Papers, memoirs, diaries, letters and autobiographies from 1791-1807 are studied to determine the relationship between Jefferson and Burr. A limited examination of congressional records for the same period was made. Monographs and biographies of Jefferson, Burr and their contemporaries were studied. This study shows that the relationship between Jefferson and Burr was one of political expediency and that Jefferson's antipathy toward Burr began in 1791 and not as a result of the House presidential election of 1801. The thesis concludes that Jefferson used Burr's political influence in New England to achieve Democratic -Republican control of the federal government and then used the alleged conspiracy between Burr and the Federalists during the House election of 1801 as an excuse to begin Burr's political destruction.

This thesis investigates three exemplars of uxorial substantive privileges in the criminal law: the marital coercion doctrine, the intraspousal conspiracy exemption, and the uxorial post-offence accessorial immunity. Their history, choreography and variations are comparatively investigated across the common law jurisdictions including the impact of statutory interventions. The principal argument is that the judicial and legislative treatment of these uxorial privileges has been inconsistent or erratic so that they are not the products of any systematic, modern development in the criminal law. This thesis proposes that there is no justification for their continued retention in common law legal systems. Archival, Parliamentary, and other sources have been used to identify the factors impinging upon the creation of specific statutory uxorial privileges. The diaspora of these laws throughout the other common law jurisdictions is investigated. The discussion is illustrated by examination of the particular issues raised by polygamy, customary law concubinage as well as by gender-reassignment. This thesis examines whether both gender-specific and marriage-specific criteria are valid constituents within the parameters of substantive criminal law. It traces the genesis of these special defences within the criminal law available exclusively to women, from the time of King Ine of the West Saxons c712, to examine the current status of such laws throughout common law jurisdictions. The investigation explores factors shaping the creation of a statutory defence of marital coercion by the British Parliament in 1925 and outlines the challenges generated by that law and its extraordinary resilience. This thesis demonstrates the failure of the criminal law to provide an overarching construct to implement emergent gender equality.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:40:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CHRISTIANE_SILVA_DIST.pdf: 721279 bytes, checksum: 40079c5b5b3c4bd50ebfc357a224c7dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-30 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / This study has an objective to describe and to understand the behavior of professionals in the health area towards the domestic violence situations with children and the importance of using the instruments to protect minors, such as the notification of authorities. To understand better the interconnections between domestic violence and child development, it was necessary to analyze the theme from the beginning of the cultural history path in the world until nowadays, through bibliography references. With the objective to reach an understanding of these professionals about this theme we used a group of problem situations concerning many different forms of domestic violence, and these situations were adapted by a pilot research. The study was done in a Children s Public Hospital in São Paulo City, with 27 professionals from different health departments, which attend in the infirmary and in the emergency room. The analysis of the information allowed observes the understanding and the behavior of these professionals facing the dynamic of the domestic violence phenomenon expressions. In order of an exploratory research, the data reveal how the health professionals faced this phenomenon on a daily basis, highlighting the search of interdisciplinary team resources to break down the relevant factor of the families silence conspiracy . / O presente estudo teve como objetivo descrever e compreender atitudes de profissionais de saúde frente a situações de violência doméstica contra a criança, enfatizando a importância da utilização de instrumentos de proteção à infância, tal como a notificação. Para melhor entender as inter-relações da violência doméstica e do desenvolvimento infantil, buscou-se situar o tema em seu percurso histórico cultural até os dias atuais, por meio de breve revisão bibliográfica. Utilizou-se um conjunto de questões formuladas a partir de situações problemas enfocando as diversas faces da violência doméstica, as quais foram ajustadas a partir de uma aplicação em uma pesquisa-piloto, constituinte de um trabalho mais amplo realizado em Hospital Geral. Conduziu-se o estudo em um Hospital Infantil Público na cidade de São Paulo, com 27 profissionais de diversas áreas da saúde, atuantes na enfermaria geral e no pronto-socorro. A análise das informações possibilitou observar como esse profissionais compreendem e agem diante das dinâmicas de expressão da violência doméstica. Neste sentido, enquanto uma pesquisa exploratória, os dados obtidos permitiram descrever como esses profissionais enfrentam cotidianamente tais situações, destacando-se a busca de recursos em equipe interdisciplinar perante a importância da ruptura do complô do silêncio entre as famílias.

Il est difficile de définir le groupe des citoyens souverains car il a été très peu étudié. Selon les sources, il s’agit d’un groupe terroriste, d’un groupe sectaire ou d’un mouvement radical. La Gendarmerie royale du Canada, les tribunaux et certains services fédéraux et provinciaux prennent des mesures pour contrer l’impact des actions criminelles qu’ils commettent. Pour sa part, le Service canadien du renseignement de sécurité (SCRS) n’identifie pas ce groupe comme une entité terroriste. L’objectif de ce mémoire n’est pas de définir le groupe des citoyens souverains, mais plutôt de comprendre le processus d’adhésion à ce groupe au Québec. À l’aide de la théorie de l’action situationnelle, il démontre les étapes de la création d’un filtre moral chez les adhérents au mouvement. Par induction analytique à partir de témoignages de membres du groupe, il présente les conditions nécessaires à l’adhésion aux citoyens souverains. Parmi celles-ci, on retrouve la victimisation et l’exposition sélective aux théories du complot. Ce mémoire est la première étude qui sonde le point de vue des adhérents pour permettre de comprendre comment ils en viennent à commettre des gestes illégaux qu’eux considèrent légitimes. / Groups of sovereign citizens are hard to define since they are the subject of very few studies. According to sources, they are terrorist groups or sectarian groups or they are part of a radical movement. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police, courts and some federal and provincial departments and agencies are taking measures to offset the impact of criminal actions they commit. As for the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), it does not consider these groups as terrorist entities. The purpose of this thesis is not to define these groups per se, but rather to understand the enrolment process for Quebec sovereign citizens. Through situational action theory, it shows the various steps involved in the creation of a moral filter by this movement’s members. By analytic induction based on testimonies of group members, it shows the prerequisites for enrolling in the sovereign citizen movement – such as victimization and selective exposure to conspiracy theories. This thesis is the first study to poll the views of these members in order to understand how they get to commit illegal acts that they consider to be totally legitimate.

Coronapandemin 2020 påverkar hela den civiliserade världen och förändrar inte bara hur vi agerar i den fysiska världen utan också hur vi agerar i cyberspace. Kritik mot telekommunikationsföretag och deras utveckling av 5G-teknik har ökat under denna pandemi på grund av en konspirationsteori som förbinder det med spridningen av coronaviruset.Denna studie av Nathalie Carlsson och Martin Hage syftar till att förstå hur medlemmar i en konspirationsinriktad facebookgrupp visar förtroende för gruppen i fråga och producerar misstro gentemot icke-medlemmar, telekommunikationsföretag samt myndigheter. Denna studie utgår från en netnografisk datainsamling och argumentationsanalys av inlägg i gruppen, i ett försök att hitta mönster som kan kopplas till uttryck och produktion av tillit samt misstro. Studiens resultat visar ett antal roller inom gruppen och aktiviteter som exempelvis mätning av strålning efterliknar grunderna för strukturerad skepticism. Den strukturerade skepticismen visar hur gruppen producerar tillit internt och dess tes samt skapar misstro mot de som gruppen anser vara ”eliten”. Gruppens argumentativa strategi består av att vara selektiv med informationskällor och att betona på personliga erfarenheter av symtom. Administratören och gruppens argument leder till handlingar med mål att främja gruppens tes samt att uttrycka tillit internt och producera misstro externt. / The pandemic of 2020 is affecting all of the civilized world and is not only changing how we act in the physical world, but also how we act in cyberspace. Criticism towards the development of 5G technology has grown during this pandemic due to a conspiracy theory connecting it to the spreading of the coronavirus. This study by Nathalie Carlsson and Martin Hage aims to understand how members in a 5G conspiracy-oriented group on Facebook produce and show trust towards its group and creating mistrust towards non-members, telecommunication companies and governing bodies. This study uses a netnographic gathering of data and argumentative analysis of posts in the aforementioned group in an attempt to find patterns that can be connected to the expressions and production of trust and mistrust. The results show how certain roles within the group as well as their content makes it applicable for structured skepticism, a theory about production of trust and mistrust. Through the administrator and their measuring methods the group is able to produce and express trust towards internally, as well as mistrust towards those who the group considers to be the “elite”. Through argumentative strategies such as usage of selective source material and personal experience of symptoms, the group creates and maintains mistrust against authorities and production of trust towards the group. The administrator, the measuring and these arguments contribute to actions with the goal of promoting the groups thesis and expressing both trust and producing mistrust while doing so.

Conspiracy theories are an old-new phenomenon which has gained its importance and specific character over the last three centuries. Unofficially, they have become an alternative tradition of the interpretation of historical events connected with an alternative form of spirituality, known as conspirituality. This manner of the interpretation usually holds the power when the consensually accepted worldview loses its plausibility for the concrete person or group. Conspiracy theories are the verbalization of a certain way of thinking and action which depends on it. Most often, they are manifested in the form of myths. That is understood as one of the dominant structures, commonly connected with traditionally perceived religion. From this point of view and in terms of the function associated with conspiracy narratives, conspiracy theories are examined as functional and structural equivalents of religion. These functions are especially the defense of the order (nomos), differentiation of the outer reality or the explanation of the presence of Evil in the world. In addition, they can also become a medium or tool of social actors in power relations. This thesis represents the complementary overview of the contemporary approaches in the study of religion discourse, which deals with unconventional religiosity...

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka antivaccin-diskurser på Facebooksidan Kavla Ner och jämföra dem med tre antivaccin-diskurser tidigare funna av Kata (2010). Tidigare forskning visar att antivaccin-grupper utnyttjar postmodernistiskt tänkande och att sociala medier är ett kraftfullt verktyg vad gäller åsiktsbildning om vaccin. Därtill kan konspirationsteorier som sprids om vaccin bidra till en ökad tro på att vaccin är farligt.Materialet som analyseras är 30 inlägg från Facebooksidan Kavla Ner och studien bygger på Faircloughs (1992) tredimensionella modell för kritisk diskursanalys. Texterna har analyserats med hjälp av analysverktygen lexikala val och modalitet. Detta görs med utgångspunkt i teorier om ideologi och diskurs, postmodernism samt kulturell hegemoni.Resultatet av analysen visar förekomsten av antivaccin-diskurser och att två av de funna diskurserna stämmer överens med de Kata (2010) funnit. Därtill gjordes nya upptäckter i form av en ny diskurs och de kategoriserande teman Kata funnit utvecklades. Resultatet visade att en stor mängd av inläggen är färgade av ett postmodernistiskt tänkande. Konspirationsteorier visade sig också vara vanligt förekommande i inläggen. Slutsatsen av studien är att de sociala praktiker som påverkar antivaccin-diskursen även skulle kunna påverka andra områden, vilket ytterligare förklarar vikten av att förstå fenomenet vaccinmotstånd. / The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to examine anti-vaccine discourses on the Kavla Ner Facebook page and to compare them to three anti-vaccine discourses previously found by Kata (2010). Research shows that anti-vaccine communities utilize postmodern ways of thought, and that social media is a powerful tool when it comes to affecting people's opinions about vaccination. Furthermore, conspiracy theories which are spread on the internet can contribute to belief that vaccines are dangerous.The material which has been analyzed consists of 30 posts from the Kavla Ner Facebook page and the method is based on Fairclough’s (1992) three-dimensional model for critical discourse analysis. The texts have been analyzed using the tools lexical choices and modality, while drawing on theories about ideology and discourse, postmodernism and cultural hegemony.The result shows the presence of anti-vaccine discourses on the Facebook page, and that two of the discourses are consistent with those found by Kata (2010). In addition, a new discourse was found and the categorizing themes by Kata were expanded. Conspiracy theories proved to be common in the posts. The results also showed that a large number of the posts are characterized by postmodernist thinking. Finally, it is concluded that the social practices which influence the anti-vaccine discourse could affect other areas, which further explains the importance of understanding the phenomenon of vaccine resistance.

Based on a historiographical, archival and media analysis, this doctoral thesis explores the phenomenon of parakratos (translated as deep state or parastate) in post-civil war Greece (1949-1967). Research perspectives are fourfold: Firstly, parakratos is discussed in the context of academic debates on parapolitics and the concepts of the dual state, the security state and the deep state; and presented as a Cold War parallel power mechanism, analogical to Italy and Turkey. Secondly, parakratos is analysed as part of domestic political reality through the prism of the historical events documented in Greek historiography. In this sense, the thesis concentrates on the emergence and operation of clandestine military groups and parastate ultra- nationalist organisations against the backdrop of the Greek political, legal and social environment. Both phenomena are elaborated on through the lens of the inefficient Greek political and administrative system, a deeply divided society, the politicisation of the public space, and the persistence of clientelist networks constructed upon political loyalties. Third, the parakratos is examined on an interpretative level as a term and concept employed in Greek historiography. Focusing on its presumed roots, actors, purposes and relations with the state, three...

Denna studies syfte var att undersöka hur intuitivt tänkande, analytiskt tänkande, kritiskt tänkande, utbildningsnivå, tro på pseudovetenskap, utbildning, inställning till klimatforskning samt inställning till vaccin korrelerar med tro på konspirationsteorier. Studien var en kvantitativ tvärsnittsstudie där deltagare besvarade ett frågeformulär som mätte variablerna tro på konspirationsteorier, intuitivt tänkande, analytiskt tänkande, kritiskt tänkande, tro på pseudovetenskap, utbildning, inställning till klimatforskning och inställning till vaccinforskning. Insamling av data skedde via ett icke slumpmässigt bekvämlighets- samt frivillighetsurval. Deltagarna i studien (N=125) var mellan 18 och 82 år gamla (M=46.28, SD=13.48) och bestod av 75 kvinnor och 48 män samt 2 annan/vill ej uppge. Det genomfördes två analyser där resultatet visade att de två modellerna var signifikanta. Resultatet visade att variabeln tro på pseudovetenskap hade en signifikant positiv korrelation med tro på konspirationsteorier och variabeln inställning till vaccin hade en signifikant negativ korrelation med tro på konspirationsteorier. Intuitivt tänkande visades vara en signifikant prediktor utifrån ett självskatttningsformulär men inte från en mätning genom ett test. Variablerna analytiskt tänkande, kritiskt tänkande, utbildning, inställning till klimatforskning var inte signifikanta prediktorer i respektive modell. Den aktuella studiens resultat visade att en högre tro på pseudovetenskap, en högre tendens till intuitivt tänkande samt en mer negativ inställning till vaccin uppvisade högre tro på konspirationsteorier. / This study's purpose was to examine how intuitive thinking, analytical thinking, critical thinking, belief in pseudoscience, education, approach to science regarding climate and approach to science regarding vaccines correlates with belief in conspiracy theories. The study used a quantitative cross-sectional design where the participants answered a questionnaire that measured the variables intuitive thinking, analytical thinking, critical thinking, belief in pseudoscience, education, approach to science regarding climate and approach to science regarding vaccines. The data was collected through a non-randomized convenience and volunteer sampling. The participants (N=125) were aged 18 to 82 (M=46.28, SD=13.48) whereof 75 were women, 48 were men and 2 chose other/wish to not say. Two analyses were conducted where the result showed that each model was significant. The result showed that the variable belief in pseudoscience had a significant positive correlation with belief in conspiracy theories and the variable approach to vaccine had a significant negative correlation with belief in conspiracy theories. The variable intuitive thinking was shown to be a significant predictor based on a self-assessment measurement but not based on a measurement through a cognitive reflection test. Analytical thinking, education, critical thinking and approach to science regarding climate were not significant predictors in each model. The result showed that a higher level of belief in pseudoscience, a higher tendency to use intuitive thinking and a negative approach to science regarding vaccine correlated with a higher belief in conspiracy theories.

La méconnaissance du virus SARS-CoV-2 et une communication publique déficiente ont contribué à alimenter l’incertitude radicale depuis le début de la pandémie. Cette conjoncture est propice au déferlement de contre-discours dits « complotistes » dans les arènes numériques, théorisées ici en tant que « forums hybrides » (Callon, Lascoumes et Barthe, 2001). Les institutions publiques et médiatiques, en ostracisant ce contre-public et en privilégiant une approche épistémologique qui consiste à débusquer les informations problématiques qui circulent, échouent à comprendre la préférence d’une frange somme toute assez importante de la population pour les vérités dites « alternatives », relayées par des leaders éloquents et persuasifs, au détriment des preuves scientifiques. Alexis Cossette-Trudel, figure de proue du mouvement complotiste au Québec et en Europe francophone, propage sa « réinformation » sur les réseaux sociaux depuis 2017 et prétend dire vrai. D’abord peu populaire, la pandémie de COVID-19 l’a propulsé au « sommet ». Il est devenu le maître à penser de milliers de gens fâchés; des personnes qui le croient et qui se méfient des discours officiels, mettant ainsi la santé publique en péril. On est alors à même de se demander comment il y parvient. En analysant les formes médiatiques et alèthurgiques de son discours (à partir des modes de véridiction de Michel Foucault), l’intuition qui est explorée dans ce mémoire – et qui tend à se confirmer – est que le contexte d’incertitude pandémique offre à Cossette-Trudel les conditions de possibilité et de médialité qui, étroitement interreliées, lui permettent de poser et maintenir son ascendant au sein de son forum hybride ad hoc, témoignant du retour d’une (mauvaise) parrêsia politique. / The lack of knowledge about the SARS-CoV-2 virus and poor public communication have contributed to the radical uncertainty that has existed since the beginning of the pandemic. This situation is favorable to the outpouring of so-called conspiracy counter-discourses in digital arenas, theorized here as “hybrid forums” (Callon, Lascoumes and Barthe, 2001). Public and media institutions, by ostracizing this counter-public and by privileging an epistemological approach that consists of debunking problematic information that circulates, fail to understand the preference of a rather large fringe of the population for so-called “alternative” truths, relayed by eloquent and persuasive leaders, to the detriment of scientific evidence. Alexis Cossette-Trudel, a leading figure in the conspiracy movement in Quebec and French-speaking Europe, has been spreading his “reinformation” on social networks since 2017 and claims to be telling the truth. Initially not very popular, the COVID-19 pandemic has propelled him to the “top”. He has become the thought leader for thousands of angry people; people who believe him and distrust the official discourse, thus putting public health at risk. We can then ask ourselves how he achieves this. By analyzing the media and alethurgic forms of his discourse (based on Michel Foucault's modes of veridiction), the intuition that is explored in this memoir – and which tends to be confirmed – is that the context of pandemic uncertainty offers Cossette-Trudel the conditions of possibility and mediality which, closely interrelated, allow him to establish and maintain his ascendancy within his ad hoc hybrid forum, testifying to the return of a (bad) political parrêsia.