Malgré leur position défavorable dans les hiérarchies du pouvoir, les jeunes jouent un rôle majeur dans les processus de changement sociopolitique qui ont cours dans la société burkinabè. Ce groupe social semble alors constituer un outil efficace d'analyse du politique et, plus précisément, des rapports de contestation et de domination qui sont à l'oeuvre au Burkina Faso. En effet, les jeunes développent de multiples stratégies d'inscription dans l'espace public qui constituent, à des degrés et selon des modalités différentes, des formes de contestation de l'ordre politique. Ainsi, en nous appuyant sur trois catégories de jeunesse (les étudiants syndiqués, les jeunes des rues et les jeunes rappeurs ou adeptes de hip-hop), nous avons cherché à interroger, dans une perspective diachronique, la nature des rapports de domination à l'oeuvre dans la société burkinabè. Nous constatons que la portée limitée de ces formes de contestation de l'ordre établi s'explique en grande partie par le contexte hégémonique dans lequel elles s'inscrivent. Ainsi, les ressorts de la domination caractéristiques de l'ordre politique actuel reposent, selon nous, sur une " politique de la médiation " et sur une stratégie de " cooptation néo-patrimoniale " qui permettent le désamorçage des tensions et le règlement des conflits, selon des procédures bien précises, avec pour objectif la préservation de l'image consensuelle de l'ordre politique. Ces deux dimensions constituent, selon nous, les piliers d'une " culture politique " qui irradie une multitude d'espaces sociaux et qui permet un échange médiatisé et permanent entre dirigeants et dirigés.

Rêver d'un monde parfait caractérise la pensée de l'homme. C'est l'utopie. Le rêve de ce monde idéal inspire les écrivains ainsi que les philosophes dont Ernst Bloch qui appelle à qu'une vie autre qui commence. C'est par une attitude de contestation et de révolution qu'il accède à réaliser son rêve. Or nous nous demandons si l'utopie exprime les rêves comment pourrait-elle être un outil pour appréhender le monde réel ? Pour dépasser cette objection à l'utopie, il faut la considérer comme refus positif de l'ordre institué et ouverture à des possibilités de création historique. C'est-à-dire une utopie concrète. L'œuvre de Bloch et essentiellement Le principe espérance en offre un soubassement précieux. L'insatisfaction face à l'existant et le sentiment tristement éprouvé que " quelque chose manque " forment cet apport d'où émerge la conscience utopique. Celle-ci marque une projection dans un futur grâce à la pensée et l'imagination ; une projection qui témoigne d'une capacité proprement humaine.

L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser l’inetto contemporain dans le roman italien, à savoir un personnage inapte, aboulique et velléitaire dont l’existence s’entremêle à la littérature italienne depuis désormais plus de cent ans. Notre hypothèse est que le sentiment de mal-être qui l’accompagne peut être lu comme une contestation de la société. Nous nous concentrons sur les dernières vingt années du XXe siècle qui voient une réactualisation de ce personnage né à la fin du XIXe siècle. La première partie trace une possible généalogie du personnage. C’est un détour nécessaire, l’inetto étant un personnage peu étudié et sa définition fluctuante. Partant du sentiment de crise qui affecte la littérature européenne au tournant du siècle, on esquisse un portrait du personnage inapte pour lequel l’œuvre de Svevo s’avère être déterminante. Par la suite, lors de la deuxième partie, nous nous focalisons sur les inetti des années quatre-vingt. Après un chapitre de mise en contexte, nous analysons : Vita standard di un venditore provvisorio di collant (Busi), Diario di un millennio che fugge (Lodoli), Per dove parte questo treno allegro (Veronesi), Casa di nessuno et Gli sguardi cattivi della gente (Piersanti). La troisième partie se focalise sur la décennie suivante ; après avoir tracé le panorama de l’Italie de l’époque, nous analysons quatre romans : Tutti giù per terra, (Culicchia) Eccesso di zelo et Denti (Starnone) et Di questa vita menzognera (Montesano).Cette recherche démontre la charge contestataire qui se cache en ce personnage dont l’incapacité et le déphasage dévoilent les incongruences et les hypocrisies de la société. En particulier l’inetto – qui est toujours un personnage masculin – s’avère être porteur d’un type de masculinité alternative à celle hégémonique. / This dissertation investigates the abulic, and weak character of the contemporary inetto, with the aim of showing how this figure’s feeling of unease and disquiet can be read as protest directed at modern-day society. The analysis focuses on novels published in the last two decades of the 20th century, the period in which the figure of inetto becomes a significant presence.The first part of this study reconstructs a possible genealogy of the character. The point of departure here is the general feeling of crisis, which permeated European Literature at the turn of the 20th century. With this broader literary context in mind and highlighting the decisive role of Svevo’s oeuvre, this part of the study delineates the traits of the character of inetto. The second part of the study is devoted to the inetti represented in the novels written in the 1980s. This part is composed of an introductory chapter providing contextualisation for the five novels analysed: Vita standard di un venditore provvisorio di collant (Busi), Diario di un millennio che fugge (Lodoli), Per dove parte questo treno allegro (Veronesi), Casa di nessuno et Gli sguardi cattivi della gente (Piersanti). The third part of the study starts with the depiction of Italian society in the 1990s, followed by the analysis of four selected novels: Tutti giù per terra, (Culicchia) Eccesso di zelo and Denti (Starnone) et Di questa vita menzognera (Montesano).The investigation shows how the presence of inetto can be read in the light of this character’s potential to counter hegemonic social models in an attempt to disclose the hypocritical and contradictory nature of contemporary society. More specifically, in this reading of inetto, this traditionally exclusively male character can be said to embody a new alternative mode of masculinity. / L’obiettivo della tesi è analizzare l’inetto contemporaneo, cioè un personaggio abulico, velleitario e debole. La nostra ipotesi è che il sentimento di malessere che lo accompagna possa essere letto come una contestazione della società a lui contemporanea. Ci concentreremo sugli ultimi vent’anni del Novecento, che presentano una ritualizzazione significativa di questo personaggio nato alla fine dell’Ottocento. La prima parte traccia una possibile genealogia del personaggio. Si tratta di un momento necessario visto che l’inetto è un personaggio poco studiato e difficile da definire, le cui caratteristiche non mettono d’accordo tutti. Partendo dal sentimento di crisi che caratterizza la letteratura europea tra Otto e Novecento, delineeremo un possibile ritratto dell’inetto, per il quale l’opera di Svevo sarà determinante.In seguito, nella seconda parte, ci focalizzeremo sugli inetti degli anni Ottanta. Dopo un capitolo di contestualizzazione, analizzeremo: Vita standard di un venditore provvisorio di collant (Busi), Diario di un millennio che fugge (Lodoli), Per dove parte questo treno allegro (Veronesi), Casa di nessuno et Gli sguardi cattivi della gente (Piersanti). La terza parte si concentra sul decennio seguente: dopo aver tracciato un panorama dell’Italia dell’epoca, analizzeremo quattro romanzi: Tutti giù per terra, (Culicchia) Eccesso di zelo et Denti (Starnone) et Di questa vita menzognera (Montesano).La nostra ricerca dimostra la capacità di contestazione che si nasconde nella scelta di un personaggio inetto, la cui sfasatura rispetto ai modelli considerati vincenti svela le ipocrisie e le incongruenze della società stessa. In particolare l’inetto – che è sempre un personaggio maschile – si fa portatore di un tipo di mascolinità alternativa a quella egemonica.

This thesis presents an ethnographic account of the everyday meanings and processes associated with the idea of ‘community’ within the London neighbourhood of Kilburn. In policy and popular discourse, community is cast both as somehow able to unite people across difference, and as under threat from the proliferation of difference, which is seen as impeding mutual understanding, cooperation and belonging. Within scholarly writing, ‘community’ is often challenged as too archaic, too rigid or too ambiguous a concept to provide sufficient analytical leverage or to work as a normative ideal. Against this background, my PhD takes a look the neighbourhood of Kilburn, where amidst significant diversity, tropes of community are still widely used. I investigate how residents imagine various forms of community in relation to diversity, as well as the connections and discontinuities between these various imaginings. I draw on 16 months of ethnographic fieldwork, following over a dozen community projects and groups, tracing informal local networks and getting to know residents individually. My ethnography ranges from community cafes, to religious youth groups, to urban ‘gangs’, to government-led urban regeneration projects. Despite the variation in how different individuals imagined ‘community’, there was a shared view of community as a space which facilitated the bridging of difference and the construction of shared moral projects. These spaces did not exist sui generis. Rather they were opened up through the balancing of two traits: fixity and fluidity. Fixity involved defining community in terms of a clearly identifiable and familiar set of boundary markers, which serve to give it an ‘objective’ existence. Fluidity involved suspending this attempt to define community in terms of the familiar, once people were involved, in order to allow for new, shared understandings and values to emerge. The first two chapters unpack this balancing of fixity and fluidity. Chapter 1, traces inclusion and exclusion in a range of community projects, and Chapter 2 looks at tropes of race and ethnicity, examining how such ideas might be treated as simultaneously fixed and fluid. . The two chapters unpack the transformational power of community. Chapter 3 looks at a community centre for young Muslims, as well as at a local community radio station, and argues that community spaces have the potential to foster an ethic of continual openness to difference. Chapter 4 looks at a group of ‘street youth’ and their diverse views of success, and argues that community can act as a collective repository of future potential, allowing community members to transform their ethical trajectory within their own lives. The final two chapters look at contestations over community. Chapter 5 looks at clashing uses of public spaces and argues that such spaces are often read in highly fixed ways, and as lacking the potential for community-like negotiations. Chapter 6 looks at local regeneration projects and contrasts the ways in which community is valued locally, to the ways in which it is valued by state and market actors. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the necessarily plural, dynamic, contested and grounded nature of the idea of community described here.

C’est entre 1960 et la fin des années 1980 que se situe en France la grande période du bouleversement architectural qui donne naissance au quartier d’affaires de La Défense. L’histoire de cette monumentale opération d’aménagement de « l’Ouest Parisien » vue par les journalistes révèle trois étapes dans l’évolution de ce projet qui vise à doter la capitale d’un « Manhattan français », ou mieux trois états forts constitutifs d’opinion successifs : celui de l’enthousiasme qui a présidé à la présentation par l’EPAD en 1964 du premier plan de masse de l’opération et à ses premières réalisations sur le terrain, celui du doute et de la contestation liés à l’histoire agitée qu’a connu durant les années 1970 ce chantier gigantesque alors en proie aux turbulences d’une crise économique qui en hypothèque l’avenir et en trouble le dessein final, celui de l’indéniable adhésion à la réussite d’un projet qu’a illustré l’érection en 1989 de la « Grande Arche de La Défense ». Savoir ce que les journalistes ont pensé pour comprendre l’évolution de « La Défense » est ainsi la première raison de l’investigation historique menée à propos de ce quartier à l’urbanisme révolutionnaire. Mais il en est une seconde, car l’histoire n’est pas seulement une pourvoyeuse du présent ; elle est aussi génératrice de représentations dont le retentissement joue de concert avec l’évènement objectivement établi. Et, à ce titre, l’étude de « La Défense » comme phénomène historique de cristallisation de l’opinion de la presse offre un exemple particulièrement net de l’apport qu’un pôle d’attraction aussi efficace que le quartier de « La Défense » fournit à l’histoire contemporaine de l’urbanisme. Ainsi, après avoir décrit le processus historique révélé par le regard de la presse, l’interprétation des représentations de la ville nouvelle sera l’occasion de démontrer que la réalisation du quartier de La Défense a été davantage concernée par la conscience de l’évènement que par l’évènement lui-même dès lors que cette opération constituait, par sa nature propre, un phénomène médiatique de première grandeur. / It is between 1960 and the end of the 1980s that lies in France the great period of the architectural shift that gives birth to the La Défense business district. The history of this monumental “Ouest Parisien” planning operation seen by journalists reveals three stages in the evolution of this project which aims to establish the capital of a “French Manhattan”, or better three strong constituent states of opinion successive : one of enthusiasm which presided over the presentation by EPAD in 1964 of the first mass of the operation plan and its first achievements on the ground, that of doubt and contestation related to the turbulent history that has experienced during the 1970s this construction giant while embroiled in the turbulence of an economic crisis that threatens the future and disorder the final design, one of the undeniable accession to the success of a project that illustrated the erection in 1989 of the “Grande Arche of La Défense”. Know what journalists thought to understand the evolution of “La Défense” is the first reason for the historical investigation about this revolutionary urban district. But it is one second, because the story is not just a purveyor of the present ; it is also generator of representations which the impact play in conjunction with the objectively established event. And, as such, the study of “La Défense” as a historical phenomenon of crystallization of the opinion Press provides an example particularly net of the contribution as a pole of attraction as effective “La Défense” district provides to the contemporary history of urbanism. Thus, after describing the historical process revealed by the gaze of the press, the interpretation of the representations of the city new will be an opportunity to demonstrate that the achievement of “La Défense” headquarters was more concerned by the awareness of the event by the event itself as this operation was, by its very nature, a media phenomenon of the first magnitude.

La contestation antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur marqua le début des mouvements antinucléaires en France et en Allemagne. Tandis que le mouvement en Allemagne trouva bientôt un large soutien dans la société puis dans la sphère politique, le mouvement ne parvint pas à s’imposer en France. En outre, les origines du mouvement en Alsace sont presque tombées dans l’oubli. Ma thèse propose de retracer le développement du mouvement antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur. A partir d’une histoire croisée1, il s’agit d’analyser la coopération des groupes antinucléaires badois et alsaciens dans leur lutte contre l’industrialisation de la vallée du Rhin et contre la construction des centrales nucléaires le long du Rhin dans les années 1970 et 1980. Sur la base d'une analyse de la structure et des activités des initiatives des citoyens, elle examine la confrontation des militants antinucléaires avec les responsables politiques dans les deux pays, leur présence dans l’espace public, par exemple dans la presse régionale, les aspects culturels du mouvement antinucléaire ainsi que la création d'un espace public oppositionnel. Partant d’une analyse au niveau régional, j’aimais également faire des déductions sur l’évolution du mouvement antinucléaires au niveau national des deux pays. / Protests against nuclear power plants in the upper Rhine region in the early 1970s marked the beginning of the anti-nuclear movements in France and Western Germany. On both sides of the Rhine, citizens founded action groups to fight against the construction of nuclear power plants in Fessenheim and Wyhl and against the industrialization of the region in general. By using new forms of protest such as the peaceful occupation of construction sites, the activists had critical impact on the culture of civil protest and the evolution of the new social movements in France and especially in Western Germany. By way of a histoire croisée, this doctoral thesis takes a close look on how German and French citizens’ initiatives cooperated and which forms of protest they chose to draw the attention of the people and the governments to their cause. Various action groups from Baden and Alsace formed the “Badisch-Elsässischen Bürgerinitiativen, joining their forces to articulate their dissent towards decisions taken by the governments and the energy providers. Furthermore, the interaction and spill-over-effects between the anti-nuclear activists in the “Dreyeckland”, an imaginary region brought to life by German, French and Swiss anti-nuclear activists are examined. By stressing common cultural roots such as local dialect and the regional history, the anti-nuclear activists in the upper Rhine region tried to distinguish themselves from the authorities in Paris and Stuttgart. Finally, based on a regional study, it is analyzed which influence the citizens’ initiatives had on the anti-nuclear movements in Germany and France in general.

En partant de l’une des périodes les plus riches dans l’histoire de l’Islam en termes de créativité et de production poétiques, notre projet vise à mettre au jour les formes qu’a revêtues le rapport entre le poète et le Prince. Pour élucider ce rapport aussi complexe que protéiforme, nous ferons appel à un corpus riche et varié, et on tentera alors d’examiner la question de l’éloge et du blâme à travers trois prismes : la rhétorique, l’éthique et la politique. Le discours encomiastique mobilise la rhétorique afin d’emporter l’adhésion d’un auditoire sur une matière qui n’est pas encore établie. Mais l’effort déployé par l’orateur afin de convaincre l’auditoire ne peut se passer de la toile de fond éthique et du système commun de valeurs dont il procède pour arriver à la persuasion. Quant à la dimension politique, elle se reflète dans la fonction du poète comme « arme verbale » au service du Prince et instrument de légitimation de sa position politique contre ses adversaires réels ou potentiels. Par-delà la fonction de panégyriste officiel, la performativité du discours politique s’étend également à la parole, d’éducation, de réforme voire de critique ouverte qui pourrait évoquer la parrêsia antique. Grâce à un fonds sapiential, la poésie apporte sa contribution au processus de formation de l’homme politique et lui offre un excellent manuel de gouvernement. Quant à la veine contestataire, l’invective, la caricature et la mobilisation de la parole polémique constituent ses principaux ressorts. La veine contestataire traverse le regard que le poète jette sur l’univers de la cour, la politique du Prince ou le rapport entre gouvernants/gouvernés. Qu’il s’agisse de nominations, de projets politiques ou de l’ethos même de l’homme du pouvoir, le poète est toujours présent pour donner son avis. L’injustice d’une décision prise par un juge, le népotisme d’un gouverneur ou la dureté d’un général sont autant d’aspects qui témoignent de la vivacité de la critique du pouvoir par le poète, et du rôle que ce dernier endosse en tant que moralisateur de cette sphère. Le conseil se présente alors comme le moyen de rectifier les décisions ou les orientations générales du Prince et témoigne de l’existence d’une véritable rationalité poétique. Aussi, la rhétorique de l’éloge et du blâme témoigne-elle de l’existence d’une rationalité poétique qui arrive à maturité à l’époque abbasside et parvient à un degré d’efficience oratoire sans précédent en raison d’une conscience accrue du poète de la nécessité de s’impliquer dans la vie politique et de peser sur le cours de l’Histoire. / Based on one of the richest periods in the history of Islam in terms of poetic creativity and production, our project seeks to revise the forms that characterized the relationship between the poet and the prince. To elucidate this relationship as complex as it is protean, we will call on a rich and varied corpus, and then examine the question of praise and blame through three prisms: rhetoric, ethics and politics. The encomiastic discourse uses rhetoric to gain an audience’s support for a matter that is not yet established. But the effort required by the orator to convince the audience necessitates the ethical backdrop and common system of values, from which he proceeds to persuade. As for the political dimension, it is reflected in the poet’s function as the “verbal arm” serving the prince and as an instrument legitimizing his political position against real or potential opponents. Beyond the function of official panegyrist, the performativity of political discourse also extends to speech, education, reform, even open criticism that could evoke the antique parrêsia. By virtue of its sapiential substance, poetry contributes to the process forming the politician and offers him an excellent manual to government. As for the dissenting vein, invective, caricature and the mobilization of polemical speech constitute his main resources. The dissenting vein passes through the poet’s gaze on the universe of the court, the prince’s politics and the relationship between governor/governed. Whether it involves nominations, political projects or the very ethos of the man of power, the poet is always present to give his opinion. The injustice of a decision made by a judge, the nepotism of a governor or the harshness of a general are all aspects that demonstrate the poet’s vivacious criticism of power, and the role that the latter assumes as the moralizer of this sphere. The counsel is then presented as a means to rectify the prince’s general decisions or orientations and attests to the existence of a veritable poetic rationality. Furthermore, the rhetoric of praise and blame indicates the existence of a poetic rationality that reached maturity in the Abbasid period and attained an unprecedented degree of oratory efficiency, due to the poet’s growing consciousness of the necessity to be involved in political life and to influence the course of history.

Cotutelle Université de Montréal et Université Sorbonne Nouvelle / Ce travail se propose d’étudier la poésie d’Amelia Rosselli (1930-1996), de Toni Maraini (1941), de Dahlia Ravikovitch (1936-2005) et d’Yona Wallach (1944-1985) sous l’angle de la contestation. L’objectif principal est d’analyser l’hybridité poétique et son potentiel politico-contestataire chez ces femmes qui, à travers leur écriture, se rebellent contre les diktats du système patriarcal. L’après-guerre en Italie (Rosselli et Maraini) et la fondation de l’État d’Israël (Ravikovitch et Wallach), deux époques marquées par une forte valorisation du virilisme militariste et héroïque, constituent les contextes d’énonciation de ces œuvres. Selon notre hypothèse, c’est aussi en raison de cette valorisation du virilisme que l’expression poétique de ces femmes se conçoit comme une bataille : chacune à sa manière, les auteures aspirent à une révolution sociétale, concernant en particulier le statut des femmes et de leur écriture. Quelles sont les modalités de configuration de cette bataille, et comment celle-ci se reflète-t-elle dans la poésie de nos auteures ? Comment leur écriture s’exprime-t-elle en tant qu’espace de négociation au sein de la langue des pères ? Cette réflexion prendra la notion d’hybridité comme point de départ, examinant l’idée d’une expression contestataire qui émanerait des interstices mêmes du discours dominant (Bhabha). L’étude sera développée en trois parties principales. D’abord, il s’agira de montrer en quoi l’absorption et l’altération du langage masculin peuvent être utilisées par les femmes comme un outil de révolte aboutissant à un langage renouvelé. Ensuite sera abordée une autre manière, plus subtile, de s’approprier la langue et le pouvoir masculins : l’appropriation et l’ingestion du corpus des hommes, entendu au double sens de matière littéraire (intertextualité) et de corps stricto sensu (cannibalisme). Enfin, nous verrons comment le sujet-femme se déplace à la conquête de l’espace et du temps – ceux-ci étant définis comme des dimensions du privilège masculin – qu’elle hybride aussi. Nous constaterons que la traduction est consubstantielle à cette opération d’hybridation : l’acte traduisant se réalise par une nouvelle cannibalisation du corpus, lequel est alors déplacé vers une autre dimension spatio-temporelle, elle aussi conséquemment hybridée. En étudiant des textes en langue originale (italien, français, hébreu) et dans leurs langues de traduction (anglais, français, italien), nous verrons comment celle-ci agit comme une caisse de résonnance pour poursuivre le geste originaire de bataille et le prolonger dans une autre dynamique à même d’en amplifier le caractère hybride et d’en attiser la flamme contestataire. À travers ces nouvelles pistes interprétatives qui mettent de l’avant la dimension subversive de la poésie de ces auteures, ce travail démontre comment, substituant aux catégories fixes imposées par la société patriarcale une vision plus fluide du monde, l’écriture hybride des femmes fait de la page un espace révolutionnaire depuis lequel un nouveau paradigme peut surgir. / This thesis analyzes the poetry of Amelia Rosselli (1930–1996), Toni Maraini (1941), Dahlia Ravikovitch (1936–2005), and Yona Wallach (1944–1985) from the angle of protest. The main aim of this research is to study the subversive potential of poetic hybridity, as it shows in the work of these women poets. Through their writing, in fact, they rebel against the dictates of the patriarchal system. The context of these works are post-war Italy (Rosselli and Maraini) and the founding of the State of Israel (Ravikovitch and Wallach), both periods marked by militarist virilism and heroic values. According to my hypothesis, such virilism is one of the reasons why the poetic expression of these women is conceived as a battle. Each in their own way, the authors aspire to a social revolution, which focuses on the status of women and their writing. Which shapes does this battle take, and how is it reflected in the poetry of these authors? How is their writing expressed as a space for negotiation within the language of the fathers? Starting from the notion of hybridity, this thesis investigates the idea of a protest expression emanating from the interstices of the dominant discourse (Bhabha). This work is divided into three main parts. Firstly, I show how women appropriate and alter male language as a tool of dissent, thus creating a renovated language. Secondly, I focus on the appropriation and ingestion of the corpus of men: both in the sense of literary material (intertextuality), and as body stricto sensu (cannibalism). Finally, I analyze how the woman-subject conquers and hybridizes space and time, which have been normally defined by male privilege. The act of translation is directly connected with the process of hybridization. Translating, in fact, resolves in a new cannibalization of the corpus, which is then moved to another space-time dimension. By approaching the texts in the original languages (Italian, French, Hebrew), as well as their translations (English, French, Italian), I show how the translation acts as a sounding box, amplifying the original intention of battle. Thanks to these new interpretive trajectories, focusing on the subversive dimension of these authors’ poetry, this work highlights the transformative power of substituting fixed categories imposed by patriarchal society with a more fluid vision of the world. Thus, the hybrid writing of women has the potential to transform the written page into a revolutionary space from which a new paradigm can emerge.

[pt] Esta tese analisa o processo de contestação iniciado pelos Estados africanos em relação ao Caso Al Bashir no Tribunal Penal Internacional. A promulgação por esses Estados de práticas de contestação representou um momento sem precedentes na prática do direito penal internacional. Não apenas os Estados se engajaram com o Tribunal por meio de uma vasta gama de práticas, mas também essa participação gerou um nível alto de escrutínio de estudiosos e profissionais do direito internacional. Ao longo da resposta ao envolvimento africano com o TPI, esteve constantemente presente a conhecida mobilização da fronteira entre direito e política. Uma posição frequente nas reações dos praticantes foi a de que a política não deveria ocorrer no ambiente do Tribunal e a prática do direito internacional deve ser capaz de transcendê-la. A análise desta tese centra-se nestes dois elementos: as práticas de contestação realizadas pelos Estados africanos e as respostas dadas pelo Tribunal. Nesta tese, questiono se a forma como o Tribunal deu sentido a essas práticas por meio da divisão do trabalho entre direito e política afetou a capacidade desses Estados contestadores de provocar mudanças no direito internacional. Por meio dessa pergunta, procuro capturar os aspectos mais significativos que estão velados não apenas nas práticas de contestação, mas na atribuição de significados em resposta a elas. Esse esforço requer um exame dos padrões de significado subjacentes a essas práticas e narrativas, pois apontam para as condições que permitem que certos atores questionem a autoridade. Argumento que a criação de uma fronteira entre o que pertence à esfera do direito e à esfera da política é em si uma postura política que tem consequências na forma como o direito internacional é praticado. A forma como o direito e a política são mobilizados nas práticas argumentativas do direito internacional criam um conjunto de barreiras para que certas práticas de contestação realizadas pelos Estados africanos em relação ao Caso Al Bashir no TPI, quando enquadradas como política, não tenham chance de provocar a mudança em primeiro lugar. / [en] This thesis works through the process of contestation embarked by African States in relation to the Al Bashir Case in the International Criminal Court. The enactment by these States of practices of contestation represented an unprecedented moment in the practice of international criminal law. Not only were States engaging with the Court through a vast array of practices, but also this participation generated an enormous level of scrutiny from scholars and practitioners of international law. Throughout the response to the African engagement with the ICC was the familiar mobilization of the frontier between law and politics. A frequent position in the practitioners reactions was that politics should not take place in the environment of the Court, and the practice of international law should be able to transcend it. The analysis of this thesis focuses on these two features: the practices of contestation performed by African States and the responses it engendered from the Court. In this thesis, I question whether the way the Court made sense of these practices through the division of labour between law and politics affected the ability of these contesting States of engendering change in international law. Through this question, I seek to grasp the more significant aspects that are veiled not only in the practices of contestation but in the attribution of meanings in response to them. This endeavour requires an examination of the patterns of meaning underlying these practices and narratives, as they point to the conditions that allow certain actors to question authority. I argue that the creation of a boundary between what belongs to the realm of law and the sphere of politics is itself a political stance that has consequences on the way international law is enacted. The way law and politics are mobilized in the argumentative practices of international law creates a set of barriers so that certain practices of contestation being performed by African States in relation to the Al Bashir Case in the ICC, when framed as politics, do not stand a chance to provoke change in the first place.

L’obiettivo della tesi è di indagare gli anni trascorsi a Venezia da Albino Luciani, anni non esaurientemente approfonditi dalla storiografia e sui quali la memoria storica è ancora divisa. L’evidenza principale che ne scaturisce è la difficoltà non solo di Luciani, ma di tutte le personalità che avevano ruoli di guida e di responsabilità all’interno della Chiesa, nel misurarsi con l’attuazione del Concilio Vaticano II. L’ipotesi interpretativa proposta è che il filo conduttore di tutta l’opera pastorale del presule bellunese sia stato uno sforzo di fedeltà alla tradizione romana e all’autorità papale seppur attraverso l’ammodernamento dei metodi pastorali utilizzati. Il patriarca di Venezia è risultato particolarmente rappresentativo di tutto un episcopato nazionale montiniano che ha attuato in Italia le ricezione conciliare secondo l’ermeneutica di Paolo VI. L’indagine, avendo cura di confrontare sempre il piano dell’omiletica e il piano delle reali scelte pastorali attuate, analizza a tutto campo l’operato di Luciani, dalle attività diocesane al suo apporto alla vita ecclesiale a livello regionale, nazionale e internazionale; ha inoltre il pregio di aver utilizzato come fonte importante materiale inedito reperito nei nove archivi storici utilizzati e in vari archivi personali. Infine, è corredato di un’ampia e interessante appendice che racchiude le testimonianze orali di venti testimoni scelti. / The aim of the thesis is to investigate the years passed in Venice by Albino Luciani, years not exhaustively studied by historiography and on which historical memory is still divided. The main evidence is the difficulty not only of Luciani, but also of all personalities who had leadership roles and responsibilities within the Church, in measuring itself with the realization of the Second Vatican Council. The interpretative hypothesis is that the main theme of all the pastoral work of the patriarch of Venice was an effort of fidelity to the Roman tradition and papal authority even through the modernization of the pastoral methods. The patriarch of Venice was particularly representative of a whole national Montinian episcopate which carried out in Italy the Council reception according to the hermeneutic proposed by Paul VI. The survey, comparing the plan of homiletics and the plan of the real pastoral options implemented, examines entirely Luciani’s work, from the diocesan activities to his contribution to regional, national and international Catholic Church. The thesis uses as sources important unpublished material retrieved in nine historical archives and in various personal archives. Finally, the thesis is accompanied with a wide and interesting appendix that contains the interviews with twenty chosen witnesses.