Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-09-20T13:59:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 9734811 bytes, checksum: 5a26f044fc0a169920d5d9e0a244493f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-20T13:59:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 9734811 bytes, checksum: 5a26f044fc0a169920d5d9e0a244493f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Reflecting on Boethius' thought is to bring with him the responsibility of reaching the intensity of his work, given that in addition to his contribution as one of the main translators and commentators, he will focus on the History of Philosophy as one that offered new directions and problems To be investigated, since, among other subjects, presented to society a new educational methodology, probably anticipating Scholasticism. He introduced in the philosophical discussions the problem of universals when he asked, in his commentary on Isagoge de Porfirio, the mode of existence of genera and species, he elaborated with notoriety works dealing with music, theology, mathematics, logic and metaphysics. However, the proposal of our research is to focus on one of his works of greatest repercussion in the medieval period and that offers, among various motes, a new meaning to the concept of happiness: The Consolation of Philosophy. This will then be a link between the Hellenic world, with its set of constituted philosophical systems and a new Roman cultural and social structure, in which the central theme that will make this junction is the idea of happiness. In this way, we will try to systematize the path that Boethius developed to demonstrate that the understanding of happiness is a way to free us from the anguish contained in false goods, whose implication will be to promote an approximation of what is true. Through this, we will explore the problems that originate in the very concept of happiness and its relation to freedom and justice, in order to stand out as fundamental elements that support the proposal of the book, presenting them as part of a basic structure, Whose analysis leads us to the understanding of the main questions that involve the condition of man's existence. / Refletir acerca do pensamento de Boécio é trazer consigo a responsabilidade de alcançar a intensidade de sua obra, tendo em vista que além da sua contribuição como um dos principais tradutores e comentadores das obras de Aristóteles, ele se fixará na História da Filosofia como aquele que ofereceu novos direcionamentos e problemas a serem investigados, pois, dentre outros temas, apresentou à sociedade uma nova metodologia educacional, provavelmente antecipando a Escolástica. Introduziu nas discussões filosóficas o problema dos universais ao perguntar, no comentário a Isagoge de Porfírio, o modo de existência dos gêneros e das espécies, elaborou com notoriedade obras que tratam de música, teologia, matemática, lógica e metafísica. Entretanto, a proposta da nossa pesquisa é debruçarmos-nos em uma das suas obras de maior repercussão no período medieval e que oferece, em meio a vários motes, um sentido de interpretação do conceito de felicidade que se projetará para a posteridade: A Consolação da Filosofia. Esta será então um elo entre o mundo helênico, com seu conjunto de sistemas filosóficos constituídos e a uma nova estrutura cultural e social romana, em que o tema central que fará esta junção será a ideia de felicidade. Desta forma, buscaremos sistematizar o caminho que Boécio desenvolveu para demonstrar que a compreensão da felicidade é um caminho que permite nos libertar da angústia contida nos falsos bens, cuja implicação será a de promover uma aproximação daquilo que é verdadeiro. Através disto, exploraremos as problemáticas que se originam no próprio conceito de felicidade e sua relação com a liberdade e a justiça, no sentido de se destacarem como elementos fundamentais que dão sustentação à ideia de que seja possível a felicidade em meio a injustiça, cuja análise nos conduz ao entendimento das principais questões que envolvem a condição de existência do homem, que é o de ser feliz.

Práce se snaží zachytit pozici některých středověkých autorů co se týče sporu o původ a trvání světa. Nějprve jsou zmíněny některé biblické prameny a nauka magisteria. Následuje rozsáhlá kapitola o Filoponově sporu se Simpliciem ohledně výkladu Aristotelova spisu De caelo (O nebi), která je doplněna krátkou kapitolou pojednávající o problémech spojených s konceptem nekonečna. Následují dvě kratší kapitoly. První je o Averroově stanovisku k problému věčnosti světa, které popsal ve svém spise Tahafut al Tahafut. Následuje kapitola o Maimonidově stanovisku popsaném v jeho Dux perplexorum. Poté již přichází sekce, v které je provedena analýza Sigerova spisu De aeternitate mundi s přihlédnutím k jeho Questiones metahysicae. Tuto kapitolu doplňuje detailní popis vztahu rozumu a víry načrtnutý ve spise Boethia z Dacie-De mundi aeternitate, který je následně aplikován na řešený problém.

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It has been said that Pythagoras discovered the perfect musical intervals by chance when he heard sounds of hammers striking an anvil at a nearby smithy. The sounds corresponded to the same intervals Pythagoras had been studying. He experimented with various instruments and apparatus to confirm what he heard. Math, and in particular, numbers are connected to music, he concluded. The discovery of musical intervals and the icon of the musical blacksmith have been familiar tropes in history, referenced in literary, musical, and visual arts. Countless authors since Antiquity have written about the story of the discovery, most often found in theoretical texts about music. However, modern scholarship has judged the narrative as a myth and a fabrication. Its refutation of the story is peculiar because modern scholarship has failed to disprove the nature of Pythagoras’s discovery with valid physical explanations. This report examines the structural elements of the story and traces its evolution since Antiquity to the early modern period to explain how an author interprets the narrative and why modern scholarship has deemed it a legend. The case studies of Nicomachus of Gerasa, Claudius Ptolemy, Boethius, and Marin Mersenne reveal not only how the story about Pythagoras’s discovery functions for each author, but also how the alterations in each version uncover an author’s views on music. / text

Notre thèse en deux volumes vise à donner une traduction inédite du premier commentaire de Boèce à l’Isagogè de Porphyre à partir de l’édition critique de Samuel Brandt publiée en 1906. De fait, Boèce s’appuie sur la traduction latine de Marius Victorinus et non, comme le suggère le titre, sur le texte grec de Porphyre. Le premier volume contient une introduction générale articulée en quatre parties: examen critique des études secondaires; les sources matérielles du premier commentaire de Boèce à l’Isagogè; le traitement des questions de Porphyre sur les universaux; et l’Isagogè de Marius Victorinus et la tradition rhétorique latine. Les thèses que nous défendons sont les suivantes : le commentaire perdu de Porphyre sur les Catégories (A Gédalios) pourrait avoir été la source principale de ce traité logique de Boèce ; historiquement, les trois questions de Porphyre ont été apparentées à la réfutation porphyrienne de la position anti-aristotélicienne de Plotin ; et, contrairement à Victorinus qui considère l’Isagogè comme une introduction aux Topiques de Cicéron, Boèce la conçoit dans la perspective néoplatonicienne qui fait d’elle une introduction aux Catégories d’Aristote. Cette introduction est suivie de la traduction française accompagnée du texte latin de l’édition de Brandt. Notre commentaire à la traduction est développé dans le second volume qui contient également une traduction française inédite du commentaire d’Ammonius à l’Isagogè de Porphyre et une réfutation de la thèse soutenue par Brandt dans ses prolegomena de son édition critique à propos des parallèles textuels attestés dans les commentaires à l’Isagogè de Boèce et d’Ammonius (cf. appendices 1 et 2). / Our thesis in two volumes aims to give an original French translation of Boethius’s first commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge based on the critical edition published by Samuel Brandt in 1906. Actually, Boethius commentary deals with the Latin translation of Marius Victorinus and not, as the title seems to suggest, with the greek treatise of Porphyry. The first volume contains a general introduction divided into four parts : a critical studies of the secondary sources; the material sources of the Boethian first commentary on Isagoge; the Boethian analysis of Porphyry’s three questions about universals; and Marius Victorinus’ Isagoge and the Latin rhetorical tradition. The thesis we defend in the introduction can be summarized as follows : Porphyry’s lost commentary on Categories (Ad Gedalium) may have been the main source of the first Boethian commentary on Isagoge ; historically, the three questions on universals had been related to the Porphyrian refutation of anti-Aristotelian position of Plotinus ; and, unlike Victorinus which considers Isagoge as an introduction to Cicero’s Topica, Boethius adopts the Neoplatonic perspective which makes it an introduction to Aristotle’s Categories. This introduction is followed by the French translation accompanied by the latin text edited by Brandt. Our commentary on the Boethian treatise is developed in the second volume, which also contains an original French translation of Ammonius’ commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge and a full refutation of the thesis supported by Brandt in his prolegomena to his critical edition about the textual parallels attested in the Boethian and Ammonian commentaries on Isagoge (cf. appendix 1 and 2).

Auteur romain du 6ème siècle connu pour ses traductions en latin des textes en grec d’Aristote, Boèce a aussi rédigé une traduction-adaptation d’un texte de Nicomaque de Gérase sur l’arithmétique. La première partie de ce mémoire de maîtrise est consacrée à l’étude de Boèce en tant que passeur de savoir. Sa relation avec son père adoptif est mise en valeur afin de soutenir l’hypothèse selon laquelle Boèce aurait acquis sa connaissance du grec et son éducation tout en restant à Rome, sans avoir séjourné dans les écoles athéniennes ou alexandriennes. La deuxième partie porte sur le contenu mathématique du De institutione arithmetica. Après avoir montré comment le De arithmetica était relié à l’oeuvre de traduction par Boèce des philosophes grecs, le choix de l’Introduction à l’Arithmétique de Nicomaque comme point de départ du traité d’arithmétique de Boèce est étudié. Un catalogue raisonné des concepts mathématiques présentés est ensuite proposé, organisé autour des notions de quantité en soi et quantité relative qui conservent l’opposition entre le Même et l’Autre et rappellent l’opposition fondamentale entre Limité et Illimité, si chère aux pythagoriciens. Ce mémoire se termine par une analyse de la transmission du De institutione arithmetica et de son influence sur les mathématiques et l’enseignement du quadrivium au Moyen-Âge. / Roman author of the 6th century known for his Latin translations of Aristotle’s Greek texts, Boethius has also composed a translation-adaptation of a treatise on arithmetics written by Nicomachus of Gerasa. The first section of this master’s thesis focuses on characterizing Boethius as a intermediary, transferring Greek knowledge to the Latin West. His relationship with Symmachus is highlighted in order to argue that Boethius had been able to learn Greek and reach such a high level of learning in Rome, without the need to study in the Athenian or Alexandrian schools of his time. The mathematical content of the De institutione arithmetica is the main topic of the second section. After showing how the De arithmetica is related to Boethius’ magnum opus – the Latin translation of the Greek philosophers – the choice of Nicomachus of Gerasa’ Introduction to Arithmetics as the source of Boethius’ treaty on arithmetics is studied. Then, a catalogue raisonné of the mathematical concepts showcased is provided, organized around the notions of quantity constant of itself and relative quantity which retain the opposition between the Same and the Other and stems from the pythagoricians’ fondamental opposition between the Limited and the Unlimited. This masters’ thesis ends with an analysis of the medieval transmission of the De institutione arithmetica and of its influence on medieval mathematics and education through the quadrivium.

Heterodox master of liberal arts and theirs discussions with Thomas Aquinas Mgr. Miroslav Severa Summary: The proposed thesis deals with two important issues discussed by Tomas Aquinas in connection with the averroistic controversy that occurred in the second half of the thirteenth century in Paris. The topics are On the eternity of the world and On the unity of intellect. Its author defends the position that concerning the problem On the eternity of the Word is the solution proposed by Thomas Aquinas closer to the position of heterodox masters of liberal arts then to the attitude of some orthodox theologians. The heterodox teaching On the unity of intellect is by Thomas sufficiently disproven. The doctrine of Thomas Aquinas doesn't need to always constitute an irreconcilable antithesis against the attitude of heterodox masters as it is described by some authors. The thesis also deals the two topics on the historical background of the condemnations issued by the Parisian bishop Stephan Tempier in the years 1270 and 1277. Although the heterodox masters of liberal arts are in their philosophizing strongly influenced by the Arab philosopher Averroes theirs position concerning the relationship between fides and ratio is different. Averroes says that when the conflict between reason and revelation occurs than...

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This bachelor thesis engages in a quest to understand the concepts of necessity and grace in Simone Weils thinking. The question in play, in which many more questions lie hidden, reads as follows: How does Weil understand the operations of grace in relation to the ”blind necessity” of the natural world, and what are the philosophical implications of this concept of grace? What are, for instance, given her understanding of the world as God’s creation, the metaphysical grounds for a basic human activitiy such as thinking or reflexion? A reading of Simone Weils works on necessity, grace, affliction and attention is contrasted with her thoughts on science, method and truth. The concept of necessity is compared to the one of Spinoza, especially on the subject of how the good or the just relates to the true and the necessary: it shows there are interesting similarities and illuminating differences between the two philosophers’ lines of thought. Here, the concept of attention becomes central to the image: the idea of a cultivated mode of reception of the world and of the Other. Attention is analogously understood as a method of prayer and a cultivated ethical attitude towards other human beings – and an ideal scientific state of mind. In the final chapter of the analytic part of the composition, Weils concept of grace is investigated in regard to concepts of thinking and understanding. Here, Leibniz idea of the divine world and the divine mind plays a concise but important role on the matter of a tentative metaphysical grounding of thinking as such – how this can be thought and how it reflects and deepens Simone Weils metaphysics, especially her understanding of the highest states of insight into the nature of the world as partly a work of divine grace. In the last chapter Walter Benjamins vision of the coming philosophy as a consolidation between Immanuel Kants transcendental philosophy and religious experience – and religious thought – show the way for further investigation into the field, a field that the thesis has outlined at the same time as it has attempted to answer some specific questions that seems to be the most urgent ones.

Medieval rhetoric, as a field and as a subject, has largely been under-developed and under-emphasized within medieval and rhetorical studies for several reasons: the disconnect between Germanic, Anglo-Saxon society and the Greco-Roman tradition that defined rhetoric as an art; the problems associated with translating the Old and Middle English vernacular in light of rhetorical and, thereby, Greco-Latin precepts; and the complexities of the medieval period itself with the lack of surviving manuscripts, often indistinct and inconsistent political and legal structure, and widespread interspersion and interpolation of Christian doctrine. However, it was Christianity and its governance of medieval culture that preserved classical rhetoric within the medieval period through reliance upon a classic epideictic platform, which, in turn, became the foundation for early medieval rhetoric. The role of epideictic rhetoric itself is often undervalued within the rhetorical tradition because it appears too basic or less essential than the judicial or deliberative branches for in-depth study and analysis. Closer inspection of this branch reveals that epideictic rhetoric contains fundamental elements of human communication with the focus upon praise and blame and upon appropriate thought and behavior. In analyzing the medieval world’s heritage and knowledge of the Greco-Roman tradition, epideictic rhetoric’s role within the writings and lives of Greek and Roman philosophers, and the popular Christian writings of the medieval period – such as Alfred’s translation of Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, Alfred’s translation of Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, and the anonymously written Vercelli and Blickling homiles – an early medieval rhetoric begins to be revealed. This Old English rhetoric rests upon a blended epideictic structure based largely upon the encomium and vituperation formats of the ancient progymnasmata, with some additions from the chreia and commonplace exercises, to form a unique rhetoric of the soul that aimed to convert words into moral thought and action within the lives of every individual. Unlike its classical predecessors, medieval rhetoric did not argue, refute, or prove; it did not rely solely on either praise or blame; and it did not cultivate words merely for intellectual, educative, or political purposes. Instead, early medieval rhetoric placed the power of words in the hands of all humanity, inspiring every individual to greater discernment of character and reality, greater spirituality, greater morality, and greater pragmatism in daily life.