It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.

During the Second World War, training was the Canadian Army’s longest sustained activity. Aside from isolated engagements at Hong Kong and Dieppe, the Canadians did not fight in a protracted campaign until the invasion of Sicily in July 1943. The years that Canadian infantry units spent training in the United Kingdom were formative in the history of the Canadian Army. Despite what much of the historical literature has suggested, training succeeded in making the Canadian infantry capable of succeeding in battle against German forces. Canadian infantry training showed a definite progression towards professionalism and away from a pervasive prewar mentality that the infantry was a largely unskilled arm and that training infantrymen did not require special expertise. From 1939 to 1941, Canadian infantry training suffered from problems ranging from equipment shortages to poor senior leadership. In late 1941, the Canadians were introduced to a new method of training called “battle drill,” which broke tactical manoeuvres into simple movements, encouraged initiative among junior leaders, and greatly boosted the men’s morale. The Canadians participated in numerous military exercises of varying sizes that exposed problems with their senior leadership. The replacement of unsuitable officers greatly enhanced the fighting potential of Canadian units and formations. As time went on, infantry training became more rigorous and realistic, and tactical concepts became increasingly sophisticated. By the time of the invasion of Normandy in June 1944, infantry training was intense, suited to units’ assigned tasks, and highly technical, which belied the false prewar assumption that the infantry was an unskilled arm. By the time Canadian divisions entered battle, they were as prepared as they would ever be. The exception to this was the training of the overseas reinforcement units, which reached an acceptable standard only in the last months of the war. This study ultimately represents a substantial contribution to understanding the history of the Canadian Army and its role in the Second World War.

This thesis addresses issues regarding military conscription within the European geographic area. It reflects lengthy and complicated evolution of military conscription, as well as its use case and eventual suspension or abolishment as a military recruitment tool in a post- Cold war Europe up until this day. Thesis also addresses academic and non-academic debate related to conscription and its development, typology, use-cases while it tries to uncover and summarize principal reasons, why was the concept of military conscription abandoned. Furthermore, it tries to evaluate those reasons against the current state of security environment in Europe, compare them and based on that, answer the question whether the relevance of those reasons is still valid or not. Especially in relation to the fact, that some of the countries that abolished conscription in the past, are bringing it back in form of mandatory military or civilian service, contrary to above mentioned reasons. Thesis comes to conclusion, that the relevancy of the issues with conscription from the past are less relevant in current European security environment.

This thesis consists of an introductory part and two self-contained chapters related to the supply of volunteers to the Swedish Armed Forces. Chapter [I] represents the first effort to explore the relationship between civilian labour market conditions and the supply of labour to the military in the all-volunteer environment that Sweden entered after the abolishment of the peacetime draft in 2010. The effect of civilian unemployment on the rate of applications from individuals aged 18 to 25 to initiate basic military training is investigated using panel data on Swedish counties for the years 2011 through 2015. A linear fixed-effects model is estimated to investigate the relationship, while controlling for a range of socio-demographic covariates and unobserved heterogeneity on the regional level, as well as aggregate trends on the national level. The results indicate a positive and statistically significant relationship between the unemployment rate and the application rate. The results are robust to non-linear form specifications, as well as allowing the civilian unemployment rate to be endogenous. As such, the results suggest that the civilian labour market environment in Sweden can give rise to non-trivial fluctuations in the supply of applications to initiate basic military training within the Swedish Armed Forces. Chapter [II] studies how local labour market conditions influence the quality composition of those who volunteer for military service in Sweden. A fixed-effects regression model is estimated on a panel data set containing IQ scores for those who applied for military basic training across Swedish municipalities during the period 2010 to 2016. The main finding is that low civilian employment rates at the local level tend to increase the mean IQ score of those who volunteer for military service, whereas the opposite is true if employment rates in the civilian labour market move in a more favourable direction. As such, the results suggest that the negative impact of a strong civilian economy on recruitment volumes is reinforced by a deterioration in recruit quality.

Denna studie syftar till att belysa faktorer som bidrager till att soldater avslutar sin värnplikt i förtid. Det finns faktorer som kan justeras/förfinas redan innan mönstring. Studien visar att soldaten är en komplex helhet.  Rubbas någon av de förutsättningar som beskrivs i studien ökar sannolikheten att soldaten blir en avgång. Felaktig uttagning eller för lågt satta uttagningskriterier ökar sannolikheten för att soldaterna slutar i förtid.  Soldaterna behöver tydlig information om vad som förväntas av dem samt information till anhöriga. Få har genomfört värnplikt under den period som soldaterna har växt upp i och därmed har inte kunskap spridits i tillräcklig mån i samhället om vad värnplikt innebär. De som inte hinner med att göra en mental omställning till den militära kulturen i den takt som krävs, hamnar lätt i utanförskap. Likaså hamnar de individer som varit sjuka eller skadade och därmed varit frånvarande i den militära utbildningen utanför den kollektiva gemenskapen. I militär kultur är gruppen central och den sociala samhörigheten en av de viktigaste krafterna.  Starkt präglade individualister får det svårare att ta sig in gemenskapen. Olyckor, skador och sjukdomar samt oförutsedda händelser i privatlivet kan leda till att soldater slutar i förtid.

[pt] Lutas identitárias ganharam relevância nos últimos anos no Brasil e no mundo, o que vem motivando as corporações a responderem, de diversas formas, a esta demanda social. Dentre as respostas mais relevantes, contar com maior diversidade em sua força de trabalho passa a ser uma preocupação crescente das empresas, o que vem obrigando-as a repensarem seus processos seletivos para atrair e contratar, cada vez mais, indivíduos identificados como integrantes de grupos minoritários. A presente dissertação buscou entender como as práticas de recrutamento e seleção de empresas atentas a esta demanda vêm sendo estruturadas e conduzidas. Para alcançar este objetivo optou-se pela realização de estudos de casos múltiplos. Foram realizadas entrevistas com lideranças de empresas que possuem práticas de diversidade e inclusão maduras. Adicionalmente, foram analisados documentos internos, peças de divulgação de vagas em redes sociais, matérias na imprensa entre outros materiais produzidos pelas empresas. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que os eixos de diversidade mais explorados pelas empresas são os de gênero, raça, pessoas com deficiência e grupo LGBTQIA+. A ações afirmativas nos processos seletivos são focadas para as posições de entrada com estágio e trainee. Educação da liderança e patrocínio da alta gestão são cruciais para o avanço do tema. Finalmente, identificou-se que para a perenidade do progresso em direção à maior diversidade da força de trabalho são fundamentais atualizações na legislação e ações práticas para aumentar a confiança dos públicos em relação a autodeclaração de pertencimento aos grupos minoritários. / [en] Identity struggles have been gaining relevance in recent years in Brazil and worldwide, which has motivated corporations to respond, in various ways, to this social demand. Among the most relevant responses, having more diversity in their workforce becomes a growing concern for companies, which has forced them to rethink their selection processes in order to attract and hire more and more individuals identified as members of groups. monitored. This dissertation sought to understand how the recruitment and selection practices of companies attentive to this demand have been structured and conducted. To achieve this goal, multiple case studies were chosen. Interviews were conducted with leaders of companies that have mature diversity and inclusion practices. In addition, internal documents, disclosure of vacancies on social networks, articles in the press and other materials produced by the companies were analyzed. The survey results indicate that the diversity axes most explored by companies are those of gender, race, people with disabilities and the LGBTQIA + group. Affirmative actions in the selection processes are focused on the positions of entry with internship and trainee. Leadership education and sponsorship from top management are crucial for advancing the theme. Finally, it was identified that for the continuity of progress towards greater diversity of the workforce, updates to legislation and practical actions are essential to increase public confidence in the self-declaration of belonging to the monitored groups.

The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of "reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration. Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984. Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and 1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public impact. By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. / History / M.A. (History)

The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of "reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration. Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984. Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and 1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public impact. By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. / History / M.A. (History)

Positing that the characteristics of a state’s military has an effect on civil war outbreak likelihood, this thesis examines a hitherto unexplored relationship —that between military personnel supply method and civil war onset. Based on earlier research on the two phenomena separate from each other, a theory linking conscription to an increased probability of civil war onset compared to voluntary service was developed and an hypothesis derived. A test was then performed by means of several large-n multivariate logistic regression analyses on two sets of country-year level data from 1945 – 1999. Ultimately, the null hypothesis could not be rejected. Results instead indicate that voluntary service might result in a higher probability of civil war onset. This finding is however not statistically significant at the standard level. These findings are of importance for the shaping of military policy, especially in at-risk-of-civil-war countries, and it is strongly suggested that the examined relationship be further investigated in future research.

「兵役制度」為國民至軍隊服役制度，是保障國家安全之武裝力量，平時以法律規範，完成兵員補充、武裝組織、軍事訓練，使人民依法履行義務。「兵役制度」依國家安全環境考量，由戰略家與兵力規劃者權衡戰事，反覆檢視安全環境、戰略目標、可利用資源，從整體戰略來決定兵力結構，以合理有效訓練方式提升兵力水準，以支撐軍事戰略。 兩岸為創造有利之安全環境與挑戰內外競敵，不斷在軍事戰略思維實施調整。中共已賦予解放軍保障國家安全利益之任務與角色，並自1949年建政以來，持續運用針對性之軍事演習或武力展示威懾台灣，以達其政治目的，並於1985年大裁軍後，以量小質精、齊全、強大的軍兵種常規武裝力量，遂行立體作戰整備。台灣軍事戰略從「反攻大陸」－「攻守一體」－「防衛固守」－「防衛固守，有效嚇阻」－「有效嚇阻，防衛固守」，各階段戰略決策有所不同，依當時國防威脅逐年修正，台澎防衛作戰又將作戰區區分安全警戒區、主要戰鬥區、後方區域，以提高作戰層次與建軍備戰。台灣如何於獲得先進武器後，搭配組建優質兵力，以形成整體軍力優勢，為維護整體國防安全之碁石。為因應台海快速變化的戰爭型態，台灣之國防組織必須採「平戰一體」，才能因應未來戰事。然而，台灣目前國防設計則偏向平戰轉換，在國防體制上是「常後分立」，戰時才將後備動員轉換為戰力．台灣軍方較迷失動員人力「到召率」，認為到召率數提高，戰力便從而昇起，而因應台海戰爭發展迅速，如完全仰賴動員，戰事亦可能告敗結束。 / The “Conscription System” is a military service scheme ordinarily enforced by law，through which the citizens of a country are called up for obligatory military service.It is the basic formation of armed forces to safeguard the national security，so that supplement of military manpower，organization of armed services，arrangement of military training，and exertion of authority over the citizens for observance of the obligatory duties can be undertaken without hindrance .Based on the consideration of national circumstantial security，the blueprint of conscription system，including the size of military forces，strategic structure of armed forces，elevation of the standard of armaments to support the decided military strategy is entrusted to groups of military strategists and planners to formulate and decide after their repeated careful surveyals of the national security circumstances，strategic aims and national resources available.The opponents on opposite coasts of Taiwan Strait for creating environments，advantageous to their own potentials and challenging their hostiles，either extrinsic or intrinsic，unremittingly adjust and readjust their thoughts of military strategy to suit the alterations of situations.The Communist China has long since bestowed upon its “Liberation Army” the role and task of safeguarding national safety and benefits，and indeed since its accomplishment of civil administration in 1949，it persistently manipulates purposeful military maneuvers or military displays to threaten Taiwan to effectuate its political aims.On the side of Taiwan，the military strategy has been modified from “Restoration of Mainland” at the beginning to “Unification of Attack and Defensive Holdout” and then to “Defensive Holdout and Effective Deterrence” by the Department of Defense，year in，year out，based on the altering strategic situation at various stages.With respect to the Taiwan-Penghus Defense in case of war，the entire war theater is divided into safe surveillance zone，main or major combat zone and rear zone so as to elevate the orders of warfare and raise weapons for war. How to acquire modern weapons to incorporate the raising of a military force of high quality to create military supremacy，is the solution or cornerstone of safeguarding the overall safety of defense.To be able to cope with the war in the Taiwan strait，which， in general assumption，could change rapidly in pattern，the coustitution of national defense must be based on a conception of ‘war and peace alike” .Nevertheless，at present，the design of national defense inclines to be based on a theory of ‘peace and war switchover” .In the structure of defense，regulars and reservists are independent and individualized without intimate and close linkage，and in case of war，the reservists are then called up to form combatant units.The higher military echelons，owing to being bewildered by high summon or attending rate of the called－up reservists，are of the opinion that if the summon rate is raised，the combative strength is also elevated.Since the fashion of war of the Taiwan Strait could be swift，should meeting the enemy solely rely on mobilization of reservists，the war might end in defeat.