's influence on Calvin's writings. In other words, our main purpose is to suggest a basic tool (or information) for further studies. Three related questions are asked: I. What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? 2. Who is Calvin's Augustine? 3. What is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin? In Chapter 2, a brief history of earlier research regarding discussion on Calvin and Augustine from the beginning of the zo" century is presented. Then critical conversations follow. These conversations concerning our theme involve three important scholars, namely L Smits, R J Mooi and J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Finally, a need for a converging method which has the possibility of overcoming some methodological problems that arise in studies on Calvin and Augustine is expressed. In the third chapter, the use that Calvin makes of Augustine in his own works from the first period of his writing career to the last, fifth, period is thoroughly studied (1532- 1565). Chapter 4 deals with data analyses. In between the analysis of static data and the analysis of dynamic data, Smits's study of Augustinian citations in Calvin's writings is dealt with critically to provide a basic understanding of Augustinian citations. Finally, the answers to the three related questions that are suggested in the introduction are pursued: What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? Who is Calvin's Augustine? And what is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin. The answers will function as a bridge between the two related studies of Calvin's use of Augustine and Augustine's influence on Calvin. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing is nie om die teologie van Augustinus en die van Calvyn te vergelyk nie en ook nie om 'n teorie daar te stel wat die invloed wat Augustinus op Calvyn se teologie uitgeoefen het, sal ontbloot nie. Die navorsing poog eerder om 'n brug op te rig tussen twee soorte studies oor Calvyn, naamlik studies oor Calvyn se gebruik van Augustinus en oor Augustinus se invloed op die skryfwerk van Calvyn. Ons hoof doel is met ander woorde om 'n basiese werktuig (of inligting) vir verdere studie voor te stel. Drie fundamentele vrae word gevra: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn? In Hoofstuk 2 word 'n kort geskiedenis van vroeer navorsmg aangaande bespreking oor Calvyn en Augustinus, vanaf die begin van die 20ste eeu, aangebied. Dan volg kritiese gesprekke. Hierdie gesprekke ten opsigte van ons tema betrek drie belangrike geleerdes, naamlik L Smits, R J Mooi en J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Aan die einde word 'n behoefte uitgespreek vir 'n samevloeiende metode wat moontlik sommige metodologiese probleme wat in die bestudering van Calvyn en Augustinus na yore kom, sal oorbrug. In die derde hoofstuk word Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus in sy eie werk vanaf die eerste tydperk van sy skryfloopbaan tot die laaste, vyfde, deeglik bestudeer (1532-1565). Hoofstuk 4 behandel data-analise. Tussen die analise van statiese data en die analise van dinamiese data word Smits se studie van Augustiniaanse aanhalings in Calvyn se geskrifte krities behandel om 'n basiese begrip van Augustiniaanse aanhalings te verskaf. Uiteindelik word die antwoorde op die drie verwante vrae wat in die inleiding voorgestel word, nagespeur: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn? Die antwoorde sal as 'n brug tussen die twee verwante studies oor Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus en Augustinus se invloed op Calvyn dien.

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although St Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.) was raised as a Christian, he refuted Catholicism as a youth in his search for divine wisdom and truth. Like the biblical prodigal son, he first had to realise the error of his aversion (turning away from the Catholic Church) before he could experience conversion (returning to the Catholic faith). Augustine narrates certain central events of his life in the Confessiones as a series of conversions, leading him from his native Roman North Africa to his conversion to Catholic Christianity in the Imperial City of Milan. Philosophy, especially Neo-Platonic thought, played a crucial role in his conversion process, as did the influence of St Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and other Neo-Platonic intellectuals in Milan. Neo- Platonism also influenced Augustine's conception of the imago Dei (image of God). Although Augustine’s teaching of the concept of the imago Dei is found in all his works (but mainly in De Trinitate), a survey of the literature has shown that the way in which this concept is used to inform, structure and advance his conversion narrative in the Confessions, has not yet been investigated in a structured manner. In order to address this gap in scholarly knowledge, the thesis attempts to answer the following research question: How did the concept of the imago Dei inform and structure Augustine's conversion narrative, as recounted in his Confessiones, taking into account the theological and philosophical influences of Ambrose and the Neo-Platonists of Milan on his spiritual development? The investigation was conducted by an in-depth study and analysis of the Confessiones and relevant secondary literature within the historical, philosophical and religious framework of the work. An empirical approach, by means of textual analysis and hermeneutics, was used to answer the research question. The analysis of the Confessions is limited to its autobiographical part (Books 1 to 9). In order to carry out the analysis, a theoretical and conceptual framework was posited in Chapters 1 to 4, discussing the key concepts of conversion and of the imago Dei, as well as explaining the influence of Neo-Platonism and Ambrose on Augustine. In Chapter 5, this conceptual framework of the nature of the imago Dei is complemented by a literary framework for the Confessions to form a metaframework. The textual analysis was done within the meta-framework with reference to certain endowments (attributes) imprinted in the image, namely personality, spirituality, rationality, morality, authority, and creativity. The main conclusion is that Augustine's personal relationship with God had been harmed by the negative impact of sin on these endowments of the divine image in him. His gradual realisation that God is Spirit, his growth in faith, and his eventual acceptance of the authority of Scripture and of the Catholic Church, brought about the healing of the broken image of God in Augustine and also the restoration of God’s likeness in him. This enabled Augustine to be reconciled to God through Christ, who is the perfect Image of God, and helped to convert him to the Catholic Church, which is the Body of Christ. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die Heilige Augustinus, Biskop van Hippo (354–430 n.C.), as Christen grootgemaak is, het hy as jong man die Katolisisme verwerp in sy soektog na goddelike wysheid en waarheid. Soos die verlore seun van die Bybel, moes hy eers die fout van sy afkerigheid (wegdraai van die Katolieke Kerk) insien voordat hy tot bekering (terugkeer tot die Katolieke geloof) kon kom. Augustine vertel sekere kerngebeure van sy lewe in die Confessiones (Belydenisse) as ‘n reeks van bekeringe, wat hom gelei het van sy geboorteplek in Romeins-Noord-Afrika tot sy bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom in die Keiserstad Milaan. Filosofie, veral Neo-Platoniese denke, het ‘n deurslaggewende rol gespeel in sy bekeringsproses, soos ook die invloed van die Heilige Ambrosius, Biskop van Milaan, en ander Neo- Platoniese intellektuele in Milaan. Neo-Platonisme het ook Augustine se begrip van die imago Dei (Godsbeeld) beïnvloed. Alhoewel Augustinus se leer oor die begrip imago Dei in al sy werke aangetref word (maar veral in De Trinitate), het ‘n literatuurstudie uitgewys dat die manier waarop hierdie begrip gebruik word om sy bekeringsverhaal in die Confessions toe te lig, vorm te gee en te bevorder, nog nie op gestruktureerde wyse ondersoek is nie. Om hierdie leemte in vakkundige kennis te vul, poog hierdie tesis om die volgende navorsingsvraag te beantwoord: Hoe het die begrip imago Dei Augustinus se bekeringsverhaal toegelig en vorm gegee, soos vertel in sy Confessiones, met inagneming van die teologiese en filosofiese invloede van Ambrosius en die Neo-Platoniste van Milaan op sy geestelike ontwikkeling? Die ondersoek is uitgevoer deur middel van ‘n grondige studie en ontleding van die Confessiones en toepaslike sekondêre literatuur binne die historiese, filosofiese en godsdienste raamwerk van die werk. ’n Empiriese benadering, by wyse van teksontleding en hermeneutika, is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Die ontleding van die Confessiones is beperk tot die outobiografiese deel (Boeke 1 tot 9). Om die ontleding uit te voer, is ’n teoretiese en konseptuele raamwerk vooropgestel in Hoofstukke 1 tot 4, waar die sleutelbegrippe bekering en imago Dei bespreek is, asook die invloed van Neo-Platonisme en Ambrosius op Augustinus. In Hoofstuk 5 word hierdie konseptuele raamwerk vir die aard van die imago Dei aangevul deur ’n literêre raamwerk vir die Confessions om sodoende ‘n metaraamwerk te vorm. Die teksontleding is gedoen binne die metaraamwerk met verwysing na sekere geestesgawes (eienskappe) wat in die beeld neerslag vind, naamlik persoonlikheid, spiritualiteit, rasionaliteit, moraliteit, outoriteit, en kreatiwiteit. Die hoofgevoltrekking is dat Augustinus se persoonlike verhouding met God geskaad is deur die negatiewe impak van sonde op hierdie geestesgawes van die Godsbeeld in hom. Sy geleidelike besef dat God Gees is, sy groei in sy geloof, asook sy uiteindelike aanvaarding van die gesag van die Bybel en van die Katolieke Kerk, het meegebring dat Augustinus se gebroke Godsbeeld en -gelykenis herstel is. Daardeur is Augustinus met God versoen deur Christus, wat die volmaakte Godsbeeld is, en sodoende is hy bekeer tot die Katolieke Kerk, wat die Liggaam van Christus is.

Thesis (DLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this dissertation I attempt to open up new perspectives on the literary qualities and the unity of Augustine's Confessions by reading the work in the light of the context within which it first functioned. Part 1, Prolegomena, consists of a survey of secondary literature (in chapter 1) that focuses on research on the literary characteristics of the work, followed by a theoretical exploration of the two aspects that constitute the focus of this study, the genre and the audience of the Confessions. Chapter 2.1 examines how the literary practices and generic conventions of late Antiquity should inform our reading of the work. This is achieved through a discussion of the implications of genre analysis in general (2.1.1), followed by an examination of the conventions of the ancient protreptic genre (2.1.2), a look at the parallels between the Confessions and three of its literary antecedents and between the Confessions and Augustine's Contra Academicos (2.1.3), and an evaluation of the perspectives offered on the unity of the work by this procedure (2.1.4). Chapter 2.2 starts with a discussion of the concept of intended audience (2.2.1) and proceeds to provide the background needed to follow the arguments on the specific segment of Augustine's audience that I consider here, the Manicheans (2.2.2). Part 2 of the dissertation consists of the analyses of selected passages but attempts at the same time to give an accurate account of how genre and intended audience are embodied in the text as a whole. In chapter 3 I show that Augustine's meditation on Ps 4 in the central section of the Confessions (9.4.8-11) is a protreptic that targets a Manichean audience (3.1) through Augustine's identification with this audience (3.2) and the prevalent use of Manichean terminology and categories (3.3). In chapter 4 I analyse in a more systematic way the expression of protreptic purpose through various devices throughout the Confessions: foreshadowing in the opening paragraph (4.1), the use of a shifting persona (4.2), allusion to Matt 7:7 (4.3), and the theme of the protreptic power of reading and listening (4.5). I evaluate how pervasive the expression of protreptic intent is (4.4) and end with an examination of the protreptic-paraenetic purpose of the first section of the allegorical exposition of the creation story in book 13 (4.6). Chapter 5 examines the degree to which the Manicheans are targeted by the text as a whole as an important segment of its intended audience. I examine the use of the theme of friendship to evoke Augustine's erstwhile Manichean friendships and the history of failed communication with this group (5.1), the role Augustine intends curiositas to play in coaxing the Manicheans into reading yet another attempt to convert them (5.2), and once again how pervasive the concerns with a Manichean audience is (5.3). I conclude this chapter, like the previous one, with an analysis of the last section of the allegory in book 13, where I discern towards the end an intensification of indications that Augustine is preoccupied with his Manichean audience (5.4). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif probeer om nuwe perspektief te bied op die literêre eienskappe en die eenheid van Augustinus se Confessiones deur die werk te lees in die lig van die konteks waarbinne dit aanvanklik gefunksioneer het. Deel 1, Prolegomena, is In oorsig oor die sekondêre literatuur (in hoofstuk 1) wat fokus op studies van die literêre tegnieke in die werk, gevolg deur In teoretiese verkenning van die twee aspekte wat die fokuspunt van die studie vorm, naamlik die genre en die gehoor van die Confessiones. Hoofstuk 2 ondersoek hoe literêre praktyke en genre-verwante konvensies van die laat Antieke die lees van die werk behoort te beïnvloed. Dit word gedoen aan die hand van In bespreking van die implikasies van genre-analise in die algemeen (2.1.1), gevolg deur In oorsig oor die konvensies van die antieke protreptiese genre (2.1.2), In bespreking van die paraIIele tussen die Confessiones en drie literêre voorlopers daarvan asook tussen die Confessiones en Augustinus se Contra Academicos (2.1.3) en In evaluering van die perspektiewe wat hierdie werkwyse bied op die eenheid van die werk (2.1.4). Hoofstuk 2.2 behels In bespreking van die konsep teikengehoor (2.2.1), gevolg deur In opsomming van die agtergrondinligting wat nodig is om die argumente oor die spesifieke segment van Augustinus se gehoor wat hier oorweeg word (die Manicheërs), te volg (2.2.2). Deel 2 van die proefskrif bestaan uit die analises van geselekteerde passasies maar probeer terselfdertyd om In getroue weergawe te bied van hoe genre en gehoor in die teks as geheel beliggaam word. Hoofstuk 3 toon dat Augustinus se oordenking van Ps 4 in die sentrale gedeelte van die Confessiones (9.4.8-11) In protreptiese werk gerig op In Manichese gehoor is (3.1). Augustinus vereenslewig hom met sy teikengehoor (3.2) en gebruik deurgaans Manichese terminologie en kategorieë (3.3). Hoofstuk 4 ondersoek hoe die protreptiese doelwit in die Confessiones uitgedruk word deur die gebruik van verskeie tegnieke: voorafskaduing in die aanvangsparagraaf (4.1), die gebruik van In verskuiwende persona (4.2), verwysing na Matt 7:7 (4.3) en die tema van die protreptiese uitwerking van lees en luister (4.5). Ek evalueer hoe verteenwoordigend ten opsigte van die geheel die uitdrukking van die protreptiese doelwit is (4.4) en sluit met In analise van die protrepties-paranetiese funksie van die eerste deel van die allegoriese interpretasie van die skeppingsverhaal in boek 13 (4.6). Hoofstuk 5 ondersoek die mate waarin die teks as geheel die Manicheërs as die teikengehoor van die werk aandui. Dit toon hoe Augustinus die tema van vriendskap gebruik om sy vroeëre Manichese vriendskappe op te roep en verwys na die geskiedenis van onsuksesvolle kommunikasie met hierdie groep (5.1); dit toon hoe curiositas 'n rol speel om die Manicheërs oor te haalom nog 'n poging om hulle te bekeer te lees (5.2) asook hoe verteenwoordigend ten opsigte van die geheel die bemoeienis met 'n Manichese gehoor is (5.3). Die hoofstuk sluit af, soos die vorige een, met 'n analise (nou van die tweede deel) van die allegorie in boek 13, met klem op die sterker wordende aanduidings dat Augustinus hier 'n Manichese gehoor in die oog het (5.4).

Thesis (MA (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to investigate the use of the quotations of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans in the conversion narratives in Augustine’s Confessions. The Confessions is an account of Augustine’s conversion to Catholic Christianity. Within the Confessions there are many conversion narratives which form part of a greater narrative that culminates in Augustine’s final conversion in Book 8 of the Confessions. Within these conversion narratives, Augustine often quotes from Romans. In the first chapter, I discuss the use of Rom. 10:14‐15 in the opening paragraph of the Confessions, particularly Augustine’s sensitivity to the diatribe style. The opening paragraph is also significant within the context of the conversion narratives, as it features Augustine in his converted state and effectively represents the goal towards which the conversion narratives will strive. My second chapter deals with the “aversion” narrative in Conf. 5.3.5 and the use of Rom. 1:21‐25. Much attention is given to Augustine’s allusion to apologetic works, particularly the Wisdom of Solomon, which Rom. 1:21‐25 emulates. Chapter three is concerned with the significance of Rom. 1:21‐25 in the intellectual conversion of Augustine. While Augustine reuses a quotation in Conf. 7.9.13‐15, I focus on the unique use of this quotation and its specific significance to the intellectual conversion. The fourth chapter deals with the scriptural conversion and Augustine’s use of Rom. 7:22‐25. In the final chapter, I discuss the use of the references to Romans in Book 8 which Augustine has already quoted earlier in the Confessions. I then show how these quotations affect the interpretation of the spiritual conversion at the end of Book 8. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die gebruik van die verwysings na Paulus se Brief aan die Romeine in die bekeringsverhale in Augustinus se Confessiones te ondersoek. Die Confessiones is ’n berig van Augustinus se bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom. In die Confessiones is daar baie bekeringsverhale wat deel vorm van ’n groter verhaal wat sy voltooiing in die slotbekeringsverhaal in Boek 8 van die Confessiones vind. In hierdie bekeringsverhale haal Augustinus dikwels Romeine aan. In die eerste hoofstuk bespreek ek die gebruik van Rom. 10:14‐15 in die inleidende paragraaf van die Confessiones, met klem op Augustinus se aanwending van die diatribe styl. Die inleidende paragraaf is ook van belang met betrekking tot die bekeringsverhale, omdat dit Augustinus in ’n bekeerde toestand uitbeeld en effektief die doel verteenwoordig wat die bekeringsverhale nastreef. My tweede hoofstuk handel oor die “afkeer”‐toneel in Conf. 5.3.5 en die gebruik van Rom. 1:21‐25. Aandag word gegee aan Augustinus se toespeling op apologetiese werke, veral die Wysheid van Salomo, wat deur Rom. 1:21‐25 nageboots word. Hoofstuk drie handel oor die belang van Rom. 1:21‐25 in die intellektuele bekeringsverhaal van Augustinus. In Conf. 7.9.13‐15 gebruik Augustinus weer ’n keer dieselfde aanhaling, en hier is die fokus op die unieke gebruik van hierdie aanhaling en sy spesifieke konteks binne die intellektuele bekeringsverhaal. Die vierde hoofstuk handel oor Augustinus se bekering tot die Skrif en sy gebruik van Rom. 7:22‐25. In die laaste hoofstuk bespreek ek die gebruik van verwysings na Romeine wat Augustinus alreeds vroeër aangehaal het in Boek 8 van die Confessiones. Ten slotte toon ek aan hoe hierdie aanhalings die interpretasie van die geestelike bekeringsverhaal aan die einde van Boek 8 beïnvloed.

The struggle to read Jer 31:31-34 as Christian Scripture has a long and divided history. Yet remarkably little has been done to grapple with the depth of this struggle in the Christian tradition from the post-Nicene period to the modern era. This thesis attempts to show the value of the tradition as an interlocutor for contemporary exegetical concerns in Christian readings and use of Jer 31:31-34. The study begins with Augustine’s interpretation of the text as an absolute contrast between unbelief and faith, rather than the standard reading (found in Jerome) of a contrast between two successive religio-historical eras - one that governed Israel (the ‘old covenant’) and a new era and its covenant inaugurated in the coming of Christ. Augustine’s absolute contrast loosened the strict temporal concern, so that the faithful of any era were members of the ‘new covenant’. The study traces this reading of an absolute contrast in a few key moments of Christian interpretation: Thomas Aquinas and high medieval theology, then the 16th and 17th century Reformed tradition. The thesis aims at a constructive reading of Jer 31:31-34, and so the struggle identified in these moments in the Christian tradition is brought into dialogue with modern critical discussions from Bernhard Duhm to the present. Finally I turn to an exegetical argument for an ‘Augustinian’ reading of the contrast of the covenants. The study finds that Jer 31:31-34, read in its role in Jeremiah, contrasts Israel’s infidelity with a future idyllic faithfulness to Yhwh: in the new covenant all will be as it always ought to have been. The contrast is thus between two mutually exclusive standings before Yhwh. Thus the study aims to contribute to modern exegetical, theological and ecclesial discussions of ‘old’ and ‘new’ covenants by examining one of the central texts of the discussion in dialogue with parts of the history of interpretatio

St Cuthbert's literary cult was conceived in the late seventh and early eighth century with the production of three vitae, most importantly Bede's prose Vita sancti Cuthberti. Over the ensuing centuries, the cult stimulated the production of a great wealth of hagiographic material: this thesis analyses the key Cuthbertine works that were written by his Church during a turbulent but also prosperous time, between the ninth century and the end of the twelfth. Each chapter takes as a specific focus one of these texts, using it as a basis for exploring a number of themes pertaining to the cult of St Cuthbert, wider developments in the cult of the saints, and the changing and variable uses of hagiographic and historical writing. The first chapter takes the Historia de sancto Cuthberto as an example of a text combining property records with miracles, and written episodically over a period spanning more than a century, establishing the thesis'€™ triumvirate of themes: the fluidity of texts and of the representation of saints, and the enduring power of the Cuthbertine Church. Chapter Two explores the multifaceted identity that the Cuthbertine Church sought to convey for itself in Symeon of Durham’s Libellus de exordio. The third and fourth chapters focus on two highly flexible and manipulated texts, Capitula de miraculis sancti Cuthberti and Brevis relatio de sancto Cuthberto, which appear in manuscripts together, and often amalgamated: they are used to examine how a saint's image could be changed, and to question our often static notion of a text'€™s identity. The final chapter takes Reginald's Libellus de admirandis beati Cuthberti virtutibus to compare the miracle profiles of all the Cuthbertine texts, contextualising them with formative studies in the cult of saints such as the work of Sigal (1985) and Vauchez (1981). The thesis ends by suggesting that Cuthbert's cult was still thriving at the end of the twelfth century, and continued to do so, in the semi-independent socio-political and cultural sphere of northern England and southern Scotland. The discussions in these chapters are supplemented by four appendices: a table giving detailed synopses and a thematic breakdown of Reginald's Libellus, and a table categorising and comparing the miracles that appear in all these Cuthbertine works provide the basis for exploring Cuthbert'€™s changing miraculous persona; a map charting the locations pertinent to Reginald's Libellus shows the vibrant geographical extent of Cuthbert'™s cult; a table of manuscripts illustrates the various permutations into which these texts may be worked.

Le gallicanisme et la poésie liturgique, quels sont les liens ? Le gallicanisme, produit des doctrines des « libertés de l’Église gallicane » et source de toute sorte de contestations qui atteignirent leur point culminant à l’époque, fut responsable du renouveau liturgique opéré en France à partir du dernier tiers du XVIIe et pendant le XVIIIe siècle. Son effet bouleversant des assises traditionnelles, politiques et religieuses, de la société française joua contradictoirement un rôle positif en tant qu’il avait poussé l’enthousiasme religieux et patriotique. A cette époque-là, l’Église en France devint le principal représentant des doctrines gallicanes prônant des valeurs historiques et nationales du passé. Le gallicanisme a trouvé sa réplique dans le « néo-gallicanisme », terme non défini, qui exprime naturellement une nostalgie du passé. Ainsi, le gallicanisme a provoqué un mouvement du retour aux rites, usages et fêtes anciens dans les pratiques liturgiques à l'époque, codifiées dans les livres liturgiques nommés « néo-gallicans ». L’indépendance en face de la tradition liturgique romaine professée par le gallicanisme et le jansénisme a autorisé l’entrée de nouvelles proses dans les liturgies en France. Un seul aspect du chant liturgique des proses modernes montre dans quelle mesure on a transgressé les règles traditionnelles propres à la liturgie romaine. Le caractère principal des proses modernes est leur aspect national manifesté par le sentiment de fierté pour la France. Les proses liturgiques composées à l’époque dans les diocèses et les monastères ont beaucoup contribué à la solennité et à l’importance de nouvelles liturgies en France. / The gallicanism and the liturgical poetry, what are the common points ? The gallicanism resulting of “les libertés de l’Église gallicane” was the reason of all the political and religious debates, attained their extreme points at the epoch. It was responsible for the liturgical revival in France that took place from the end of the XVIIth and during the XVIIIth century, including the chant. Its destructive impact on political and religious social foundations contradictorily played the positive role as it had spurred on the religious patriotic enthusiasm. At that time, the Church of France became the main agent to express the gallican doctrines advocating the historical and national past values. The gallicanism found its reply in the “néo-gallicanisme”, indefinite term, expressing naturally the nostalgia of the past. So, the gallicanism provoked the movement of return to the past rites, uses and feasts in the liturgical practice, codified at the time in the liturgical books named “néo-gallicans”. The independence regarding the roman Church tradition professed by the gallicanism and the jansenism authorized the entry of the new poetry in the diocesan liturgies in France. Only one aspect of the chant of modern proses shows to what extent the traditional rules of the roman liturgy were broken. The main character of the modern proses is their patriotic aspect demonstrating the feelings of pride for France. The modern liturgical proses had contributed to the solemn celebrations and, so, to more importance of the new liturgies in France.

The tenth-century German bishop was more than just a spiritual leader, he was also a territorial lord with secular power. These bishops also lived in an environment where violence was sometimes a way of life. His culture contained a social dynamic that saw violence as a tool for defending and maintaining honor and as a mechanism for dispute resolution. Therefore, some bishops behaved violently, either to defend their diocese from threats or to serve their own political intrigues. In some instances bishops were said to be more skilled in warfare than secular lords. However, while some clergy participated in warfare and violence, others sought to limit it through application of canon law and peacemaking. With some clergy participating in violence and others decreeing that it be banned, there were mixed messages regarding clerical violence in this era. The bishop's role in warfare and violence, especially in Germany, has only been partially addressed by modern scholars. This deficit is part of an overall shortage of medieval German military scholarship. Furthermore, the historiography on bishops in the central Middle Ages (c. 900-1200) has generally covered two narratives: the bishop as a territorial lord or his role as a church reformer. This leaves a gap in scholarship that describes how an individual bishop justified or rationalized clerical participation in violence and warfare, including his own. This paper addresses that need by reporting how one German bishop, Thietmar of Merseburg (b. 975, 1009-18), reflected on and portrayed clerical violence and warfare in his Chronicon. Thietmar's attitudes towards violence were as complex as the times in which he lived, and were influenced by his secularism and religiosity. When it came to his justifications for clerical violence and warfare, Thietmar was more concerned about the clergyman's ability to perform as a military leader, and whether or not the violent actions were justified on their own merits. While he sometimes conveyed unease with some acts of clerical violence, and at times was careful to note distinctions between secular and spiritual realms, nevertheless he did not criticize a member of the clergy for violence on the basis of his religious station nor spiritual beliefs. Indeed, Thietmar was a torn individual, struggling with his religious convictions while living in a world where violence was habitual, and where he saw it as his duty to protect his flock. In this regard Thietmar should be considered a realist.