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L’Algérie a opté, depuis l’indépendance, en 1962, pour une organisationdécentralisée de l’État. Les quatre constitutions, qu’a connues le pays, ont toutesreconnu ce mode d’organisation, en laissant le soin d’en définir la teneur auparlement, constitué d’une seule chambre jusqu’en 1996, date de l’institution de laseconde chambre, dénommé ‘Conseil de la Nation’. Dès lors, les débats politiques etdoctrinaux, portant sur les fondements et l’utilité de cette chambre, se sont multipliés.Cette recherche tente de déceler un lien direct et déterminant entre un certain degréd’autonomie des collectivités locales et les fondements du Conseil de la Nation, enAlgérie.La démarche choisie s’appuie sur l’interaction des éléments structurels etfonctionnels des collectivités locales et du pouvoir central, depuis l’indépendance, en1962, jusqu’à la révision constitutionnelle la plus récente, en janvier 2016. Larecherche tient compte du contexte propre à l’Algérie, mais aussi des traditionsinspiratrices, sans négliger la comparaison avec les autres expériences qui se sontdéveloppées dans des circonstances similaires afin de mieux percevoir lesspécificités du contexte algérien.Le long de la recherche, on essaie de savoir si l’institution du Conseil de la Nationrelève d’un mimétisme constitutionnel ou peut-elle s’inscrire dans un processussincère de transition démocratique. / Since its independence in 1962, Algeria has opted for a decentralized organization ofthe state. The four constitutions of Algeria have all recognized this mode oforganization, leaving the task of defining its content to the parliament, composed ofone chamber, till 1996, when a second chamber, the ‘Council of the Nation’, wasinstituted. Since then, political and doctrinal debates on the foundations andusefulness of this parliamentary chamber have multiplied.This research tries to find a direct and determinant link between a degree ofautonomy of the local collectivities and the foundations of the Council of the Nation.The chosen approach is based on the interaction of structural and functionalelements of local collectivities and the central government from the independenceuntil now. In order to better perceive the particularities of the Algerian context, theresearch has taken into account the inspiring traditions as well as other experiencesthat have developed in similar circumstances.Along the research, we try to find out whether the institution of the Council of theNation is just a constitutional mimesis or can it be part of a genuine process ofdemocratic transition.

I argue that the procession is a deliberate, desirable, and destabilizing social formation. In scholarship of the American nineteenth century, the procession is lost among the clutter of other urban assemblies—crowds, parades, riots—and never fully articulated as a unique vehicle for collective expression. The procession is an attractive alternative to tyrannical majorities and unwise crowds because of its linearity, rationality, and encompassment. Central to the trope of the procession, however, is the wayside or the periphery, adjacent spaces which are often discarded or suppressed by the procession’s forward movement. I trace the variations of this American allegory—national progress and its exclusions—across different genres in the writing of Nathaniel Hawthorne (domestic-cosmic sketches), Walt Whitman (war-time poetic fantasies), Emily Dickinson (regal satires), and as an informing but repudiated element of Martin Delany’s novel Blake; or The Huts of America. These authors critique chaotic and gaudy groups, and instead propose gentle and haptic ones. Whitman, Dickinson, and Delany also have in common their oblique contemplations of the Civil War and President Lincoln’s assassination. Although Lincoln’s multi-state funeral procession is an overwrought spectacle, the procession is so often virtuous because it is the opposite of the state funeral: the authors I consider presuppose, in their sporadic ways, an austere nature to the procession, as fundamental as the dictums “We, the people” or E pluribus unum. Yet, the “grand difficulty,” in Hawthorne’s words, is that in reality and on the streets, the procession’s conceptual intuitiveness—as all-inclusive and leveling as a “procession of life”—recedes from view, deteriorates into chaos, and must be constantly rehabilitated. My tropological analysis of American literature grapples with a vision of democratic organization and process that is not conceived of as the result of collective self-articulation and -determination. What is startling about membership in a procession is how often it does not respect individual choice. It is coercive; you are participating. The procession’s “measured and beautiful motion,” in Whitman’s words, topples assertive modes of authorship, leadership, and ownership because ever-present waysides flatten the hierarchy of center over periphery. / Thesis (Ph.D, English) -- Queen's University, 2012-08-03 12:51:58.064

Comment l’Etat haïtien est-il passé du statut d’Etat centralisé à celui d’Etat unitaire et décentralisé ? Ce travail de recherche a pour objet de comprendre du point de vue du droit et de l’histoire, le comportement du pouvoir central par rapport au pouvoir local en mettant en relief leurs relations institutionnelles. Pour ce faire, un échantillon de 5 collectivités municipales est étudié. Le socle juridique des collectivités locales haïtiennes a été défini par la Constitution de 1816 avec la création des communes comme circonscriptions administratives de l’Etat pour se substituer aux anciennes paroisses héritées des structures coloniales françaises du XIXe siècle. De 1816 à nos jours, l’histoire montre des périodes d’avancées, de silence voire de recul dans la construction des collectivités locales, selon que les priorités des régimes politiques étaient centralisatrices ou décentralisatrices. Si la Constitution de 1843 a tenté d’instituer des instances locales, celles qui lui ont succédé, dans leur grande majorité, ont fait marche arrière. On doit attendre la Constitution de 1987 pour voir la naissance de trois niveaux de collectivités décentralisées ayant des prérogatives et obligations pour qualifier le système haïtien de système décentralisé. L’Etat est donc devenu unitaire et progressivement décentralisé. Toutefois, il fallait aussi s'interroger sur la réalité du fonctionnement desdites collectivités en raison de leurs faiblesses, notamment financières. L’étude de ces administrations décentralisées permet d’appréhender leurs compétences techniques, administratives et financières par rapport aux compensations de l’Etat, lesquelles restent très maigres et n’aboutissent qu’à un système peu ou faiblement décentralisé. / How did the Haitian State go from the status of Centralized state to that of unitary and decentralized one ? The purpose of this paper is to understand, from the point of view of laws and history, the behavior of the central government in relation to the local one by highlighting their institutional relations. To do this, we studied a sample of 5 municipal communities. The legal base of the local authorities of Haiti was defined by the Constitution of 1816 with the creation of the communes as administrative districts of the State to replace the old parishes inherited from the French colonial structures of the nineteenth century. From 1816 to the present days, history of Haiti shows periods of progress, of silence and even of decline in the construction of local communities, according to whether the priorities of the political regimes were centralizing or decentralizing. Although the 1843 Constitution attempted to establish local bodies, the vast majority of them followed suit. We had to wait until the 1987 Constitution to see the birth of three levels of decentralized communities with prerogatives and obligations to recognize he system of Haiti as a decentralized one. The state has become unitary and progressively decentralized. However, it was also necessary to put in question the reality of the functioning of the said communities because of their weaknesses, more specifically financial ones. The study of these decentralized administrations makes it possible to understand heir technical, administrative and financial competences in relation to the compensations of the State, which remain very inadequate and result in a weekly decentralized system.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:48:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Reinaldo_Luiz_Xavier_Tillmann_ Dissertacao.pdf: 467454 bytes, checksum: 2cfa1ecb1aff46951799e3d0940b84da (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-19 / The present thesis focuses on the subservience bias that the capitalist work relations go through, supported by the teachings of Émile Durkheim upon analyzing the process of social division of work. Confronting Durkheim s complexity, it considers Marx s revelations on the possibility of emancipation grounded on an educational principle which exists in the labor environment that is structured on the understanding of what Karl Marx defines as the emancipation of all mankind towards a new awareness of the social division of work. It points to the pedagogical collectivities which were reported and experienced by Anton MakarenKo as a possible description of Marx s emancipation process and speculates that the university may be the propelling agent for the emergency of an educational principle present in our contemporary world. / A presente dissertação aborda o viés de subordinação que atravessa a relação de trabalho capitalística, utilizando-se para esta afirmação dos ensinamentos de Émile Durkheim ao analisar o processo de divisão social do trabalho. Apresenta como contestação ao emaranhado durkheimiano a denúncia marxiana da possibilidade de emancipação a partir de um princípio educativo presente no próprio mundo do trabalho e que se estrutura justamente a partir do entendimento do que Karl Marx define como a emancipação de toda a humanidade por uma nova consciência do processo de divisão social do trabalho. Aponta os coletivos pedagógicos relatados e vivenciados por Anton Makarenko como uma possível descrição do processo marxiano de emancipação e conjectura que a universidade pode ser um fator propulsor de emergência do princípio educativo que se encontra presente neste mundo.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:48:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Reinaldo_Luiz_Xavier_Tillmann_ Dissertacao.pdf: 467454 bytes, checksum: 2cfa1ecb1aff46951799e3d0940b84da (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-19 / The present thesis focuses on the subservience bias that the capitalist work relations go through, supported by the teachings of Émile Durkheim upon analyzing the process of social division of work. Confronting Durkheim s complexity, it considers Marx s revelations on the possibility of emancipation grounded on an educational principle which exists in the labor environment that is structured on the understanding of what Karl Marx defines as the emancipation of all mankind towards a new awareness of the social division of work. It points to the pedagogical collectivities which were reported and experienced by Anton MakarenKo as a possible description of Marx s emancipation process and speculates that the university may be the propelling agent for the emergency of an educational principle present in our contemporary world. / A presente dissertação aborda o viés de subordinação que atravessa a relação de trabalho capitalística, utilizando-se para esta afirmação dos ensinamentos de Émile Durkheim ao analisar o processo de divisão social do trabalho. Apresenta como contestação ao emaranhado durkheimiano a denúncia marxiana da possibilidade de emancipação a partir de um princípio educativo presente no próprio mundo do trabalho e que se estrutura justamente a partir do entendimento do que Karl Marx define como a emancipação de toda a humanidade por uma nova consciência do processo de divisão social do trabalho. Aponta os coletivos pedagógicos relatados e vivenciados por Anton Makarenko como uma possível descrição do processo marxiano de emancipação e conjectura que a universidade pode ser um fator propulsor de emergência do princípio educativo que se encontra presente neste mundo.

Les collectivités locales sénégalaises, à l’image de leurs homologues des autres pays, sont confrontées au défi du développement. Les différentes voies empruntées jusqu’ici et les nombreux efforts consentis ne leur ont pas encore permis de réaliser le bon en avant. La principale cause de cette situation est à chercher dans la faible performance du système financier en vigueur, qui découle d’un certain nombre de limites qui caractérisent ce dernier. Il s’ensuit que les différentes réformes engagées par l’Etat pour corriger les imperfections du système n’ont pas été couronnées de succès. Cet échec doit conduire à un changement de paradigme fondé sur l’adoption de la démarche de performance qui garantirait aux collectivités locales sénégalaises une plus grande efficacité et efficience dans la gestion des politiques publiques locales. / Senegalese local authorities, like their counterparts in other countries, are confronted with the challenge of development. The different routes used so far and the many efforts have not yet enabled them to make the right move. The main cause of this situation is to be sought in the weak performance of the financial system in force which derives from a number of limitations which characterize the latter. It follows that the various reforms undertaken by the State to correct the imperfections of the system have not been successful. This failure must lead to a change of paradigm based on the adoption of the performance approach that would guaranty a greater efficiency and effectiveness to Senegalese local authorities in the management of local public policies.

Le regroupement des clubs sportifs amateurs est une mise en commun partielle ou totale des ressources de ces clubs. S'il a le plus souvent été au centre des recherches scientifiques effectuées dans le milieu des entreprises, le regroupement n'a jusque-là été que partiellement évoqué dans ces études concernant le milieu sportif. Cette étude vise à sortir les regroupements de clubs sportifs amateurs de l'anonymat en permettant leur compréhension. Il s'agit, suivant une approche pluridisciplinaire (sociologie, management et économie des organisations sportives) de connaitre le phénomène de regroupement de clubs sportifs amateurs. C'est questionner les facteurs à l'origine des regroupements, c'est aussi scruter la mise en oeuvre de telles décisions et c'est enfin, sonder leurs conséquences sur la vie quotidienne du club sportif. Nous avons donc soigneusement inspecté, les enjeux organisationnels de ces regroupements, leurs modalités et processus, les stratégies et logiques d'action des principaux acteurs et les conséquences de ces regroupements sur la vie quotidienne du club. Notamment, sur le plan culturel et identitaire, économique et sportif, et sur le plan de la gouvernance au sens de Gérard Charreaux (1997). Les données recueillies selon une méthode inductive sont principalement des observations et des entretiens, secondairement des coupures de presse et documents internes aux clubs et FFA. Dix entretiens formels d'une moyenne de cinquante minutes chacun et une centaine d'entretiens informels, conçus dans un esprit de complémentarité et de recoupement. Vingt-cinq numéros du journal Le Progrès de 1999 à 2015, soit environ cinquante pages de coupure de presse sur les regroupements de clubs. Les comptes rendus d'AG, de CD, de réunions d'entraîneurs, tout comme les statuts et règlements spéciaux des clubs et de la FFA ont constitué l'essentiel des documents internes. Le traitement de ces données s'est fait selon le triptyque : analyse qualitative de contenu par théorisation ancrée-analyse stratégique de l'acteur-théorie de la contingence, selon respectivement, Pierre Paillé-M. Crozier & E. Friedberg-Henry Mintzberg. Les regroupements de clubs d'athlétisme présentés dans notre recherche, au-delà d'avoir deux modalités principales, ententes et fusions, sont un construit collectif et local, intéressés, instables et institutionnalisés. Cinq grands groupes de facteurs contingents poussent le club vers le regroupement : les objectif et effectifs du club, leur modernisation, le développement de la pratique et de la politique sportive locale. Dans ce contexte de regroupement de clubs, la latitude managériale du dirigeant de club reste conditionnée à plusieurs niveaux, notamment, celui de la collectivité territoriale et de la FFA. Notre recherche, permet d'éclairer non seulement les enjeux du regroupement des clubs d'athlétisme, les interactions clubs d'athlétisme-FFA-collectivités territoriales, la gouvernance de ces clubs, mais aussi, balise un nouveau cadre comparatif clubs sportifs amateurs-entreprises sous le prisme du regroupement / The grouping of non-professional or amateur sports clubs is a partial or total pooling of their resources. Despite that it has been centrally and generally evoked in scientific researches based on business companies, grouping only has been partially conducted in research studies in the sport field. Our study aims to remove those non-professional/amateur sports clubs from anonymity, expose them to the public eye and facilitate their understandings as well. To accomplish this goal, we used a multidisciplinary approach of sport organizations (including their sociology, management and economy). To understand the phenomenon of grouping non-professional sports clubs. In order to grasp that phenomenon, we need to inquire about the factors at the origin of the groupings, the implementation of such decisions and, finally to inquire on their consequences on the daily life of the sporting club. To answer to inquiries, we analyzed meticulously, the organizational challenges of these groupings, their methods and process, the strategies and logics of action of the main actors, and the consequences of these groupings in the daily life of the club, particularly, on the aspects of culture and identity, economic and sporting, and as regards to the governance within the meaning of Gérard Charreaux (1997). The data collected under an analytical method were of two types: those principals were based on observations and talks and those secondaries were based on newspaper cuttings and documents internal to the clubs and FAF. The principal data consisted of 10 formal talks of an average of 50 minutes each and a hundred abstract talks, conceived in a spirit of complementarity and stepping. The secondary data were collected from 25 numbers of the Le Progrès newspaper from 1999 to 2015, which comprised approximately 50 pages of newspaper cut on the groupings of clubs, the GA and DC reports, meetings of trainers, as well as the status and special regulations of clubs and FAF. All those data were analyzed according to the triptych: qualitative analysis of contents by theorization and anchored strategic analysis actor-theory of the contingency, according to respectively, Pierre Paillé-M. Crozier & E. Friedberg-Henry Mintzberg. Beyond the two principal methods: agreements and fusion. The groupings of athletics’ clubs presented in our research are built collectively and locally. They are more interested, unstable and institutionalized. Five large groups of contingent factors lead the club towards the grouping: objective and manpower of the club, modernization of the club and development of the practice, and the local sporting policy. In this context of grouping of clubs, the managerial latitude of the leader of club remains conditioned on several levels, including, the territorial collectivity and FAF. Our dissertation through the theoretical framework chosen, makes it possible to clarify not only the challenges of grouping athletics’ clubs, the club’s interactions of territorial athletics-FFA-communities, the governance of these clubs, but also, stands out as a new comparative framework non-professional sporting clubs

La coopération décentralisée franco-marocaine, une forme particulière de solidarité internationale, mobilise par conventions des collectivités territoriales françaises de divers niveaux qui accompagnent, au Maroc, un double processus (décentralisation et déconcentration) évoluant progressivement vers une « régionalisation élargie » Ces collectivités sont ainsi impliquées dans des projets ponctuels sous des formes multiples intervenant dans des domaines d'action très variés. Aujourd’hui, la coopération décentralisée fait partie du paysage de la coopération partenariale entre le Maroc et la France, deux pays euro méditerranéens historiquement et structurellement interdépendants. En outre, de par leurs intérêts communs et de par les enjeux de leur position géostratégique, ils se trouvent actuellement contraints d’être solidaires et de « coopérer autrement » car ils sont dans une aire géographique porteuse de « turbulences ». Néanmoins, certains questionnements, parmi d’autres, s’imposent : ▪ Cette nouvelle forme de « diplomatie économique des territoires» est-elle conçue et pilotée pour être réellement un appui efficient au développement des entités territoriales ciblées ? ▪ Autrement dit, ne serait-elle, en fin de compte, qu’un outil parmi d’autres au service d’une nouvelle forme de diplomatie économico-politique de coopération «soft/smart», à la française, visant implicitement par le biais des actions de « politique de développement » initiées et engagées par les différentes collectivités territoriales pour la maitrise à la source des marchés commerciaux servant ainsi de paravent discret à des objectifs économiques et sécuritaires ? Bref, la coopération décentralisée, telle qu’elle est conçue et pratiquée, est-elle « un vecteur efficient d’une politique de coopération au développement ou bien n’est-ce qu’un nouvel outil, parmi d’autres, d’une diplomatie économique française d’influence ? » / Decentralized cooperation between France and Morocco, a special form of international solidarity, mobilizes, through agreements, local or territorial communities at varying levels accompanied in Morocco with a double process of decentralization/devolution gradually evolving towards an “enlarged regionalization”. Morocco’s rural or urban communities, provinces, prefectures, regions, municipalities, intercommunities, general councils, regional councils along with France’s departments and regions are all involved in punctual projects that are targeted under various forms and operating in different fields. Today, decentralized cooperation is part of a partnership cooperation landscape between Morocco and France, two historically and structurally interdependent Euro-Mediterranean countries. Besides, due to their common interests and due to the stakes of their geostrategic position, they have, at present, to show solidarity and cooperate differently as they are in a geographical area characterized by crisis-generated turbulences However, some questioning imposes itself: Is this new type of parallel diplomacy conceived and piloted to be actually an efficient support to development and the targeted territorial entities? What about its socio-anthropological practice? In other words, wouldn’t it be ultimately no more than a tool at the service of a new preventive policy of cooperation soft/smart, the French way, aiming implicitly (through actions of “development policies”, initiated and carried out by the various territorial collectivities) at controlling, at the source, the flow of migration towards Europe and serving as a discrete screen for undeclared security objectives? In short, is decentralized cooperation, as it is conceived and practiced, an efficient vector of aide to development or only a new tool in an influential policy?

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:33:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Vargas Netto Oliveira.pdf: 3466739 bytes, checksum: 0b5b3c83b4923a38609711688117e74c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Toledo geographic micro region, consisting of twenty-one municipalities, holds a significant economic, political and social position in the western region, as well in the State of Paraná, Brazil, and is considered to be developed based on the various positive indicators it displays. However, we notice that young people, as a distinct segment of the population, have not necessarily been able to include themselves in this process. Thus, the object of this research is focused on the relationship between the different ways to integrate youth between 18 and 29 years of age in the process of regional development and the possibilities of social change. The main hypothesis is that there seems to be an unequal insertion of different generational youth communities in the development of this region, depending on their socioeconomic status, their ethnic and racial characteristics and the gender relations between them. Therefore, the study sought to give an overview of the region s young population, who is considered to be an actor in the regional development process based on the endogenous growth theories and examine how the inclusion of these different youths are outlined in the region s economic, social and professional spheres. The methodology of the research was based on the combined quantitative and qualitative approach, considering them complementary. The technique of data gathering was carried out at an international, national, state and municipal level on sources of secondary data, provided by different government agencies, research institutes, non-governmental organizations, among others. The indicators used refer to education, professional training, employment and income. The results showed that approximately thirty-three percent of young people between 18 and 29 years of age living in the micro region of Toledo can be classified as not included in the development process; around thirty-six percent of young people can be categorized as integrated subordinately or precariously; a third classification refers to an average level of integration, which include twenty-nine percent of young people surveyed; and in regard to a dominant integration form, only a little over two percent are portrayed. The analysis of the integration of young people considering their ethnic and racial characteristics showed that inequalities are even more intense, with clear disadvantages for young people self-identified as "blacks" and "browns" compared to young people self-identified as "white". The results on gender differences indicate that although young women have higher levels of education, they represent the majority among those excluded from the labor market and, consequently, from the assessment of personal income. On the other hand, the male youths, whose education levels are proportionally lower, appear in greater numbers in the labor market and represent the majority in every analyzed income group. Ergo, these different and unequal ways of integrating the young generational collectivities in the Toledo micro region appear to function as a reinforcement mechanism to the established hierarchies, which hinder and inhibit the potential development of social change in the region. / A microrregião de Toledo, composta por vinte e um municípios, ocupa significativa posição econômica, política e social na mesorregião Oeste e no estado do Paraná, sendo considerada desenvolvida a partir dos diferentes indicadores positivos que apresenta. No entanto, percebe-se que os jovens, como um segmento populacional diferenciado, não necessariamente vem conseguindo se inserir nesse processo. Assim, o objeto da presente investigação concentra-se nas relações entre as formas de inserção dos jovens de 18 a 29 anos no processo de desenvolvimento regional e as possibilidades de mudança social. A principal hipótese é a de que haveria uma inserção desigual das diferentes coletividades geracionais jovens no desenvolvimento da microrregião, dependendo de seus respectivos níveis socioeconômicos, das suas características étnico-raciais e das relações de gênero entre as mesmas. Dessa forma, o estudo se propôs a traçar um panorama da população jovem da região, entendida como agente no processo de desenvolvimento regional a partir das teorias do desenvolvimento endógeno e investigar como se delineia a inserção dessas diferentes juventudes nos espaços econômico, social e profissional da região. Portanto, o problema de pesquisa visa compreender quais seriam as relações existentes entre as formas de inserção dos grupos geracionais jovens no processo de desenvolvimento da microrregião de Toledo e as possibilidades de mudança social. A metodologia baseou-se na pesquisa quanti-qualitativa, entendendo-as como complementares. Procedeu-se à técnica de coleta de informações em fontes de dados secundários disponibilizados por diferentes órgãos públicos, institutos de pesquisa, organizações não governamentais, entre outros, tanto no âmbito internacional, nacional, estadual e municipal. As variáveis utilizadas referem-se à educação, profissionalização, trabalho e renda. Os resultados demonstraram que aproximadamente trinta e três por cento dos jovens entre 18 e 29 anos residentes na microrregião de Toledo podem ser classificados como não inseridos no processo de desenvolvimento; em torno de trinta e seis por cento dos jovens podem ser categorizados como inseridos de forma subordinada ou precária; uma terceira classificação refere-se a um nível de inserção média, no qual se incluem vinte e nove por cento dos jovens pesquisados; e considerados sob uma forma de inserção dominante, figuram pouco mais de dois por cento destes jovens. A análise da inserção dos jovens considerando suas características étnico-raciais evidenciou que as desigualdades são ainda mais intensas, com claras desvantagens para os jovens autodeclarados pretos e pardos em relação aos autodeclarados brancos . Os resultados sobre as diferenças de gênero indicam que embora as jovens do sexo feminino possuam níveis de escolaridade mais elevados, elas representam maioria entre os jovens excluídos do mercado de trabalho e, consequentemente, da aferição de renda própria. Por outro lado, os jovens do sexo masculino, cujos níveis de escolaridade são proporcionalmente mais baixos, figuram em maior proporção no mercado de trabalho, representando a maioria em todas as faixas de renda analisadas. Logo, essas diferentes e desiguais formas de inserção das coletividades geracionais jovens da microrregião de Toledo parecem atuar como um mecanismo de reforço às hierarquias existentes, dificultando e inibindo o desenvolvimento do potencial de mudança social na região.