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The marriage custom of charivari/shivaree evolved from a punitive form of social control in Europe and Great Britain, to a raucous American celebration that welcomed newlyweds into a community. The isolated ranching community of Park Valley, Utah performed their own unique version of shivaree. This investigation of their ritualized tradition began with a review of the cultural landscape combined with the contemporary rural society that forms a community-clan who descends from six pioneer families. The existing community outlived mining and railroad towns that originally populated the area. The surviving Mormon culture is reflected in the value and belief structure of its people and, therefore, their social activities. This context built a foundation for interpreting the function of the community's shivarees. Twenty-five primary interviews provided seven case studies, which structured the argument that their impromptu performances went beyond just offering a hand of welcome; their shivarees, performed after the formal marriage festivities, functioned as a complex rite of passage. Ritualized traditions like kidnapping the bride and groom, wearing crazy get-ups, and breaking bread together codified the relationships that bound their society together. In all cases, at least one member of the newly married couple was an insider of the community - they belonged to the community clan. The impromptu performance was organized using local resources as the newlyweds were moved from the sacred to secular sphere, creating a liminal period where social norms were tested, before the final rite of passage. Park Valley shivarees transitioned them into their new social position as contributing members of this insular society; it was an informal rite of acceptance.

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La rencontre du théâtre et du carnaval est aussi ancienne que le carnaval lui-même. D’une part, les cérémonies et les comportements collectifs possèdent, en propre, une dimension spectaculaire ; d’autre part, les jeux dramatiques font partie intégrante du rituel. Dans la France d’Ancien Régime, les réjouissances du carnaval sont un temps fort du calendrier, qui occupe toute la société pendant plusieurs semaines, des Rois au Carême. Les comédies créées pendant cette période, au Théâtre-Italien, à la Comédie-Française, à la Foire Saint-Germain, se rattachent explicitement à la coutume et s’insèrent dans son cycle cérémoniel. Plus largement, tirant parti de cette proximité calendaire, les dramaturges recourent au langage symbolique du carnaval, à celui du charivari, pour inventer un système de représentation du réel qui en offre un mode d’intelligibilité spécifique. Une langue pleine d’équivoques scabreuses et de saillies ordurières, des lazzis outrés et obscènes, un univers fantaisiste et bouffon, des personnages extravagants et burlesques : les modèles comiques qui se développent, de 1680 à 1720, sont à rattacher à la culture carnavalesque et à son imaginaire mythico-rituel. Les croyances et les pratiques symboliques innervent la création dramatique et participent à la construction de son sens, en lien étroit avec le contexte historique dans lequel s’inscrivent les œuvres. Il convient de restituer à ce théâtre la dimension anthropologique qui est la sienne, si l’on veut accéder à sa raison esthétique. La comédie de mœurs offre alors un nouveau visage : représentant la société contemporaine comme un monde à l’envers sur lequel règnent des souverains parodiques, elle revêt des enjeux idéologiques et possède une portée politique. Parallèlement, c’est aussi le concept critique de « carnavalesque » qui apparaît sous un jour inédit. / The meeting of theatre and carnival is as old as carnival itself. On the one hand, ceremonies and collective behaviour have a spectacular dimension in themselves; on the other hand, dramatic performance is an integral part of the ritual. In the early modern France, celebrating carnival was a key moment of the year, and kept the whole society busy for several weeks from Epiphany (or Twelfth Night) to Lent. The comedies created during that period at the Théâtre-Italien, at the Comédie-Française or at the Saint-Germain Fair, are explicitly related to the custom and fit into its ceremonial cycle. More generally, playwrights took advantage of the calendar proximity and used the symbolic language of carnival, that of charivari, to invent a system of representation of reality that offers a specific mode of intelligibility. A language full of lewd ambiguities and bawdy sallies, offensive, obscene lazzi, a fanciful, farcical universe, extravagant and burlesque characters: the comic models that developed, from 1680 to 1720, are to be related to the carnivalesque culture and to its mythical and ritual imaginary world. Symbolic beliefs and practices pervade the dramatic creation of that time and partake in the construction of its meaning, in close connection with the historical context within which the works are framed. It is necessary to restore their anthropological dimension to these plays to grasp their aesthetic purpose. The comedy of morals after Molière then offers a new face: as the plays represent the contemporary society as a world that has been turned upside down and that is ruled by parodic monarchs, they tackle ideological issues and have a political significance. It is also the critical concept of "carnivalesque" that appears in a new light.

Le slasher est un sous-genre du film d'horreur reposant sur une figure de tueur masqué punissant en apparence la sexualité adolescente. Très populaire auprès du public adolescent de 1978 à 1984, il serait, selon de nombreux critiques, une expression de sadisme « gratuit ». Cependant, toute production culturelle possède une légitimité qui peut lui être conférée en trouvant une clé de lecture adéquate. Cette clé est selon-nous un archétype culturel que nous nommons foolkiller, et qui figure une victime marginale sanctionnant les actes irresponsables mettant en danger les membres les plus faibles de la communauté. Cet archétype convoque l'imaginaire médiéval du charivari, un rite de justice folklorique punissant les manquements à la morale. Pour parvenir à cette référence, il est nécessaire de montrer que le slasher a masqué un genre plus large qui gravite autour d'une victime humiliée se vengeant de ses persécuteurs et qui inclue des films comme Willard (1971), Carrie (1976), ou encore Fade to Black (1980). Or, on peut trouver une formulation prototypique de cette histoire dans Hop-Frog (1849), une nouvelle d'Edgar Poe racontant la vengeance d'un bouffon difforme persécuté par un roi sadique. Nous envisageons cette nouvelle comme un artefact prototypique de l'archétype culturel du foolkiller dont le genre masqué par le slasher est une expression contemporaine. L'étude de cette nouvelle et de ses références culturelles permet de comprendre le fonctionnement de l'archétype et son apparition en réponse à une crise sacrificielle au sens où l'entend René Girard. Une crise du même genre est repérable dans la culture américaine des années 1970, ce qui explique la résurgence de l'archétype à cette période. / The slasher movie is a horror film sub-genre featuring a masked killer supposedly punishing teenage sexuality. Extremely popular among teens from 1978 to 1984, it is generally discarded by serious critics as a spectacle of gratuitous violence. However, the genre can be granted some legitimacy once it is seen as a contemporary form of a cultural archetype which we call "foolkiller". This archetype revolves around a freak avenging its own humiliation at the hands of bullies and punishing irresponsible acts endangering the weakest people in a community. Culturally speaking, this archetype has roots in the medieval practice of "rough music", a masked demonstration organized to humiliate some wrongdoer and to punish moral transgressions in the community. In order to access this cultural reference, it is necessary to show that the attention given the slasher film has concealed the existence of another genre, comprising slasher films but also movies such as Willard (1971), Carrie (1976), and Fade to Black (1980), whose protagonist is a victim avenging its persecution. This plot can also be found in "Hop-Frog", a short-story written by Edgar Allan Poe in 1849. It tells the story of a jester dwarf bullied by a cruel king. We argue that this tale is a prototypical artifact of the foolkiller archetype, which also informs the genre concealed by the slasher film. The cultural frame of this short story enables us to understand how the archetype functions and its relationship to what René Girard calls a "sacrificial crisis". Such a crisis is at work within 1970's American culture, which explains why the archetype reappears during this time.The slasher movie is a horror film sub-genre featuring a masked killer supposedly punishing teenage sexuality. Extremely popular among teens from 1978 to 1984, it is generally discarded by serious critics as a spectacle of gratuitous violence. However, the genre can be granted some legitimacy once it is seen as a contemporary form of a cultural archetype which we call "foolkiller". This archetype revolves around a freak avenging its own humiliation at the hands of bullies and punishing irresponsible acts endangering the weakest people in a community. Culturally speaking, this archetype has roots in the medieval practice of “rough music”, a masked demonstration organized to humiliate some wrongdoer and to punish moral transgressions in the community. In order to access this cultural reference, it is necessary to show that the attention given the slasher film has concealed the existence of another genre, comprising slasher films but also movies such as Willard (1971), Carrie (1976), and Fade to Black (1980), whose protagonist is a victim avenging its persecution. This plot can also be found in "Hop-Frog", a short-story written by Edgar Allan Poe in 1849. It tells the story of a jester dwarf bullied by a cruel king. We argue that this tale is a prototypical artifact of the foolkiller archetype, which also informs the genre concealed by the slasher film. The cultural frame of this short story enables us to understand how the archetype functions and its relationship to what René Girard calls a "sacrificial crisis". Such a crisis is at work within 1970's American culture, which explains why the archetype reappears during this time.

The thesis discusses the changes of the sociocultural role of Carnival and Charivari in the Western culture from the Late Middle Agges to the end of the early modern period. The thesis is graunded in the analysis of secondary literature about the carnival and charivari , which is considered to be paradigmatic in history. The analysis follows the thesis of theoretical concepts of N. Elias and M. Foucault. Both of these authors deal with establishing specific individuality of modern man based on the necessary self-control a courtesy codified by social consensus. Carnival and charivari are examples of ritualized collective transgression, which helps create the values and norms of society. Carnival is primarily an expression of popular culture, which includes ritual, play and festivities. It celebrates human nature; the bodily pleasure food, drink, sex and violence, everything that should be civilized by culture. The goal of the thesis is to examine the process of civilizing or disciplining carnival , to determine the initiators and agents of this change. Following the previous then to check whether originally spontaneous carnival festivities, games and rituals in the historical development, which is characterized by a loss of spontaneity, commercialization and professionalization, completely lost their...

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