Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-04-24T14:36:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vinicius Novais Gonçalves de Andrade.pdf: 2691872 bytes, checksum: 4a4aa37df4d3391d5dae8ffe25627546 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-24T14:36:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vinicius Novais Gonçalves de Andrade.pdf: 2691872 bytes, checksum: 4a4aa37df4d3391d5dae8ffe25627546 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-15 / The effects of violence against transgender people (specially transvestites and transsexuals) are nothing but pernicious. When the gender factor is analyzed with reference to other social markers, such as race and ethnicity, sexuality and social class, inequalities are accentuated in the form of hierarchies of power and subjection/oppression. This research seeks its theoretical and epistemological foundations in the studies of gender and sexuality based on the references of social constructionism, queer studies, feminisms and intersectionality, finding in Social Psychology, from a critical and political point of view, its voice, one of dispute with some (de)naturalizing, (de)essentializing and (non)universalizing discourses in Psychology. This is an investigation designed with empirical and documentary contours (both quantitatively and qualitatively), with the objective of analyzing transphobia in Brazil based on crime reports and how they are dealt with in the criminal justice system, as well as of the relations between knowledge-powerssubjectivities in the production / maintenance of transphobic violence. This paper considers the crime reports and complaints against the LGBT community received by “Disque Direitos Humanos”, a hotline intended to deal with the report of crimes against human rights, in 2014. It focuses on the monitoring of the reports as well as of a criminal case. The methodologies adopted consisted of two: Thematic Analysis and Discourse Analysis as well as (other) practices inspired by the work of Michel Foucault. The results of the research allowed us to problematize the structure and functioning of the hotline “Disque Direitos Humanos”, showing its difficulties and failures, especially regarding the destination and monitoring of the crime reports. The results suggested that, because transgender people break with the supposed linearity of the sex, gender and sexual orientation sequence, they are compulsorily sent to the margins of society; exposed (more often than not) to the dangers of the night and prostitution just as to various forms of violence, occupying, hierarchically, places of subordination and subjection. Exerted and clearly expressed transphobia is considered here as the effect of discourses and other (social) practices, such as the forbiddance of transgender people to come and go as freely as they want due to territorial dispute; the fact of not being considered human beings for a whole day, only being allowed to come out during the night; the suffering of psychological/symbolic violence through insults, curses, humiliations, threats to life and / or silences; institutional violence (both physical and sexual) and finally, in many cases, murders. The effects of multiple intersectional violence in the daily lives of transgender people are considered, then, devastating. Brazil offers many examples of such violence, since it is the country where transvestites, transsexuals and other subjects with "dissident" gender identities or not binary, are killed the most frequently. When so many demand the end of the existence of a non-cisgender, non-heterosexual, non-white body and it remains alive, such act of survival must be regarded as a political attitude of resistance. Consequently, it is vital to (re) think about changes, discursive (re)significations in Psychology and in everyday social practices, considering no longer the impossibility of transgender people leading a full life, but their possibilities of existence as legitimate and human bodies. / São nefastos os efeitos das violências cometidas contra pessoas trans (travestis e transexuais). Quando intersseccionado gênero com outros marcadores sociais, como raça e etnia, sexualidade e classe social, mostram-se acentuadas as desigualdades, hierarquias de poder e de sujeição/opressão. Esta pesquisa buscou subsídios teórico-epistemológicos nos estudos de gênero e sexualidade a partir dos referenciais do construcionismo social, estudos queer, dos feminismos e da interseccionalidade, encontrando na Psicologia Social, por um viés crítico e político, o seu lugar de fala, de disputa por discursos (des)naturalizantes, (des)essencializantes e (des)universalizantes na Psicologia. Esta é uma investigação desenhada com contornos empíricos (quantitativa e qualitativamente) e documental, que teve como objetivo a análise da transfobia brasileira a partir de denúncias e de seus fluxos no sistema de justiça; das relações entre saberes-poderes-subjetividades na produção/manutenção da violência transfóbica. Buscou-se, assim, analisar as denúncias recebidas pelo Disque Direitos Humanos, módulo LGBT, no ano de 2014, relatórios de monitoramento do mesmo serviço e um processo criminal. Os focos metodológicos adotados consistiram em dois: Análise Temática e Análises de Discurso e (outras) práticas com ‘inspiração’ em Michel Foucault. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram problematizar a estrutura e funcionamento do Disque Direitos Humanos mostrando suas dificuldades e falhas, principalmente no que tange ao encaminhamento e monitoramento das denúncias. Os resultados sugeriram que, por romperem com a suposta linearidade da sequência sexo, gênero e orientação sexual, pessoas trans são direcionadas compulsoriamente à margem da sociedade; expostas (muitas vezes) à noite e à prostituição e a diversas modalidades de violência ocupando, hierarquicamente, lugares de subordinação e assujeitamento. Analisou-se a transfobia operada e manifesta como efeito de discursos e (outras) práticas sociais, como a impossibilidade de ir-e-vir dxs trans, por questões de territorialidade; de não serem consideradxs seres humanos por todo um dia; pela violência psicológica/simbólica por via de insultos, termos de baixo calão, humilhações, ameaças à vida e/ou silêncios; violência institucional; física; sexual e, em muitos casos, os assassinatos. Considera-se, portanto, que são graves os efeitos de múltiplas violências interseccionais presentes no cotidiano de pessoas trans, sendo o Brasil um exemplo desse processo, país em que mais se mata travestis, transexuais e outros sujeitos com identidades de gênero “dissidentes” ou não binárias. Quando um coletivo de vozes brada pelo fim da existência de um corpo não cisgênero, não heterossexual e não branco e esse permanece vivo, devemos considerar este ato de sobrevivência como uma atitude política e de resistência. Nesse sentido, deve-se (re)pensar mudanças, (re)significações discursivas na Psicologia e nas práticas sociais cotidianas, considerando não mais a impossibilidade de vida das pessoas trans mas, sim, nas suas possibilidades de existência como um corpo legítimo e humano.

This thesis investigates the counter-hegemonic formation of Danish-based transnational feminist curatorial collective Kuratorisk Aktion in a single-case study. It serves as a unique example, presenting how the collective engages to overcome the existing gap between curatorial aims and the implementation through curating. Their work and approach is shaped highly by their political mindset, aiming to resist tendencies of depoliticisation, right-wing populism or neoliberalism with the means of curating. Chantal Mouffe’s theory of radical democracy and her deliberations and notions concerning agonisms, citizenship, feminism, counter-hegemonic interventions and activism through art are used in order to contextualise and discuss the possibilities and limitations of the political work by Kuratorisk Aktion. An interview with the collective conducted by scholar Angela Dimitrakaki in 2010 as well as their realised curatorial projects enhanced the argumentation. The analysis exemplified, that over the years Kuratorisk Aktion has developed their personal and exceptional curatorial paradigm, which is able to counteract hegemonic structures. This reveals their radical democratic potential and aspiration through curating and the curatorial.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-20T14:24:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelborgessalvador.pdf: 1552890 bytes, checksum: 31fc499fc753e002ca4f2c98da46b950 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-21T13:19:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelborgessalvador.pdf: 1552890 bytes, checksum: 31fc499fc753e002ca4f2c98da46b950 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-21T13:19:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelborgessalvador.pdf: 1552890 bytes, checksum: 31fc499fc753e002ca4f2c98da46b950 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T13:19:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelborgessalvador.pdf: 1552890 bytes, checksum: 31fc499fc753e002ca4f2c98da46b950 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-24 / A dissertação analisou o Plano Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres e seus reflexos na sala de aula através de seu capítulo 2- Educação Inclusiva, Não Sexista, Não Racista, Não Homofóbica, Não Lesbofóbica. Além do levantamento documental sobre Conferências Internacionais e Nacionais, bem como dos acordos e tratados registrados nos relatórios desse eventos, a fim de conhecer como corroboraram para a elaboração do Plano Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres, realizou-se também revisão bibliográfica de teses e dissertações com abordagem em Gênero e Educação para conhecer os pontos em comum entre essas pesquisas e a dissertação tecida, a partir das falas das professoras entrevistadas. Para essa revisão foram realizadas buscas no banco de teses e dissertações da Capes, por ser tal fonte relevante de trabalhos acadêmicos no Brasil, e em bibliotecas virtuais de algumas instituições de Ensino Superior Federais e Estaduais que têm significativos números de teses e dissertações publicadas sobre tal questão. O marco determinado para o levantamento bibliográfico foi a I Conferência Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres (I CNPM, 2004), culminando no Plano Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres (PNPM). Através de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas, foi possível perceber significativas aproximações, mas relevantes distanciamentos, como reflexos do Plano Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres na sala de aula, no que se refere a temática gênero, pelas entrevistas com o grupo de professoras dessa pesquisa. / The dissertation analysed the National Plan of Policies for the Women- PNPM nad your reflections in the classroom, through of your chapter 2-Inclusive Education, Non-Sexist, NonRacist, Non-Homophobic, Non-Lesbophobic. Beyond of the survey documental about International and National Conferences, as well of the agreement and treaties registered these events, in order to know how corroborated for the preparation of the National Plan of Policies for the Women, was carriet out also bibliographic review of theses and dissertations with approach about Gender and Education for know common ground between thoses researches and the woven dissertation, leave the speeches of the interview teachers. For this review were sought on the Bank Thesis and Dissertations of CAPES, for being such source relevant of academic researches in Brazil, and in virtual libraries of the some federal and state Higher Education Institutions that have significant amounts thesis and dissertations published about this subject. The determinated landmark for bibliographic search was the I National Conference of Policies for the Women (I CNPM, 2004), culminating in the National Plan of Policies for the Women (PNPM), in 2004. Through of individual and semi-structured interviews, was possible understand significant approaches, but relevant distances, as reflections of the PNPM and the classroom in relation to the gender theme, by teacher’s reports of that research.

These pages include parts of the process diary, notes on process, reading, as well as photos from my research process.  These are abstracts of my research and therefore curated in their own right to show not only my somewhat sprawling process but also my honest attempt to share how I document and research in my process. These “written expositions” mirrors how I gather material when I work as a performer and performance maker. This document is as much about me finding out what I did in the project as you are attempting to understand the project´s content, methods and results. It is me looking at the produced material from the outside, curating it to try out words on the method, content and material. I have written about the work reflectively at the same time as I invite you into this action. It´s speculative and intimate.   During my master studies in Performing Arts, I have reflected on what it means to be a performer beyond the symbolic meaning of it- such, as being material or representation for someone else work. I have investigated what the performer spends time doing and reflecting on beyond what is seen “on stage”, and present that, whatever it is and looks like. I have then, in my final degree project, looked at how I can use my gained knowledge as a mainly interactive performer in relation to performance arts and black feminism theory to create my own artistic practice.   My aim has been to do this by being, meaning to exist with, breathing with, becoming part of, attending to and situating myself in relation to performance arts and black feminism theory in a mindful manner.

In 1988, Linda Nicholson and Nancy Fraser published an article entitled "Social Criticism Without Philosophy: An Encounter Between Feminism and Postmodernism," arguing that this essay would provide a jumping point for discussion between feminisms and postmodernisms within academia. Within this essay, Nicholson and Fraser largely disavow a number of second wave feminist theories due to their essentialist and foundationalist underpinnings in favor of a set of postmodernist frameworks that might help feminist theorists overcome these epistemological impediments. A "postmodern feminism," Nicholson and Fraser claim, would become "the theoretical counterpart of a broader, richer, more complex, and multilayered solidarity, the sort of solidarity which is essential for overcoming the oppression of women" (35). Interpreting "Social Criticism" through a feminist cultural studies model in which texts are understood to be simultaneously constituted by and reflective of their own sociopolitical spaces, I argue that the construction of Nicholson and Fraser's "postmodern feminism" is, first and foremost, neither a postmodernist critique nor a means of overcoming the pitfalls of essentialism and foundationalism. Instead, the construction of this theoretical paradigm can be shown to be complicit with postfeminist discourses, wherein an implicitly patriarchal discourse of postmodernism is called upon to repair the deficiencies of feminisms, deficiencies that postmodernisms, in some ways, helped to bring into view. To provide a conceptual backing for these claims, I move toward an examination of mass culture, surveying the similarities between "Social Criticism" and the film What Women Want. Such a comparison, I suggest, facilitates a better understanding of how "Social Criticism" can be shown to be imbedded in a postfeminist narrative structure in which feminisms are relegated to a discursively subordinate gendered position in relation to postmodernisms. Finally, in what I find to be the most important aspect of this thesis' inquiry, I ask what it means to build a "broader, richer, more complex, and multilayered solidarity" by disavowing second wave feminisms in favor of postmodernisms. I conclude that, in using postmodernisms as a panacea for feminist theories, Nicholson and Fraser curtail what might have been a rigorous interrogation of and direct engagement with second wave feminist theories that would also attend to the phallogocentric underpinnings of postmodern theories. To underline the potential consequences, I turn to a set of televisual and filmic texts including Sex and the City, Desperate Housewives, and The Devil Wears Prada to gauge what their "postmodern feminism" might represent in practice rather than what it entails as philosophy. This juxtaposition of these two differently defined and yet overwhelmingly similar postmodern feminisms, I propose, underscores the potential that Nicholson and Fraser may have instituted a postmodern feminist methodology in which it is possible that feminisms might emerge not as discourses essential for "overcoming the oppression of women" but rather as discourses that can be critiqued into oblivion.

Depuis les années 2000, les « violences faites aux femmes » (VFF) font l’objet d’un traitement politique sans précédent. Cette publicité, fruit des luttes et des revendications féministes, est aussi le produit d'une histoire institutionnelle qui fait l'objet de cette recherche. Cette thèse porte sur les évolutions de l'encadrement étatique de la protection des victimes de violences de genre depuis les services d'aide proposés au sein même des groupes des tiers secteurs. Elle analyse ainsi comment les « coûts » des politiques de protection de lutte contre les VFF reproduisent du genre. Ces politiques sont analysées à travers une réflexion matérialiste sur la « protection institutionnalisée » (Brown, 1995) et en pensant le travail associatif/communautaire autour des violences avant tout un travail de soin. Trois niveaux d’analyse y sont explorés : celui des politiques publiques, celui, intermédiaire des relations entre l’État et les groupes des tiers secteurs, et celui plus sensible des pratiques de travail d’intervention. Cette recherche repose sur les monographies de quatre associations et organismes communautaires d’accompagnement des travailleuses du sexe et d’aide aux femmes victimes de violence conjugale en France et au Québec. La démarche méthodologique combine des entretiens sous forme de « récits de pratique » avec les intervenant·es et les directions de ces organisations et une analyse documentaire des politiques qui encadrent leur travail. L’angle des financements montre que les organismes sont utilisés comme des instruments de mise en oeuvre des politiques publiques. La comparaison met en lumière différentes stratégies et réponses des organismes. Cette dépendance contraint aussi le travail d'intervention dont la charge administrative s'alourdit et tend à réduire la part de soin pourtant inhérente à la relation d'aide. Ensuite, la thèse montre que l'institutionnalisation des politiques de lutte contre les VFF s'accompagne d'une mise sous contrainte des droits à l'aide et à la protection. Si la mise à l’agenda politique des violences de genre est le fruit de plus larges revendications contre le poids du mariage et le contrôle de la sexualité des femmes, lorsqu’elles sont intégrées dans le langage de l'action publique, sa définition tend à se resserrer sur des notions de risque social ou de crime. / Since the 2000s, “violence against women” (VAW) has raised political interest on an unprecedented scale. This exposure is the result of feminist demands and struggles. But it is also the result of an institutional history which is at the heart of this research. The focus of this thesis is the expanding role of the state in regulating the protection of gender-based abuse victims. The research takes the standpoint of social services within nonprofit organizations. It analyzes the costs of VAW protection policies and how they reproduce gender oppression. These policies are analyzed through a materialist reflection on “institutionalized protection” (Brown, 1995) and by considering nonprofit work with victims first and foremost as care work. This thesis provides three levels of analysis: public policies, the relations between the State and nonprofit organizations, and finally, on a more tangible level, I analyze social work practices. This research is based upon the monographs of four non-profit organizations: supporting sex workers and assisting women victims of domestic abuse in France and Quebec. From a methodological perspective, this research combines narrative interviews of the organizations’ workers and head of staff, with a literature review of policies governing their work. The study of funding shows that nonprofit organizations are used as tools to implement public policies. The comparison highlights different strategies and differentiated responses from organizations. Organizations’ reliance on public funding restrains social work. The administrative burden limits the part of care pivotal to social work. The thesis demonstrates further that institutionalization of policies on VAW leads to a restriction of the rights to assistance and protection. Political awareness of gender-based violence falls within broader reassessments of issues such as marital pressure and the policing of women’s sexuality. But when it comes to state action, it tends to be conflated to social risk and crime.

No description available.

The concepts of intersectionality and interlocking identities came out of needs raised by communities and then academics wrote about it. This dissertation examines these concepts and how these resonate with the ways that feminist educators conceptualize and facilitate non-credit learning processes with women. This research focuses on 10 differently-located feminist educators and the processes they lead that meet a range of learning goals. Specifically, this research examines the learning practices that these educators used to help women learners gain a consciousness around their identity and issues of power and oppression. I then discuss how these practices resonate with the theoretical frameworks of intersecting and interlocking oppressions. Anti-oppression, feminist informed research and feminist standpoint theories informed the research approach. The Critical Appreciative Process, which builds on the Appreciative Inquiry (AI) method, was used to explore what is working within feminist non-credit learning processes. In addition, two case studies were elaborated on in order to examine the learning practices that were particularly successful. The educators reflected on several barriers involved in bringing differently-located women together to explore and address the power dynamics associated with power and oppression. These included the defensiveness, denial and avoidance associated with acknowledging and addressing privilege. The educators also shared effective practices for addressing such barriers. Key practices included creating an environment for difficult conversations, working intergenerationally, using theoretical frameworks to deconstructing interpersonal dynamics occurring in the group and providing tools to draw on everyday experiences and challenge (inappropriate) behaviours. Additionally, specific activities for raising learners’ awareness of their own complex and multiple identities and how these identities are co-constructed through interactions with others were detailed. This study revealed the limitations of intersectionality and interlocking identities frameworks in praxis, as well as the ways in which an awareness of identity, difference and power creates an entry point for intersectional and interlocking awareness that aids feminist movements. This research makes a contribution to strengthening the praxis of feminist educators facilitating non-credit processes. Within feminist theorizing, this research also makes an important contribution in contextualizing intersectionality and interlocking identities frameworks within a range of feminist non-credit learning practices.

The concepts of intersectionality and interlocking identities came out of needs raised by communities and then academics wrote about it. This dissertation examines these concepts and how these resonate with the ways that feminist educators conceptualize and facilitate non-credit learning processes with women. This research focuses on 10 differently-located feminist educators and the processes they lead that meet a range of learning goals. Specifically, this research examines the learning practices that these educators used to help women learners gain a consciousness around their identity and issues of power and oppression. I then discuss how these practices resonate with the theoretical frameworks of intersecting and interlocking oppressions. Anti-oppression, feminist informed research and feminist standpoint theories informed the research approach. The Critical Appreciative Process, which builds on the Appreciative Inquiry (AI) method, was used to explore what is working within feminist non-credit learning processes. In addition, two case studies were elaborated on in order to examine the learning practices that were particularly successful. The educators reflected on several barriers involved in bringing differently-located women together to explore and address the power dynamics associated with power and oppression. These included the defensiveness, denial and avoidance associated with acknowledging and addressing privilege. The educators also shared effective practices for addressing such barriers. Key practices included creating an environment for difficult conversations, working intergenerationally, using theoretical frameworks to deconstructing interpersonal dynamics occurring in the group and providing tools to draw on everyday experiences and challenge (inappropriate) behaviours. Additionally, specific activities for raising learners’ awareness of their own complex and multiple identities and how these identities are co-constructed through interactions with others were detailed. This study revealed the limitations of intersectionality and interlocking identities frameworks in praxis, as well as the ways in which an awareness of identity, difference and power creates an entry point for intersectional and interlocking awareness that aids feminist movements. This research makes a contribution to strengthening the praxis of feminist educators facilitating non-credit processes. Within feminist theorizing, this research also makes an important contribution in contextualizing intersectionality and interlocking identities frameworks within a range of feminist non-credit learning practices.

The present study shows and analyses how bodies codified as women’s bodies can resist in an extreme violence context situated in Ciudad Juárez on the México-U.S. border. To be resistant or to make resistance in these circumstances can be represented in different ways, through social and civic movements, art, literature and weapons. How these women’s bodies seem and how their resistance is and what they represent is the line of investigation of this study. This resistance is a direct confrontation to the feminicide and the diverse forms of violence against bodies codified as women exercised by men. As well as the peripheral feminisms it is a confrontation to a cis hetero-patriarchal capitalist context. Women’s bodies are the territory or the stage where violence, terror, power and exploitation converge. The reaction and rejection to this situation by a diverse collective of women highlights the struggle and the activism that these groups have as a way of life, a way of dissent and finally a way of resistance.