No Brasil, entre 1955 e 1990, a modernização industrial induzida pelo estado, através de variadas estratégias de planejamento, atingiu seu apogeu e decadência. Um dos principais legados desta trajetória de crescimento foi a reiteração de uma estrutura econômica de nítido perfil concentrador da riqueza e da renda. Este exame tem como objetivo analisar a dinâmica das greves urbanas e as suas relações, primeiro, com conjunturas dos ciclos econômicos observados entre 1955 e 1990 e, segundo, com alguns indicadores econômicos relevantes como preços, salários, distribuição da renda e desigualdade. A análise procura verificar se a ação organizada dos trabalhadores urbanos através das greves foi capaz de oferecer resistência efetiva às conjunturas que tendiam à penalizar os salários e incrementar a desigualdade, atenuando, por esta via, os efeitos sociais adversos do modelo concentrador. / In Brazil, between 1955 and 1990, the industrial modernization promoted by the state through various planning strategies achieved its peak and decay. One of the major legacies of this growth path was enforcement of an economic structure with a profile of wealth and income concentration. The objective of this examination is to analyze the dynamics of urban strikes and their relations, first, within the economic cycles observed between 1955 and 1990, and second, with some economic relevant indicators like prices, wages, income distribution and inequality. The analysis seeks to determine whether the organized action of urban workers through strikes was able to pose effective resistance to situations that tended to lower the wages and increase inequality, thus, reducing the adverse social effects of the hub model.

A proposta desta dissertação é investigar a literatura infanto-juvenil israelense, especificamente em obras selecionadas das décadas de 70 a 90 do século XX. Neste estudo, pretendemos também observar como operam os conceitos de mímesis e verossimilhança nestas obras com intuito de verificá-los através das análises destes textos a partir da representação ficcional quanto da veracidade histórica. Desta forma, organizamos uma pesquisa centrada na questão dos conflitos, medos e dores que permearam a literatura infanto-juvenil israelense que funciona como mola propulsora de nosso trabalho. Pretendemos, a partir das análises teóricas realizadas, localizar esses questionamentos e apresentar alguns apontamentos para a discussão sobre a natureza de nosso tema e seu desenvolvimento. Para isso, nossa pesquisa se baseará nas obras selecionadas Sumri (1978) e Pantera no porão (1995), ambas do escritor Amós Oz; além destas, também analisaremos a obra O Monstro da Escuridão (1976) de Uri Orlev. Por fim, desejamos apresentar nossas reflexões e, na medida do possível, avançar, mediante a descrição e a compreensão acerca dos conflitos, medos e dores que permeiam a literatura infanto-juvenil israelense. / Our aim is to investigate Israeli childrens and youth literature, especially in some works selected from the 70s to the 90s of the 20th century. In this study, we intend to observe how the concepts of mimesis and verisimilitude are presented in these works by means of analyses regarding both the fictional representation and the historical veracity. Our research is focused on the question of the conflicts, fears and sorrows that pervade Israeli childrens and youth literature, which are the aspects that motivate our study. Based on the theoretical analyses carried out, we identify these issues and present some reflections for the discussion on the nature of our theme and its development. The works analyzed are Sumchi (1978) and A panther in the basement (1995), both by Amós Oz, and The monster in the darkness (1976), by Uri Orlev. Through the description and comprehension of the conflicts, fears and sorrows in the works mentioned, our study may contribute to the scientific inquiry on Israeli childrens and youth literature.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-05-30T18:29:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TayannaSbrana.pdf: 7410277 bytes, checksum: 1fa8afcb0f2f1b949eaf9261e36d7d40 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-30T18:29:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TayannaSbrana.pdf: 7410277 bytes, checksum: 1fa8afcb0f2f1b949eaf9261e36d7d40 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-04 / CAPES / This study aims to understand the formation of the Zona Rural II of São Luís as a territory of conflicts, in the period between 1996 – the year in which discussions begin on the implementation of a conservation unit as a territorial safeguard alternative for twelve communities auto identified as traditional (Rio dos Cachorros, Taim, Limoeiro, Porto Grande, Jacamim, Porto das Arraias, Parnauaçu, Jacamim, Portinho, Embaubal, Ilha Pequena, Amapá and Tauá-Mirim), in response to the expulsion processes derived from development projects, such as the Programa Grande Carajás (1980) – and 2015 – year in which these communities institute the Extractive Reserve of Tauá-Mirim. We seek to understand how communities, business and governmental managers enter into conflicts on the same territory (Zona Rural II de São Luís - MA), from different projects for region, such as RESEX or as Industrial District (DISAL), and how they do strategies within these groups in opposition or articulation between sectors. We analyze, therefore, oral sources (interviews, recordings of lectures and other public manifestations), written documentation (reports, opinions and judicial processes) and bibliography, carrying out fieldwork, collecting the sources and their conjugated analysis, and bibliographical review for theoretical leveling. / Este estudo objetiva compreender a formação da Zona Rural II de São Luís como um território de conflitos, no período compreendido entre 1996 – ano em que iniciam-se os debates acerca da implementação de uma unidade de conservação como alternativa de salvaguarda territorial de doze comunidades auto identificadas como tradicionais (Rio dos Cachorros, Taim, Limoeiro, Porto Grande, Jacamim, Porto das Arraias, Parnauaçu, Jacamim, Portinho, Embaubal, Ilha Pequena, Amapá e Tauá-Mirim), em resposta aos processos de expulsão derivados de projetos de desenvolvimento, como o Programa Grande Carajás (1980) – e 2015 – ano em que as referidas comunidades auto instituem a Reserva Extrativista de Tauá-Mirim. Buscamos compreender como comunidades, gestores empresariais e governamentais entram em conflitos por conta de um mesmo território (Zona Rural II de São Luís – MA), a partir de projetos distintos para região, como RESEX ou como Distrito Industrial de São Luís (DISAL), e como são traçadas estratégias diversas no interior destes grupos em oposição ou articulação entre setores. Analisamos, portanto, fontes orais (entrevistas, gravações de palestras e outras manifestações públicas), documentação escrita (relatórios, laudos, pareceres e processos judiciais) e bibliografia, realizando trabalho de campo, coleta das fontes e sua análise conjugada, e revisão bibliográfica para nivelamento teórico.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:13:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008 Marie Therese Yaba Ndiaye.pdf: 7814625 bytes, checksum: d4eab4a0a17148cd52fe0a71238c8c15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-21 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / In 1998 Senegal passed laws that transferred authority over the management of forests to local communities. This dissertation studies the impact of this decentralization on the health of the Samba Dia and Sambande forests and the livelihoods of forest-dependent populations. I use this analysis to reflect on the broader question of the impact of decentralization on conservation and poverty alleviation. I employ temporal and spatial modes of comparison in this study with qualitative research methods. Decentalization has contained forest degradation in both areas. But while people in Samband? forest report benefits to all from the forest, in Keur Samba Dia members of one village report benefits while others decry a reduction in their benefits from the forest. I argue that the transfer of authority from a largely absent and incapable state to well-organized and knowledgeable local communities account for the containment of environmental degradation in both forests. But while the uniform use of the forest by community members has helped people in Samband? solve distributive conflicts and so universally benefit from the forest, a significant divergence in how the two villages in Keur Samba Dia exploit the forest has worsened distributive conflicts allowing the more powerful people of Yayem to benefit more but exclude the less powerful people of Samba Diallo from these new benefits. The impact of decentralization on poverty alleviation and forest health is mediated by important local factors and we should not expect it to have good effects in all areas in which it is pursued. / A descentraliza??o florestal no Senegal constitui o tema desta pesquisa. Em 1998, o Senegal promoveu novas leis florestais que transferiam as compet?ncias de gest?o das florestas para as comunidades rurais, para frear a pobreza e a degrada??o ambiental. Neste contexto, a tese investiga os impactos destas reformas nas vidas das popula??es e nas florestas. A tese tentou lidar com as duas perguntas, se ap?s a descentraliza??o: - as popula??es locais seriam capazes de manejar efetivemente as florestas e o manejo florestal comunit?rio participaria na redu??o da pobreza rural. Fiz um estudo com varia??o espacial e temporal, comparando duas florestas: Keur Samba Dia e Samband? durante dois per?odos diferentes: antes e ap?s a descentraliza??o. Antes de 1998, a gest?o das duas florestas estava sob a responsabilidade do Servi?o Florestal Nacional. Depois de 1998, as comunidades rurais se tornaram as novas autoridades na floresta Samband? enquanto que a floresta Keur Samba Dia permaneceu sob um sistema de co-manejo entre as comunidades rurais e o Estado. A pesquisa deparou com o fato de que, em ambas as florestas, os impactos ecol?gicos da descentraliza??o foram positivos, pois houve uma regenera??o florestal. Todavia, os impactos econ?micos resultantes da descentraliza??o, foram diferentes de uma floresta para outra. Na floresta de Samband?, todos os vilarejos foram beneficiados pela descentraliza??o, enquanto que na floresta de Keur Samba Dia, um vilarejo se sentiu mais prejudicado do que o outro. Estes resultados nos informam, que a participa??o popular foi ben?fica ? sa?de das florestas, mas n?o foi suficiente para que as popula??es se aproveitassem economicamente de uma floresta regenerada. A distribui??o eq?itativa, dos benef?cios econ?micos da descentraliza??o, ? mediada pela uniformidade ou formas conflituosos do uso florestal e por fatores s?cio - hist?ricos.

No cenário atual brasileiro o Rio Grande do Sul é marcadamente um dos estados protagonistas nas lutas em prol da conservação e preservação do meio ambiente. Essa característica marcou os últimos 40 anos com importantes conflitos socioambientais como, por exemplo, as campanhas contra a utilização de agrotóxicos, as discussões em torno da “agricultura alternativa” e dos organismos geneticamente modificados e, mais recentemente, o debate sobre os novos empreendimentos de silvicultura de eucalipto na “Metade Sul” do estado. A partir de 2004, o Governo Estadual passou a priorizar políticas de incentivo ao setor de base florestal, com o intuito de transformar o Estado em um polo florestal. A “Metade Sul” do RS tem sido vista como região prioritária para esses investimentos visto que se caracteriza por apresentar historicamente um baixo desenvolvimento econômico e social. Nessa região encontra-se um importante bioma chamado Pampa, que apresenta um papel importante na conservação da biodiversidade, pois apresenta riqueza de flora e fauna ainda pouco pesquisadas. A polêmica inicia-se quando de um lado empresas florestadoras, Estado e representantes políticos passam a sustentar o argumento do “desenvolvimento” na “Metade Sul” e, de outro lado, grupos ambientalistas e movimentos sociais alertam para os possíveis impactos ambientais no bioma Pampa e transformações socioculturais na “Metade Sul”. Portanto, a expansão da silvicultura de eucalipto na “Metade Sul” configura-se como o cerne de um conflito ambiental no RS. Nesse cenário, onde os atores sociais estão envolvidos nas mesmas disputas e procuram ocupar suas posições dentro do conflito, pergunta-se: o que move os atores em conflito? Como se dá a disputa? Quais as alianças, posições, oposições, alvos e espaços de legitimidade? Enfim, o que se pretende conhecer é como um espaço de conflito (des)legitima posições sociais. Assim, para responder a tais indagações foi realizada pesquisa de campo com atores sociais mobilizados neste conflito. Adotou-se como referencial teórico-metodológico a vertente construcionista da Sociologia Ambiental, que destaca a importância da análise das divergências e conflitos sobre a natureza e também as contribuições teóricas sobre conflitos ambientais e arenas públicas de debate e ação. Após pesquisa documental, observação direta, degravação e análise das entrevistas semiestruturadas com 33 atores sociais, concluiu-se que o conflito ambiental em questão expressa a busca constante pela legitimação social de diferentes lógicas de apropriação do mundo entre os atores sociais em disputa, que acaba por permear todos os espaços públicos de ação e debate do conflito. Verifica-se também a existência de dois polos antagônicos: de um lado, encontram-se os “adeptos do desenvolvimento” que legitimam os seus discursos através do argumento do desenvolvimento econômico e, de outro lado, os “críticos à silvicultura”, que sustentam o argumento da conservação ambiental do bioma Pampa e dos possíveis impactos socioculturais que os empreendimentos de silvicultura trarão à região. Os campos científico e midiático se mostraram importantes “armas” de legitimação perante o público, em cujos discursos estão presentes argumentos discursivos dos “adeptos do desenvolvimento”. Por fim, o conflito em torno da expansão da silvicultura de eucalipto configura-se como uma continuidade das antigas disputas ambientais nos últimos 30 anos no sul do Brasil, marcadas, sobretudo, pelos mesmos grupos e atores sociais representativos: organizações econômicas, grupos ambientalistas, movimentos sociais e o Estado. / In current Brazilian scenario, Rio Grande do Sul is distinctly the protagonists state in the fight for the environment conservation and preservation. That characteristic marked the last 40 years with important social and environmental conflicts, for example, the campaigns against the pesticide use, the discussions about the “alternative agriculture” and genetically modified organisms and, more recently, the debate on the new eucalyptus forestry ventures in “Southern Half” of the state. Since 2004, the State Government has prioritized policies to encourage the forest sector in order to transform the State in a pole forestry. The RS “Southern Half” has been seen as priority area for these investments because it is historically characterised by offering a low social and economic development. This region has an important biome called Pampa, which plays an important role in biodiversity conservation, because it presents wealth of flora and fauna still poorly studies. The controversial begins when, in a side, forestry companies, state and political representatives sustain the argument of “Southern Half” development, and in the other hand, environmental groups and social movements are warning to the possible environmental impacts in the Pampa biome and sociocultural transformations in the “Southern Half”. Therefore, the expansion of eucalyptus forestry in “Southern Half” configures itself as the heart of an environmental conflict in RS. In this scenario, where social actors are involved in the same disputes and seek to occupy positions within the conflict, the question is: what moves the actors in the conflict? How is the dispute? What alliances, positions, oppositions, targets and workspaces legitimacy? Finally, what is wanted to be known is how the conflict area (dis)legitimizes social positions sides. Thus, to answer such questions it was realized a field research with social actors deployed in this conflict. It was a dopted as a frame theoretical and methodological the construtivism vertent of the Environmental Sociology, that stands out the importance of differences analysing and conflicts on the nature and theoretical on environmental contributions conflicts and public debate and action arenas. After document search, direct observation, transcription and semi structured interviews analysis with 33 (thirty three) social actors, it was concluded that the environmental conflict in question express the constant search to the social legitimation of differently logical world ownership between social actors in dispute, which permeate all public spaces action and debate of the conflict. There is also the existence of two opposite poles: in one hand, the “development followers” that make their speeches through the economic development argument and, by the other hand, the “forestry critics”, which maintain the environmental conservation argument in the Pampa biome and possible sociocultural impacts that forestry enterprise brings to the region. The scientific and media fields are important legitimacy “weapons” to the public, where discursive speeches flourishes “development followers” discursive. Finally, the conflict surrounding the eucalyptus forestry expansion configures itself as a continuity of the old environmental disputes over the past 30 years in southern Brazil, marked, in particular, for the same representative groups and social actors: economic organizations, environmental groups, social movements and the State.

Este trabalho buscou compreender um cenário de conflito ambiental na região do município de Caravelas e do Parque Nacional Marinho dos Abrolhos, incluindo seu entorno, no sul da Bahia, Brasil. Trata-se de uma área que abrange ecossistemas mundialmente ameaçados e interdependentes (fragmentos de Mata Atlântica, manguezais e recifes de corais) onde ocorre elevado grau de endemismo de espécies, e se localiza a principal área de reprodução da baleia jubarte (Megaptera novaeagliae). Historicamente, esta região tem presenciado diversas atividades. Destacam-se a extração de pau-brasil, a caça das baleias jubarte, e a exportação de café, madeira, cacau e coco através da Estrada de Ferro Bahia-Minas. Verifica-se também a propagação de instituições ambientalistas e do monocultivo de eucalipto, bem como a presença do turismo de mergulho e observação de baleias, da pesca artesanal e da mariscagem. Objetivando entender os conflitos ambientais em torno das práticas de conservação e de projetos de desenvolvimento no município de Caravelas e no ParNaM dos Abrolhos, esta pesquisa se utilizou da abordagem construtivista da sociologia ambiental e dos estudos de conflitos ambientais articulados com as percepções sociais, resultando na categoria analítica dos pacotes perceptivos. Foram realizadas 45 entrevistas semi-estruturadas com 46 interlocutores pertencentes aos distintos grupos sociais envolvidos com o uso do espaço local (ambientalistas, pescadores, poder público local, ribeirinhos, setor privado e setor turístico), observação participante, registro fotográfico e pesquisa documental entre março e maio de 2008. A análise da degravação das entrevistas revelou a existência de um cenário polarizado por ambientalistas e parte do setor turístico de um lado, que constituiu o pacote do ecodesenvolvimento, e pelo poder público, grandes empresas (porto da Aracruz Celulose e a carcinicultura da COOPEX) e parte do setor turístico de outro, o pacote do progresso. A disputa se dá pela utilização do espaço em questão através de uma lógica de desenvolvimento aliado a conservação ambiental resultando na implementação de uma Reserva Extrativista (Resex de Cassurubá) e na revitalização do ecoturismo, defendida pelo pólo dos ambientalistas, em oposição ao desenvolvimento como aumento de oferta de emprego e recolhimento de impostos através do estabelecimento de grandes empresas no município como a Aracruz e a COOPEX, defendido pelo poder público local. Quanto às populações locais, os ribeirinhos e os pescadores, verificou-se que a sua maioria não era favorável a atividades que colocariam em risco o manguezal e os recifes de corais, como a carcinicultura e a dragagem do canal para o porto, mas que sentiam a falta do estabelecimento de uma grande empresa que absorvesse a mão-de-obra deles, e muitos desconhecem ou apresentam incertezas quanto à Resex. Também foram apresentadas as diversas percepções acerca dos ecossistemas locais a partir dos distintos grupos sociais entrevistados. / This study has tried to learn the environmental conflict scene in the region of the city of Caravelas up to Parque Nacional Marinho dos Abrolhos (National Marine Park of Abrolhos), including its surroundings, in the South of Bahia, Brazil. The scope focused on this work has interdependent worldly endangered ecosystems − segments of Brazilian Atlantic Forest, mangroves and coral reefs – in which there is a high level of endemism of species, and it is also the main breeding ground of Humpback Whale (Megaptera novaeagliae). This region has historically experienced a variety of activities, such as pau-brasil extraction, the whaling of Humpback Whale; and coffee, wood, cocoa and coconut exports through the Bahia-Minas railway. There has also been a growing number of environmentalist institutions, eucalyptus monoculture, diving tourism, whale watching, artisanal fishing and shellfish gathering. The goal of this study was to understand the environmental conflicts concerning conservation measures and development projects in the city of Caravelas and in ParNaM dos Abrolhos. This research has used the constructionist approach from environmental sociology and environmental conflicts studies associated with social perceptions, which resulted in the analytical concept of perceptive packages. Forty-five not-strictly-planned interviews were conducted with 46 interviewees that belonged to the different social groups involved in the using of the area. They were environmentalists, fishermen, local civil power representatives, riparian inhabitants, private business representatives and tourism business representatives. There was also participative observation, photographic documentation and documental research between March and May of 2008. The analysis of the interviews transcription revealed the existence of a scenery divided in two conflictive groups: the environmentalists and part of the touristic sector that comprises the package of ecodevelopment (sustainable development) on one side, and the public power, big companies (Aracruz Celulose Harbour and shrimp farming of COOPEX) and the other part of the touristic sector on the other side, the package of progress. The two parties contest for the use of the area. The environmentalists stand for the idea of development along with environmental conservation through the implementation of the Extractive Reserve of Cassurubá (Resex de Cassurubá) and the improvement of ecotourism. On the other hand, the local public power is in favor of development as a way to increase the number of job opportunities and tax collection due to the establishment of big companies, like Aracruz and COOPEX, in the city. Concerning local people, riparian inhabitants and fishermen, it was found that their majority were not in favor of activities that would be risky for the mangroves and the coral reefs such as the shrimp farming and the dredging of the channel to the harbour. However, they lacked for the establishing of a big company that could use their work force. Besides, many were unaware or uncertain about Resex. It was also presented distinct perceptions of local ecosystems from different social groups interviewed.

Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléter. / The Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society.

The Catholic Church tenets are in dissonance with American Counseling Association (ACA) ethical guidelines regarding same-sex sexual orientation. While homosexuality was removed from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual II as a disorder, the Catholic Church upholds same-sex sexual acts as grave depravity and disordered. Catholic counselors may face the dilemma of adhering to their religious tenets or their professional guidelines in working with gay men and lesbian women clients. Previous research has indicated that values conflicts between religious beliefs and ACA Ethical Codes on same-sex sexual orientation have resulted in legal issues due to counselors refusing therapeutic relationships or providing substandard therapy to gay men and lesbian women clients. An extensive literature review revealed no studies that exclusively focused on the disconnect between the Catholic Church's tenets and the ACA Ethical Codes. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the experience of values conflicts of Catholic counselors while working with gay men and lesbian women clients. Interpretative phenomenological analysis guided the analysis of data collected from interviews with 9 Catholic counselor participants. Six major themes emerged from the analysis: challenges, comfortable, identification with Catholic faith, personal view of Catholic position, referral, and multicultural training. The study provides insight to counselor educators and supervisors in improving multicultural competence of counselors and students. The study is an important contribution to the existing literature and would enhance social change initiatives through support and acceptance of gay men and lesbian women, which the counseling profession advocates.

This ethnographic study was designed to explore the phenomenon of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the mining industry. The research addressed the impacts of a problematic, systemic, and ethnocentric (top-down) CSR approach driven by a transnational mining company, and proposed a novel cultural relativist (bottom-up) CSR approach looking at the social needs of the community. Solving the problem stemming from the ethnocentric approach is important for both the mining company and the community affected by the CSR program, as it will alter dynamics between actors and mitigate social conflicts. The purpose of this study was to investigate factors that improve the fractured relationship between the community and the mining company and put its social license to operate at risk. The mitigation of social conflicts is needed for the mining corporation to maintain its social license to operate in a harmonic and collaborative mining-community relationship. The research question was designed to gather the perceptions of corporate leaders and community members in Chile's Andacollo mining area regarding the imbalance between the ethnocentric and cultural relativism perspectives adopted in CSR policies and practices. A purposive sample of 30 subjects was interviewed to collect data regarding their perceptions that were then categorized, coded, and interpreted using an inductive approach and thematic networks. The research findings showed that improvements in CSR practice are likely to result from the mining company placing emphasis on the social dimension. A shift from a top-down to a bottom-up CSR approach will contribute to the reduction of social conflicts, build a socially sustainable setting, and foster positive social change with benefits for the society.

An important challenge facing humanity today is to determine how to resolve intractable conflicts. Intractable conflicts are intensely violent conflicts that are difficult to resolve and last at least one generation. The purpose of this study was to explore the themes leaders used in resolving intractable conflicts by writing peace agreements, which achieved at least a ninety percent implementation rating by the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame. The research questions focused on the distribution of societal themes defined by Bar-Tal as present within societies experiencing an intractable conflict. This study used a multicase study approach and a directed content analysis of the narratives, chosen because the study began with an existing concept as a guide for determining initial codes. A categorization matrix was developed based on the existing concept and expanded to include one new category not initially included. The texts were coded by hand and the data were interpreted to reveal the findings, which show that the distribution of themes within narratives of the peace accords contained themes supported by Bar-Tal's research as being functional in transitioning a society out of conflict and absent themes found as being dysfunctional in helping societies make this transition. Second, interpretation of the findings confirmed that knowledge found in transformational leadership literature extends knowledge of narratives of peace accords. A new model of peacemaking emerged from these findings entitled the peace accords transformational leadership model. If leaders understood how to craft narratives of peace, then positive social change would result from a quicker end to violent conflicts and lasting peace for the societies suffering within them.