Satirical news programs are a very popular concept where people tune in to them for a laugh and might leave with a bit more knowledge on the subjects reported. With the popularity of such shows growing the media’s covering of them grows as well. The question is then how the media portrays these satirical news shows. In this study a framing analysis is used to analyse articles by four American news outlets – two traditional and two modern – to assess how the media is portraying the newer satirical news program Last Week Tonight with John Oliver. There has been a lot of research done on how satirical programs affect the world around them but this study instead looks at how the media chooses to portray such a show. The focus is on whether the media treats the program as entertainment or more like another news outlet and what kind of effect that could have on the two genres satire and news. This study shows that the media presents the program as not just a comedy show that makes fun of news but also as a credible source of information. It is portrayed as a bit of both and one is not shown to contradict the other. This indicates that the distinction between genres such as satire and news is blurring which in turn can make it harder for the audience to separate the two and thereby make it more difficult to know what is news and what is not.

In October 2015, a masked man armed with a sword and a knife entered the school Kronan in the Swedish town Trollhättan. Four people, including the perpetrator, were killed and another two severely injured. The aim of this study is to examine the frames in medias description of the event and of the perpetrator from the view of the journalistic responsibilities. The event in Trollhättan can be seen as an act of terror and during such events the journalistic responsibilities sometimes changes. There is a conflict in the aspect of telling the truth on one hand and protecting the citizens from harm on the other, in order not to reproduce the terrorist’s message in the press. This study is a qualitative framing analysis of 11 articles from the local newspaper TTELA. We found that the most salient frame of the event was grief rather than drama and that the media acted on the responsibility of protecting the citizens from details. The perpetrator was described as a lone wolf with connections to racist groups on the Internet. There was a shallow frame regarding the danger with the groups on the Internet but the main problem was described as gone with the death of the lonely perpetrator.

In the autumn of 2015 a huge amount of refugees were on the run to Sweden. The news media described the situation as a refugee crisis and border controls were initiated. The aim of this study was to examine how two Swedish newspapers, one national and one local, portrayed refugees at the time when the border controls were initiated in Sweden. The questions examined were: How are the refugees portrayed, what are the similarities and differences between Dagens Nyheter and Sydsvenskan’s portrayal of the refugees? To approach this we made two different analysis of reports from each newspaper, three from Dagens Nyheter and two from Sydsvenskan. We did a framing analysis on the text and a semiotic analysis on the pictures. Findings show that the portrayal of refugees are very similar in both newspapers. The refugees are described as inferior, but at the same time brave, well-educated and hopeful. We also found that refugees often are portrayed as “the others” and the citizens of Sweden are portrayed as “we”. Although the similarities outweighs, we found some interesting differences in the newspapers portrayal of the refugees. For example, in Dagens Nyheter the hopefulness is combined with a positive and joyful approach, while Sydsvenskan describes the hope with an uncertainty and concern about the future.

This study’s aim is to make visible journalistic power to form, strengthen and effect readers’ opinions. Within a Swedish journalistic discourse, this study examines how opinions take form in the news report, with what methods journalists legitimises or questions opinions and how social issues are being defined and portrayed as means to target the self-image of journalists as impartial and independent. This study applies theories of mediatisation, the mediated construction of reality, agenda setting, perception of public opinions, influence and the sources and media portrayal. I focus on the case of the refugee migration to Europe in the fall of 2015. The study analyzes daily, local and evening press such as Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Sydsvenskan, Göteborgs-posten, Expressen and Aftonbladet, during the period of january 1st 2015 to december 31st 2016. The results show the power of journalists to affect the audience’s view on refugees as well as migration and their stand towards it. Further, the study presents journalistic methods to legitimise or question opinions in the news report, as well as the importence of sources when defining and portraying social issues. Furthermore, the study shows the level of the news as well as policial residence of the media to be of greater importance for this than the media form itself.

In the past years the usage and growth of social media has increased, through the increase in popularity, growth and use, social media has become an all the more important arena. Politicians need to communicate with the public, where the public is, in order to be elected and right now a large amount of the public is on social media. This research studies how four of the largest political parties in Sweden, Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna, Sverigedemokraterna and Miljöpartiet, together with an upcoming party Feministiskt initiativ, used social media in the governmental election in Sweden 2014. In order to study how these political parties used social media, the posts made on Facebook and Twitter were selected. The posts were selected from the two weeks leading up to the election. The posts on Twitter had a higher quantitity and were studied through a quantitative content analysis; while the posts on Facebook included richer text and were studied through a qualitative content analysis. The choice to include both a quantitative and a qualitative content analysis were made to give a richer result with a more including picture. The result showed that there is not one universal media logic used by the parties on the posts posted on Facebook and Twitter, however the elements used were the same, but in different extent. One of the parties, Miljöpartiet, had a consequent media logic of all of the selected post made by them on Facebook. On social media political parties become gatekeepers themselves, without relying on journalists to bring forth their ideals, election issues, and topics of importance. On social media the political parties decide what to publish and how to publish it. The political parties frame the topics to benefit themselves and argue for why their approach is the right choice and why the viewer of the post should vote for them.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-08-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:30:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_vj_me_bauru.pdf: 465423 bytes, checksum: 78eed996ba3cf40a9d2e74da2935428c (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / Esta dissertação analisa como se comportaram as principais revistas semanais brasileiras - CartaCapital, Época, Istoé e Veja - a respeito da crise política do primeiro mandato do governo Lula que ficou reconhecida como Escândalo do Mensalão. Trata-se de uma crise paradoxal e rica, do ponto de vista analítico, porque envolveu com denúncias de corrupção um partido cuja trajetória foi permeada pela defesa da ética e por se tratar de uma crise revestida de características de escândalos políticos midiáticos. Buscando evidenciar os tipos de contrastes apresentados, tratamentos e enquadramentos nas abordagens do tema, a pesquisa analisa as narrativas jornalísticas de 51 matérias das quatro revistas no período 13/06/2005 a 21/09/2005, considerando o pico de interesse público no tema e atenção da mídia. A análise indicou o nível de responsabilidade imputado pelas revistas ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, ao governo e ao presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, bem como o volume de críticas direcionadas a cada um deles, revelando diferenças significativas de tratamento e indicando nuances de enquadramentos relativos ao assunto. Existiu consenso, isolamento e conflitos de extremos, observados entre as revistas, caracterizando uma diversidade de pensamento livremente expressados pelos veículos de comunicação. Lula foi um dos agentes mais referidos a respeito do escândalo, mas o percentual de críticas e enquadramentos negativos a respeito dele foi diferente entre as revistas. Existiu, no entanto, único consenso: a responsabilidade do PT no episódio / This paper analyses how the main Brazilian weekly magazines - CartaCapital, Época, Istoé, and Veja - approached the political crisis of president Lula first mandate, which became known as the mensalão. It was a paradoxical and complex crisis, from a more analytical point of view, because a political party with a history of ethical principles defence was accused of corruption and because it was a crisis that presented media scandal characteristics. In search of bringing evidences about the kind of contrast that were presented, treatment and framings when tackling the subject, this paper analyzes the journalist narratives of 51 stories of the four magazines from the period of 06/16/2005 to 09/21/2005, taking into consideration the public interest and the media attention about the matter. The analysis indicated the level of responsibility that was attributed by the magazines to the Workers' Party, to the government, and to president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, as well as the amount of critics directed to each one, revealing significant differences in the treatment of the subject and indicating nuances regarding the matter. There were consensus, isolation and conflicts between opposite sides, which could be observed among the magazines, which can show a diversity of thougts that were freely expressed by the media. Lula was one of the most cited elements regarding the scandal, but the level of negative critic and framings about him was different in each magazine. There was, however, a sole consensus: the Workers' Party (PT) responsibility in the event

Tesis Magíster en Estrategia internacional y Política Comercial / La política exterior es un tema de relevancia constante, un asunto estatal fundamental y que, junto a la política de defensa, son las únicas políticas públicas que tienen una orientación predominantemente internacional. En los sistemas presidenciales, el presidente, sobre todo en Latinoamérica, ha tenido un lugar privilegiado en la definición y conducción de política exterior; pese a esto, aún falta mucha literatura actualizada al respecto. Es por lo anterior, que se desarrolla el siguiente análisis, bajo la pregunta general ¿Cuáles son los principales aspectos de la política exterior mexicana y chilena que los presidentes destacan ante el Debate General de las Naciones Unidas y en qué forma (frame) lo hacen? Con la particularidad de ser estudiado a través de dos teorías complementarias y actuales: el Foreign Policy Analysis y el Framing analysis. / Foreign policy is a subject of continuing relevance, a key state issue, and along with defence policy, are the only public policies that have a predominantly international orientation. The president has been privileged in setting the agenda of foreign policy in presidential systems, especially in Latin America; however, there are very few studies in Latin America explaining this issue. This analysis focuses in the following question: What are the main foreign policy’s aspects that the presidents of Mexico and Chile highlight in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly and by which frame they do it? This will be studied through important concepts of the Foreign Policy Analysis and Framing analysis approaches.

La política exterior es un tema de relevancia constante, un asunto estatal fundamental y que, junto a la política de defensa, son las únicas políticas públicas que tienen una orientación predominantemente internacional. En los sistemas presidenciales, el presidente, sobre todo en Latinoamérica, ha tenido un lugar privilegiado en la definición y conducción de política exterior; pese a esto, aún falta mucha literatura actualizada al respecto. Es por lo anterior, que se desarrolla el siguiente análisis, bajo la pregunta general ¿Cuáles son los principales aspectos de la política exterior mexicana y chilena que los presidentes destacan ante el Debate General de las Naciones Unidas y en qué forma (frame) lo hacen? Con la particularidad de ser estudiado a través de dos teorías complementarias y actuales: el Foreign Policy Analysis y el Framing analysis. / Foreign policy is a subject of continuing relevance, a key state issue, and along with defense policy, are the only public policies that have a predominantly international orientation. The president has been privileged in setting the agenda of foreign policy in presidential systems, especially in Latin America; however, there are very few studies in Latin America explaining this issue. This analysis focuses in the following question: What are the main foreign policy’s aspects that the presidents of Mexico and Chile highlight in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly and by which frame they do it? This will be studied through important concepts of the Foreign Policy Analysis and Framing analysis approaches.

On October 22, 2015, a masked man entered the primary school Kronan in Trollhättan and stabbed three people to death with a knife and a sword. Shortly after the attack the perpetrator was shot to death by the police. The event received a great deal of spatial attention in Swedish media and has been called the worst school attack in Swedish history. The twenty-one-year-old perpetrator had grown up in Trollhättan and it is his origin that is of interest in this study. The aim of this study is to examine how a perpetrator of native origin is portrayed in a Swedish medium. Previous research, which shows that there is a difference between how a perpetrator of native origin is portrayed compared to a foreign one, is used as background. According to these studies media often focuses on the perpetrator’s ethnicity and descent if the person is of foreign origin. Through a qualitative framing analysis we examine how the perpetrator in Trollhättan is portrayed in Sweden’s largest news website, namely aftonbladet.se. We explore how the perpetrator's ethnicity and origin are expressed and which of the perpetrator's characteristics are focused on by Aftonbladet. Through framing analysis we also explore how the perpetrator is portrayed from an us-and-them perspective, and how ideas and concepts are personalized through him. The results of this study show that the male perpetrator who is of native origin in the case Trollhättan is portrayed as a lone maniac who committed an act of evil and that Aftonbladet focused on his personal circumstances, for example that he had issues socializing.

During the 2010’s a new situation emerged due to the influx of people using the Mediterranean Sea route. Around its peak in 2015, widespread media coverage constructed this crisis as ‘the refugee crisis’. Camps like Moria became the emblem of the refugee crisis, yet, more than half a decade later, the ‘crisis’ has yet to be resolved. And, amid a pandemic, a global crisis, not the least affecting refugees, yet another ‘crisis’ arose during the night of 8th/9th September 2020 when a series of fires almost completely destroyed refugee camp Moria, leaving more than 10.000 refugees ‘homeless’. It is in this unique context, at the intersection of ‘the refugee crisis’, ‘the corona crisis’ and ‘the fires in camp Moria’ that this exploratory study captures written news coverage from the four biggest Dutch newspapers, engaging with the refugee crisis in the first week after the fires (9-15 September 2020). It does so, with the aim of exploring the range of frames used to (re)construct the refugee crisis, thereby making certain meanings more likely to be conveyed than others.  Directed at an event focussed time frame within an understudied national context, this study zooms in on a moment of heightened media import to explore the (re)construction of frames as the situation unfolds. To this end, a qualitative inductive framing analysis, focussing on how the frames are reconstructed through framing and reasoning devices, has been conducted on a total of 60 articles.  Including both broadsheets and tabloids with diverse political backgrounds in the sample, significant differences between the coverage of the two tabloids and the two broadsheets were found. The former (tabloids, Telegraaf politically right oriented and AD politically neutral oriented) significantly distance the situation in Moria, the refugees and the refugee crisis as a whole, quite often even framing the refugees as a problem while rejecting humanitarian grounds. The latter (broadsheets, Volkskrant politically (centre) left oriented and NRC politically centre right oriented) were found to centralize humanisation and identification within a humanitarian frame, while problematizing, and assigning responsibility to political handling. Furthermore, the coverage of the tabloids is characterised by more superficial, descriptive accounts, using little framing devices, while the coverage of both broadsheets is saturated with framing devices to substantiate the humanitarian frame.             Finally, the study also found similarities on the level of incorrect labelling (the usage of migrants instead of, or as interchangeable with refugees) and ‘voicelesness’ (the rare opportunity for refugees to speak). The sample articles more often than not mix labels. Furthermore, the broadsheets give (multiple) refugees a voice in respectively 2 (Volkskrant) and 3 (NRC) articles. And in doing so, these articles actually centralize those accounts. Both tabloids on the other hand, only briefly quote an anonymous and un-contextualised refugee once. Although the broadsheets ‘do better’, still, overwhelmingly, refugees themselves do not play a role in their representation and framing.