The UK, traditionally one of the more fiscally centralised of OECD countries, is currently in the midst of an extensive programme of tax decentralisation. This is most evident in Scotland. Ten years ago the Scottish Government was almost wholly reliant on a block grant from the UK Government to fund its spending, and debate was focussed on how the determination of this grant should be reformed. Today the Scottish Government has far greater fiscal autonomy. Income tax was almost fully devolved to the Scottish Parliament in April 2017, and around half of VAT revenues will be assigned to Scotland by 2020. As a result, the devolved Scottish budget will in future be linked much more closely to Scotland’s economy, and Scottish politicians will be able to deviate from UK policy on the setting of income tax and various smaller taxes. The objective of this PhD is to examine the economic and political motivations for and implications of greater fiscal decentralisation, with a particular focus on the Scottish case. Its key over-arching questions include: • Which fiscal powers are more and less suitable for decentralisation, and what might constraints might a devolved government face in exercising devolved tax powers? • To what extent are the objectives of fiscal decentralisation compatible with the goal of inter-regional equity in public good provision? • To what extent is fiscal decentralisation likely to enhance the incentives faced by politicians in a devolved parliament to pursue particular types of policy? And to what extent does the answer to this question depend upon the way in which supporting fiscal institutions, notably including the design of block grant arrangements, influence this? • What factors determine regional economic performance, and to what extent can devolved governments be held accountable for (or face the budgetary consequences of) those trends? • To what extent might fiscal decentralisation assuage or accentuate demands for Scottish independence? This PhD consists of four academic papers covering aspects of regional economics and constitutional change in the UK, with a particular focus on Scotland. Each of the four papers is preceded by an abstract. An introductory chapter provides theoretical and policy context within which the four papers are situated. A concluding section to the PhD is provided in Chapter 6. The four papers cover the following topics: • Paper 1 (Chapter 2) was published in the immediate aftermath of the Scottish independence referendum of 2014, and considers the issues and constraints involved in devolving further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament. • Paper 2 (Chapter 3) considers the scope for replacing the Barnett Formula (used to allocate funding to the Scottish Government) with a form of spending-needs assessment, based on a comparative analysis of formulae used within England and Scotland to allocate health funding to territorial health boards. • Paper 3 (Chapter 4) examines how regional labour markets in the UK responded to the 2008/9 recession and its aftermath, and considers which factors may have influenced regional resilience to the recession. • Paper 4 (Chapter 5) examines the factors that determine differential growth in regional income tax revenues, and considers the extent to which it is reasonable to hold devolved governments wholly to account for differential economic performance. • Chapter 6 concludes.

This study investigates the constructions of nationhood in two Bulawayo newspapers, the Chronicle and Newsday. Against the backdrop of the emergence of a secessionist movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF), this research examines the discourses of nationhood in the secessionist debates raging in these two newspapers. This study is premised on a view that nationhood constructions cannot be understood outside the broader context in which these newspapers are embedded. Accordingly, it traces the roots and resurgence of Matabeleland separatist politics, exploring the political-historical forces that have shaped a distinctive Ndebele identity that poses a threat to the one, indivisible Zimbabwean national identity. Further, the study situates Matabeleland separatist politics within the broader African secessionist discourse challenging the post-colonial nation-building project on the continent. Informed by Hall’s (1992, 1996) constructivist approach to identity, it considers national identities as fragmented, multiple and constantly evolving. Thus, this study is framed within Hall’s (1997) constructivist approach to representation, as it examines the constructions of nationhood in and through language. The study uses qualitative research methods, as it examines the meanings of nationhood in key media texts. Informed by Foucault’s discourse theory, this research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse 12 articles from the two newspapers. The findings confirm that the representations of nationhood in the two newspapers are influenced by their position within the socio-political context. The state-owned Chronicle legitimates the unitary state discourse advocated by ZANU PF. On the other hand, Newsday’s representations are informed by the discourses of the opposition political parties and civil society that challenge the dominant nation-building project. Thus, within this paper, secession and devolution emerge as alternative imaginaries that contest the authoritarian discourse of nationhood

This study explores the interactive process between decentralized structures and traditional authorities in Wenchi district, with a view to generating lessons and insights that can guide the recommendation of a more appropriate decentralization framework to tap the strengths of traditional authorities towards accelerated rural development. Within the framework of action research methodology, mixed-methods were used to triangulate findings and enhance research rigour. Specific methods employed were focus group discussions (FGDs), in-depth interviews (IDIs), and observation, complemented by context analyses of relevant documents. It was found that the interactive processes between traditional authorities and decentralized structures are characterized mainly by competition for power and legitimacy, leading to mistrust and an inability to take advantage of the synergy effect between the two systems of local governance in accomplishing accelerated rural development. Key recommendations are that traditional authorities should not be fused with the decentralized structures, but should remain as countervailing institutions to check the misuse of power by the decentralized structures. However, traditional authorities should be given the ceremonial role of the right to address meetings of the District Assembly and the Area Councils. Additionally, chiefs should be given the chance to nominate at least two people onto the Unit Committees. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

Since 1994 a number of health reforms took place in furthering democracy. These changes included the decentralisation of Primary Health Care Services. This study is a phenomenological research that chronicles the Primary Health Care decentralisation experiences in the Bophirima District of the North-West Province. Using a descriptive phenomenological orientation, the purpose of this study was to describe the experiences of participants associated with decentralisation in the Bophirima District. Also, to illustrate how the participants perceive these experiences in relation to Primary Health Care services. Furthermore, to provide scientific evidence regarding factors related to the decentralisation of PHC services in the Bophirima District. These and other issues remain of paramount importance given the current state of health care in the South Africa. This study took place in the outskirts of the semi-rural area of Bophirima and Central District in the North-West Province. The investigation followed qualitative research design that was descriptive, exploratory, contextual and phenomenological in nature. The sampling procedure involved non-probability purposive, sampling technique with a sample size of five participants. Data was collected by using an unstructured interview technique. The modified Giorgi method of analysis was used for qualitative data analysis. These are contained in Burns and Grove (2001:596) and Polit and Beck (2004:394) are fully explicated in Chapter Four. Guba model (in Babbie & Mouton, 2001:180) was utilised to ensure the trustworthiness of the study. Ethical requirements were considered throughout and these are reflected in chapter four of the thesis.Three forms of decentralisation: deconcentration, delegation and devolution were identified in the findings. The investigation further indicated that the integration of primary health care services was also underway at the time of decentralisation. This integration triggered different psychological and emotional states amongst research participants. Most importantly, the research revealed that the interest of leadership across three spheres of government played a key role in the decentralisation of PHCs and integration of PHCs, while highlighting the importance of community participation in health service delivery (CP). In conclusion, the decentralisation process was generally perceived as empowering although, nationally, leadership needs to be strengthened to support provinces and districts regarding major policy issues such decentralisation. Key recommendations were made and further research was suggested. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

Lorsqu’un médecin diagnostique une pathologie chronique tel un diabète ou une artérite, pathologies choisies dans cette recherche, le patient entame, de fait, un processus d’apprentissage de la pathologie et de sa nouvelle vie avec ce diagnostic.Pourtant, ce processus diffère d’un patient à un autre et aboutit à des conduites diverses malgré des recommandations médicales consensuelles. Les professionnels de santé, en effet, ont des objectifs communs pour ces pathologies chroniques qui sont que les patients arrivent à avoir une alimentation équilibrée, pratiquent une activité physique quotidienne, s’abstiennent de tout comportement tabagique et prennent le traitement médicamenteux prescrit. Dans ce but, un certain nombre d’actions sont mises en place,de la campagne de santé publique au travail médical dans un cabinet libéral en passant par des programmes construits d’éducation. Ce que le patient fait grâce (ou malgré)cette éducation est l’objet de cette recherche.À la croisée des domaines de la santé et de l’éducation, nous avons choisi une méthodologie variée pour rendre compte à la fois de l’aspect anthropologique de cet apprentissage en considérant ce qui ne dépend pas du patient et à la fois de l’aspect didactique en observant le résultat des différentes situations sollicitées pour faire changer les patients. La première partie, centrée sur les aspects théoriques, montre la nécessité de considérer le corps dans l’éducation lorsqu’elle est dite thérapeutique.Pour comprendre ce qui est généralement peu ou pas interrogé par les acteurs de l’éducation thérapeutique, nous avons examiné l’ancrage historique des rapports entre le corps, la santé et l’éducation pour mieux étudier le « devenir malade » des patients considérés dans notre étude. Après un approfondissement historique du soin, de l’éducation puis du corps, les rapports actuels entre le corps et la santé ont été observés à l’aide des proverbes usuels, des livres en sciences humaines et sociales, de l’image publicitaire ainsi que des articles de presse. Les processus de transformation des corps malades pouvaient alors être compris selon cet ancrage et l’environnement éducatif dans lequel se situent actuellement les patients. Dans la troisième partie nous avons utilisé les récits des patients rencontrés. La mise en récit de la maladie est le dernier temps méthodologique. Grâce à l’histoire, à la compréhension du monde environnant les patients et à leur récit de vie, nous avons pu dégager des styles de discours. Trois grands styles sont repérés : celui des « experts » qui présentent une centration sur les savoirs,celui des « actifs » avec une centration sur l’activité physique et celui des « mangeurs »avec une centration sur l’alimentation. La compréhension de ces différents styles de discours est à mettre en lien avec les changements de conduites considérés sur le temps long de la pathologie chronique, dans le cadre de la dernière partie de ce travail. Ces modes de changements, tout au long du reste de la vie des patients, prennent différentes formes caractéristiques que nous avons pu dégager selon certains chemin explicatifs.L’ensemble des résultats permet de montrer l’intérêt d’interroger l’éducation thérapeutique actuelle et ses programmes ainsi que les concepts qui y sont attachés en utilisant le corps comme entrée. / As soon as a doctor diagnoses a chronic disease such as diabetes or arteritis, pathologies on which we shall focus in our research, patient begins a learning process of the pathology and their new life with this diagnosis. However this process differs from one patient to another and leads to diverse behaviours despite consistent medical recommendations. In fact, health professionals do seek common objectives: a balanced diet, daily physical activities, tobacco abstinence and a treatment medical that is followed. To reach this goal, various actions are put in place such as public health campaigns, work in the doctor’s office or Therapeutic Patient Education (TPE) programs. Our research focuses on how patients may react to (and benefit), from such education. At the junction of the health and education domains, we choose a diverse methodology to account for both the anthropological side of this learning experience, considering what does not depend on the patient, as well as its, the didactic side, thus observing the outcome of different pedagogical activities. The first part, focused on theory, demonstrates how considering the body is essential in education, especially in therapeutic education. To understand what is typically rarely considered, if not at all by TPE’s actors, we explore the historical roots of relationships between body, health and education to then better understand “becoming ill” as it relates to patients considered as part of our studies. After a historical investigation of cure, education and then the body, actual relationships between body and health are examined with using usual saying, books of Human and social sciences, advertisement pictures and newspaper articles. The transformation processes of sick bodies can then be understood from this viewpoint as well as through the patient’s educational environment. In the third part we used disease narratives from patients we have met. The disease storytelling within life stories is the last methodology step. In light of history, and through the patients’ environment and life stories, we could extract different speech styles that make sense when body speech is analysed in light of various anthropological data. Three major style types are identified: “experts” with centration on knowledge, “actives” with centration on physical activities and “eater” with centration on food. Understanding these style types requires considering behaviour changes in the long time of chronic pathologies, as done in the last part of our work. These different modes of change throughout the patients’ life present different characteristics, which we have been able to discern from various explanation paths. All results together allow us to demonstrate the value there is in questioning current TPE programs and its related concepts using the body as an input.

Införandet av New Public Management i den offentliga sektorn har för första linjens chefer,benämnda som enhetschefer i denna studie, inneburit en ökad byråkrati och minskad kunskap inom hantering av olika arbetsuppgifter. Detta bland annat inom arbetet kopplat till personalärenden. På så sätt ökar värdet av ett gott samarbete och en god relation med HR-avdelningen och dess HR-partners. Studiens syfte avser att skapa förståelse kring enhetschefers upplevelse av relationen till sin HR-partner och vilka faktorer som ligger till grund för en högkvalitativ arbetsrelation. Studien ämnar att ta reda på vilka kriterier enhetschefer anser bör finnas i en högkvalitativ arbetsrelation samt på vilket sätt relationen mellan enhetschefer och deras HR-partners kan definieras som en högkvalitativ arbetsrelation. Alternativt vad som behöver utvecklas för att relationen skall definieras som en högkvalitativ relation. Genom en kvalitativ metod intervjuades enhetschefer inom en offentlig verksamhet. Semi-struktureradeintervjuer användes för att undersöka deras upplevelser av relationen till deras HR-partners. Genom en tematisk analys kunde ett resultat presenteras. Resultat visade att relationen idag ärgod, men är inte av en högkvalitativ karaktär. Relationen innehåller ömsesidig respekt ochempati som ger psykologisk trygghet till medlemmarna i den men det finns hinder för utvecklingen av relationen. Det handlar om att fylla ett behov för ett individ- och verksamhetsanpassat arbete som i dag saknas i relationen. Då relationer är dynamiska och en uppfattning om vad god kvalité innebär är individuellt kan relationer lätt få fel förutsättningar för att fungera. Genom att arbeta mot en tydligare målbild för vad arbetet skall bidra till samt vad relationen betyder för de olika parterna kan en högkvalitativ relation lättare uppnås. / The introduction of New Public Management in the public sector has meant increased bureaucracy and reduced knowledge in handling various tasks for first-line managers referred to as unit managers in this study. This, among other things, in work linked to personnel matters. In this way, the value of good collaboration and a good relationship with the HR department and its HR partners increases. The purpose of the study is to create an understanding of unit managers' experience of the relationship with their HR partner and the factors that form the basis for a high-quality working relationship. The study aims to find out what criteria unit managers believe should exist in a high-quality working relationship and in what way the relationship between unit managers and their HR partners can be defined as a high-quality working relationship. Alternatively, what needs to be developed for the relationship to be defined as a high-quality relationship. Through a qualitative method, unit managers in thepublic sector were interviewed. Semi-structured interviews were used to examine their experiences of the relationship with their HR partners. Through a thematic analysis, a result could be presented. Results showed that the relationship today is good, but is not of high-quality nature. The relationship contains mutual respect and empathy that gives psychological security to its member. There are obstacles to the development of the relationship that is about filling a need for individual and business-adapted work that is currently lacking in the relationship. As relationships are dynamic and perception of what good quality means is individual, relationships can easily have the wrong conditions to function. By working towards a clearer goal picture for what the work is to contribute to and what the relationship means for the various parties, a high-quality relationship can be more easily achieved.

Self-management is a relatively new concept in South Africa. The transformation of education after 1994 resulted in the promulgation of the South African Schools Act (SASA) 84 of 1996, which started the process of decentralisation of education. The SASA mandates the school governing bodies (SGBs) to play an active role in decision making in schools. The justification for the self-management of schools is that it promotes effectiveness and efficiency in schools. The aim of the study was to investigate the challenges that are faced and the benefits/opportunities that exist for self-managing schools. The secondary aim of the study was to investigate how self-managing schools could be supported so that they become more efficient and effective. This study focuses on 2 ex-DET self-managing schools in Gauteng. The findings reveal that teamwork amongst educators, parents and communities is essential for self-managing schools to be effective and efficient. / Educational Studies / M.Ed. (Education Management)

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het as gevolg van apartheid vir etlike dekades oor 'n gedeeltelik legitieme plaaslike regeringstelsel beskik. Die probleem is dat die land se apartheidsregering afsonderlike stelsels vir blankes en swartes in aparte woongebiede in stand gehou het, welke beleid vir meeste Suid-Afrikaners onaanvaarbaar was. Swart plaaslike owerhede wat swart plaaslike regering moes bedryf, was nog polities nog ekonomies lewensvatbaar. Die rede hiervoor is dat hul enersyds deur die gemeenskap verwerp is en andersyds nie voldoende inkomstebronne gehad het om plaaslike owerheidsdienste finansieel onafhanklik te lewer nie. Stedelike swart gemeenskappe was aan 'n, vir hulle, onaanvaarbare apartheidsgestruktureerde swart plaaslike regeringstelsel onderworpe. Swart plaaslike owerhede was voorts as gevolg van hul ekonomiese nie-lewensvatbaarheid, gekniehalter in die lewering van plaaslike owerheidsdienste asook die daarstelling en instandhouding van kapitale ontwikkelingsprojekte. Stedelike swartes was dus blootgestel aan gebrekkige dienslewering in aparte, onderontwikkelde "slaapdorpe" waar hulle noodgedwonge moes woon. 'n Vraag waarna gevolglik gekyk word, fokus op die kenmerke van 'n ideeeltipiese model van plaaslike regering wat die gedeeltelik legitieme stelsel behoort te vervang. As gevolg van die onaanvaarbaarheid van die swart plaaslike regeringstelsel was swart plaaslike owerhede sedert die vroee tagtigerjare die teikens van aksioniste teen hierdie apartheidsproduk. Aksioniste het nie-gewelddadige aksie (NGA), geskoei op die Gandhiaanse filosofie en metodiek van Satyagraha, aangewend ten einde swart plaaslike owerhede te vernietig. NGA (wat dikwels ook tot gewelddadigheid gelei het), het tot gevolg gehad dat die owerheid later noodgedwonge 'n nuwe plaaslike regeringstelsel vir die totale Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing, met alle deelvennote moes beding. Onderhandelings het vervolgens meegebring dat 'n oorgangsproses na legitieme (demokratiese) plaaslike regering vir alle Suid-Afrikaners ingevolge die Oorgangswet op Plaaslike Regering, 1993 (Wet No. 209 van 1993) geaktiveer is. In hierdie proefskrif is gevolglik vasgestel: (1) welke invloed die politieke bedeling (apartheidsbedeling) op die ontwikkeling van stedelike swart gemeenskappe en die bedryf van swart plaaslike regering gehad het; (2) wat die aard en effek van NGA op die ontwikkeling van swart plaaslike regering was; en (3) hoe geldig die onderhandelde plaaslike regeringstelsel is, vergeleke met die ideeel-tipiese model wat geidentifiseer is. / As a result of apartheid South Africa possessed a partially legitimate local government system for several decades. The problem is that the country's apartheid government maintained separate systems for whites and blacks in separate residential areas, a policy that was unacceptable to the majority of South Africans. Black local authorities who had to maintain black local government were neither politically nor economically viable because they were rejected by the community and lacked sufficient sources of revenue to render financially independent local government services. Urban black communities were subject to what, for them, was an unacceptable apartheid-structured black local government system. Black local authorities were also prevented by their economic nonviability from delivering local government services effectively and from instituting and maintaining capital development projects. Urban blacks were therefore subjected to poor service delivery in separate, underdeveloped "dormitory towns" where they were forced to live. An issue to be considered in this regard concerns the characteristics of an ideal-typical model of local government that should replace this partially legitimate system. As a result of the unacceptability of the black local government system local authorities became the targets of activists who waged a campaign against this product of apartheid since the early eighties. Activists used non-violent action (NV A), based on the Gandhian principle of Satyagraha, to destroy black local authorities. As a result of NVA (which often led to violence) the central government was eventually forced to negotiate a new local government system for the whole of South African society with all stakeholders. Negotiations led to a process of transition to legitimate (democratic) local government for all South Africans as promulgated in the Local Government Transition Act, 1993 (Act No. 209 of I 993). Consequently the following has been established in this thesis: (1) the influence of the political dispensation (apartheid dispensation) on the development of urban black communities and the maintenance of black local government; (2) the nature and the effect of NV A on the development of black local government; and (3) how valid the negotiated local government system is, compared to the identified ideal-typical model. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Ontwikkelingsadministrasie)

O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras, havendo, em todas elas, considerável disparidade entre a autonomia federativa formal (que o texto revela) e a autonomia federativa real (que se pratica), causada, sobretudo, pelo antagonismo dos interesses políticos e econômicos que determinam, em última instância, a descentralização político-governamental. A presente tese propõe a conceituação e a delimitação da autonomia federativa formal no Direito Constitucional brasileiro posto pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 / Federalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.

O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras, havendo, em todas elas, considerável disparidade entre a autonomia federativa formal (que o texto revela) e a autonomia federativa real (que se pratica), causada, sobretudo, pelo antagonismo dos interesses políticos e econômicos que determinam, em última instância, a descentralização político-governamental. A presente tese propõe a conceituação e a delimitação da autonomia federativa formal no Direito Constitucional brasileiro posto pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 / Federalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.