Orientador: Decio Azevedo Marques de Saes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T18:16:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Codato_AdrianoNervo_M.pdf: 14757258 bytes, checksum: 4ae0036679602b29e20e95ab6cf65c1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

The first aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the structural congruence between the discourse theory, as is formulated in the work of political philospoher Ernesto Laclau, and the Lacanian psychoanalytical discouse. Moreover, we claim that any potential attempt to remove or omit the theoretical connection with Lacanian thinking from Laclauan work is illegitimate and thwart a coherence of this work. Through this demonstration we want to reach our second aim, which is to reconstruct a theory of discourse and ideology in particular which can consistently draw upon theories of both Jacques Lacan and Ernesto Laclau. To reinforce our argumentation in context of this second aim, it turned out to be very fruitful to introduce another contemporary thinker, Slavoj Žižek, to our theoretical exposition. Joining these two aims made possible a delineation of post-structurally and at the same time psychoanalytically oriented critical political theory of ideology and society.

I denne opgave undersøges diskursen hos lærere og ledere i forbindelse med lærerkonflikten i Danmark i 2013. Med en diskursanalytisk tilgang inspireret af Chantal Mouffe og Ernesto Laclau undersøges lederartikler i fagbladene Plenum og Folkeskolen før, under og efter konflikten. En analyse af den retoriske situation og et særligt fokus på metaforer, som udtryk for såkaldte strukturelle landskaber, supplerer den diskursanalytiske metode. I en sammenfattende diskussion af analysens resultater vurderes forskellige udtryk for hegemoni indenfor diskurserne. Hvor skolelederne tydeligt skelner mellem skolereform og overenskomstforhandlinger gør lærerne det ikke. Lærernes og skoleledernes forskellige diskurser forholder sig ikke direkte antagonistisk til hinanden, men skaber til gengæld basis for en fremtidig selvstændig organisering for lederene udenfor Danmarks Lærerforening. / This study examines the discourses of teachers and principals regarding the teacher’s conflict in Denmark 2013. The methodological approach inspired by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau examines editorials published by the unions (Danmarks Lærerforening and Skolelederforeningen) before, during and after the conflict. Furthermore metaphorical concepts and the rhetorical situation are subjects of analysis. Finally the results of the analysis are discussed in regard to aspects of Mouffe and Laclau´s theories on hegemony.

Ernesto Palacio (Lima, 1946) es uno de los mayores expertos de la vocalidad rossiniana en la actualidad. Ejerció como cantante entre 1972 y 1998, poniendo su voz de tenor lírico-ligero al servicio del repertorio del bel canto, participando en el “rescate” de títulos hasta entonces desconocidos y presentando su enfoque artístico dentro de este estilo. Como maestro, fue el descubridor y guía de Juan Diego Flórez durante su etapa formativa en 1994. Lo impulsó hasta llevarlo a Pesaro en 1996, año del debut internacional que le abrió las puertas de la Scala de Milán. También lo representó y acompañó en los pasos más importantes de su carrera. Como agente artístico, Palacio ha sido parte clave para el despegue de cantantes hoy vigentes y destacados en la escena lírica mundial, como el bajo ruso Ildar Abdrazakov, la mezzosoprano Daniela Barcellona o el director de orquesta Michele Mariotti. Debido a su trayectoria y destacado trabajo, Ernesto Palacio fue elegido por las autoridades del Rossini Opera Festival como sovrintendente y director artístico; así como director de la Accademia Rossiniana “Alberto Zedda”. Esta investigación busca definir y determinar los aportes de Ernesto Palacio a la interpretación de la ópera rossiniana, considerando su amplia experiencia en el rescate de las obras compuestas por Gioachino Rossini y como continuador del Rossini Renaissance surgido a finales de la década del sesenta. En el camino por cumplir este objetivo, el lector profundizará en el pasado más remoto y el presente de la ópera entre Perú e Italia.

This thesis examines the Alberto Korda Guerrillero Heroico image within the realm of U.S. Latino/a fiction. Drawing from several trends that constitute Latino/a identity as either resistant to white mainstream hegemonies, or as a performative construct, I argue that a collective Hispanic identity is found somewhere between these two extremes. Corporate discourses have perpetuated stereotypes of Latino masculinity to limit any alternate and nuanced portrayal of Latinidad. Specifically, I posit that the corporate use of the Che photograph illustrates Latin men as hypermasculine, limiting Latin-ness to a performance of its mainstream depiction. To combat the commercialization of the print, the novel Loving Che imagines new possibilities for the Hispanic community and its relationship to the U.S. market, challenging the idea of a pan-Latino/a identity with archival photographis of the comandante. Together, both texts bridge performative and resistant trends, providing a potential Latinidad that resists and eludes corporate hegemonies. / by Johanna Ayala-Walsh. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gianfranco Caterina.pdf: 1472058 bytes, checksum: 73162003a75c2499791fea34a48229eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-16 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The aim of this study is to assess the delicate relationship between Brazil and the United States in a global scenario of détente between the two political-ideological blocs of Cold War. The superpower has, yet, as its main challenge the need to conciliate a search for its own interests as a nation, with ideals of democracy and respect for human rights. Brazil, on the other hand, was looking for prestige between powers, and more independence and autonomy on its foreign policy. In this process, it s possible to characterize, at least, three different overviews. First, a relative decline in U.S. power, political repression and high economic growth in Brazil. Second, oil international crisis, Watergate scandal, new military coups in South America, new human rights movements articulations and the beginning of abertura in Brazil. At last, the rise of Carter, and a dispute, on and off institutional level, on nuclear energy issues and human rights. I ll try to approach how the main political actors, the emergence of the human rights issue, and the constraints imposed by the international order have impacted on bilateral relations in the period from 1967 to 1978 / O estudo procura discutir a intrincada relação entre Brasil e Estados Unidos em um cenário global de distensão entre os dois blocos político-ideológicos da Guerra Fria. A superpotência tem, ainda, como principal desafio em sua atuação internacional, conciliar a busca por seus interesses como nação, com ideais de democracia e respeito aos direitos humanos. O Brasil, por outro lado, ansiava por reconhecimento entre os grandes, além de maior independência e autonomia em sua política externa. Nesse processo, podem-se caracterizar, pelo menos, três conjunturas distintas. Na primeira; o declínio relativo do poder americano, a repressão política e alto crescimento econômico brasileiro. A seguir; a crise internacional do petróleo, escândalo Watergate, novos golpes militares na América do Sul, articulação de movimentos em defesa dos direitos humanos e início da abertura política no Brasil. Por último; a ascensão de Carter e o atrito, em âmbito institucional e fora dele, em torno das questões de energia nuclear e direitos humanos. Procuramos abordar de que forma os principais atores políticos, a emergência da questão dos direitos humanos, e as limitações impostas pela ordem internacional incidiram nas relações bilaterais no período de 1967 a 1978

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leticia Araujo Brandao.pdf: 1615355 bytes, checksum: d996c355e9ede6a5d4e46b65725a59c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to research the literary trajectory of Ernesto Cardenal, as well as the political consequences of his thought during the period leading up to the Sandinista Revolution, during which this revolution was developed in Nicaragua. Throughout his life, Cardenal took on not only the role of a poet, whichbrought him worldwide fame as an intellectual, but also that of a religious man and a revolutionary committed to the fight against social inequality in his country. In this way, he united ethical-Christian values to the Sandinistacause and contributed decisively to the project of construction of a hegemonic Christian and revolutionary culture that, for ten years (from the triumph of therevolutionin 1979 until the elections that brought the oppositioncandidate, Violeta Chamorro,to power in 1989), gave legitimacy to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Every trace of his human and literary thought, therefore, can be seen in his role as a formerof opinion in the period when he founded the contemplative community of Our Lady of Solentiname; and during the Revolution, in his role as Minister of Culture. Understanding the faces of Love that emanate in his life and work is, therefore, of fundamental importance for a concrete analysis of the process of formation of an alleged revolutionary cultural hegemony in Nicaragua, a fundamental project of the SNLF government which Cardenalwas part of / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória literária de Ernesto Cardenal, bem como das consequências políticas de seu pensamento durante o período que antecedeu, e no qual se desenvolveu, a Revolução Sandinista, na Nicarágua. Ao longo de sua vida, Cardenal assumiu não apenas a faceta de poeta, que o consagrou mundialmente enquanto intelectual, mas também a de religioso e de revolucionário comprometido na luta contra a desigualdade social em seu país. Dessa forma, uniu valores éticos-cristãos à causa sandinista, tendo contribuído de forma decisiva no projeto de construção de uma cultura hegemônica cristã e revolucionária que, durante dez anos (desde o triunfo revolucionário em 1979, até as eleições que levaram ao poder a candidata de oposição, Violeta Chamorro, em 1989), conferiu legitimidade ao governo da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional. Cada traço de seu pensamento humano e literário, portanto, pode ser revelado em sua atuação enquanto formador de opinião no período em que fundou a comunidade contemplativa de Nossa Senhora de Solentiname e durante a Revolução, em sua atuação como Ministro da Cultura. Compreender as faces do Amor emanadas em sua vida e obra, portanto, revela-se de fundamental importância para uma análise concreta do processo de formação de uma pretensa hegemonia cultural revolucionária na Nicarágua, projeto elementar do governo da FSLN do qual Cardenal fez parte

This three-paper dissertation aims to contribute to the study of the Mexican presidency, in particular, to the understanding of the origins and use of presidential polling, its role in the policy activity of the president, and the dynamics of presidential approval between 1989 and 2011. The dissertation draws upon the presidential polling, opinion-policy and approval research done in the United States. The first paper explores a topic that has not received much attention in Mexico, the origins and use of the presidential polling unit (PPU). The second paper focuses on presidential approval in Mexico, and the third analyzes, yet another understudied topic, the relationship between government spending (used as proxy for policy) and public opinion (collected by the PPU). The first paper relies on crosstabulations, text analysis, wordclouds and cluster analysis. Additionally, to offer an insider's view, I conducted a series of interviews to seven presidential staffers during the administrations of Presidents Carlos Salinas de Gortari (Dec/1988-Nov/1994), Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León (Dec/1994-Nov/2000), and Vicente Fox Quezada (Dec/2000-Nov/2006). The second and third papers made use of vector autoregression models to account for feedback effects among the spending and opinion variables, controlling, at the same time, for a possible `backwards' process in the opinion variables. The main assumption is that the variables are connected: all variables depend and/or explain each other.The first paper entitled "Origins and Use of Presidential Polling in Mexico" addresses the questions of what caused the creation of a government office dedicated to gauge public opinion, what poll information the presidents collected, and how it was used. I will argue that the institutionalization of public opinion within the presidency responded to the dynamics of the political system, in particular, to the changes in the electoral system and the outcome of the presidential election of 1988. The election of 1988 changed Mexico's electoral map and reconfigured the party loyalties against the ruling party PRI. Aware of this new political context, President Salinas used polling not only to study the political behavior of the Mexican voters but also as an alternative to verify electoral results. In fact, the first mandate of the presidential polling unit was to track political preferences. Eventually the use of public opinion polls expanded to other issues and became part of the presidential policy toolkit. As Jacobs and Shapiro (1995) pointed out in the case of the Kennedy administration, the Mexican presidency had now an office with "routinized procedures" to research and collect public opinion data. To identify the type of polling information collected by the presidents, in addition to interviews to presidential staffers, I applied text analysis on titles of all presidential polls conducted between 1989 and 2006. While all presidents collected opinion data on their approval ratings and customized their polling operations according to their own policy agenda, there were some overall differences. President Salinas centered his field polling operations around policy, and his phone polls for elections and presidential image. President Zedillo used field polls mostly for electoral issues and phone polls for image and communications. President Fox focused the field polls for government evaluation and customer satisfaction, and his phone polls for image and evaluation of political figures. How public opinion information was used remains an open chapter. All presidential insiders mentioned that information from public opinion polls was not specifically used to design policy but rather to test it, and to see what worked and what did not work. Polling was used to find ways to convince the public of the benefits of the presidential policies and actions. From this analysis, the conclusion is similar to what Jacobs (1992) argued in his paper on recoil effect. The presidents did use polling to try to move public opinion to their side, but also polling was used to understand what was in the mind of the public. Eventually, these efforts, I believe, made a significant contribution to the development of political public opinion and, most importantly, to the development of democratic values among the political elites.The second paper entitled "Presidential Approval in Mexico" looks at the factors that influence presidential approval using as reference research done in the United States and Mexico. I am looking for evidence that presidential approval in Mexico depends on factors directly connected to policy outcomes (Erikson, MacKuen and Stimson 2002). The risk of manipulation is at the center of this connection. The president may create the illusion of meeting the public's expectations (Kernel 1997) and/or opinion elites may misled the public against the president (MacKuen, Erikson and Stimson 1992). The argument here is that as long as presidential popularity is rooted in objective measures related to policy or economic outcomes, approval may actually be a reliable indicator of citizen's response to government actions and, therefore, a reliable measure of the president's political capital. Thus, the research question is whether approval depends on objective measures of the economy (and the overall situation of the country) or relies on the public's perceptions about the current conditions of the country. Furthermore, are those perceptions retrospective or prospective? Do they rely on what has been done or what is expected to be done? The findings presented in this paper confirm the expectations that the popularity of the Mexican president depends mostly on how the economy is doing and how the president deals with current salient issues like public safety (Buendia 1996; Gómez-Vilchis 2012). At the level of perceptions, prospective evaluations of personal well-being have a positive impact on approval but only among the richer segments of the population. It is important to notice that these perceptions are strongly influenced by the unemployment rates. The overall conclusion is that presidential approval in Mexico is rooted in macroeconomic, salient and subjective measures that are also connected to the dynamics of leading economic indicators. Presidential approval in Mexico depends, so far, on the president's capacity to solve problems.The third paper entitled "Government spending and public opinion in Mexico" explores the relationship between policy and public opinion. While this paper draws upon the opinion-policy research done in the United States, it departs from the policy preference approach to a perspective centered on policy outcomes. The main opinion variables included in the models refer to retrospective and prospective evaluations of personal well-being. These are generic and, in the question wording, do not refer to any issue in particular. One of the goals is to find whether these opinion variables are directly connected to trends in leading economic indicators (like growth of GDP percapita, unemployment, inflation). If such connection exists, then they may represent citizen's responses to current state of affairs of which the president and the government in general are perceived as responsible. This is, the opinion variables can be taken as responding to policy outcomes. The main underlying logic follows the Mood and Thermostatic models suggested by Erikson, MacKuen and Stimson (2002) and Soroka and Welzien (2010) respectively. If people started to feel that things are getting worse, then I would expect the government to increase spending, for example to stimulate the economy. Conversely, if people feel things are getting better, then I would expect the president to scale back on spending. The models show feedback in the economic but not in the public safety models (this is, the reciprocal effect between opinion and spending). In the models where economic spending is the contemporaneous outcome variable, positive prospective evaluations of personal well-being and perceptions that the economy is the most important problem (MIP) facing the nation show significant effects on spending. In the case of spending on public safety, negative prospective evaluation of personal well-being and the perceptions that public safety is the most important problem in the country play a significant role (but there is no feedback). An important finding is that the public attentiveness to economic issues (MIP) does explain a significant portion of the variance in spending on the economy. Regarding the impact of opinions by socioeconomic status, there is not enough evidence to conclude that the President listens more to a particular segment of the population. The results, however, seem to indicate a marginal difference in favor of the public with lower income and education levels. Overall, the findings presented here show a connection between presidential spending activity and public opinion. This suggests some responsiveness towards public opinion. Regardless of their own personal agendas, presidents have worked to improve the conditions of the citizens and responded to their perceptions of the general situation of the country. The fact that most of the population is still poor combined with the fact that polling is here to stay (along with the new impact of social media), has forced politicians to be responsive to the needs and wants of the public. As long as the public remains connected to its economic reality and pay attention to their immediate environment, any attempt of manipulation will not last long. The Mexican public is wise and, repeatedly in electoral processes, it has demonstrated strong and reasonable political culture. Mexican politicians are catching up with the public and this is a good thing. However, as democracy consolidates in Mexico, it may be possible to see the nature of responsiveness changing as the influence of traditional political elites fades and other forms of influence start taking over. Mexico is still in a democratic honeymoon.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Henrique Gavioli.pdf: 1045472 bytes, checksum: def1963f87b92a6a2df86fa24e5a0a64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-07 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / The aim of this study is to discuss some contributions made by Ernesto Paterniani (born in 1928) for genetics in Brazil, particularly concerning the improvement of maize. This dissertation contains an introduction and four chapters. Chapter 1 presents a general view of the scientific context of the period in which Paterniani developed his researches on the improvement of maize, and an overview of Paterniani s career. Chapter 2 deals with the origin and evolution of maize. Chapter 3 discusses the techniques employed by Paterniani in the improvement of maize. Chapter 4 presents some final considerations on the subject. This study led to the conclusion that Paterniani s contributions were relevant since besides introducing some modifications in the existent techniques which contributed to their improvement, he also introduced new efficient techniques for the improvement of maize / O objetivo desta pesquisa é discutir um pouco acerca de algumas das contribuições de Ernesto Paterninani (nascido em 1928) para a genética em nosso país, especificamente para o melhoramento do milho. Esta dissertação contém uma introdução e quatro capítulos. O Capítulo 1 apresenta uma visão geral do panorama científico da época em que Paterniani desenvolveu suas investigações sobre o melhoramento do milho comentando também acerca de sua carreira e interesses profissionais. O Capítulo 2 trata da origem e evolução do milho. O Capítulo 3 aborda as técnicas que Paterniani utilizou para o melhoramento do milho. O Capítulo 4 apresenta algumas considerações finais sobre o assunto. Este estudo levou à conclusão de que a contribuição de Paterniani foi bastante relevante pois além de introduzir modificações que contribuíram para o aperfeiçoamento de técnicas existentes, ele introduziu novas técnicas bastante eficientes para o melhoramento do milho

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.