Syftet med denna uppsats var att genom en operationalisering av David Beethams legitimitetsteori utreda om bemanningsavtalet har legitimitet. Efter operationalisering av legitimitetsteorin och presentation av bemanningsavtalet och dess aktörer, lagar och domar som alla påverkar legitimiteten så fann jag att det fanns legitimitet i avtalet, men att den kom med restriktioner. Då tjänstedirektivet och Lavaldomen påverkar den svenska lagstiftningen och användandet av svenska kollektivavtal som norm på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, så har kollektivavtalen i allmänhet tappat mark, speciellt med restriktioner på användandet av strejkrätten, och bemanningsavtalet som berör mycket av den internationella arbetskraften är inget undantag. Behållningen av legitimiteten i detta unga avtal är att trots låg facklig anslutning, så omfattar avtalet ändå alla LO:s medlemmar, vars medlemsantal är stort och bidrar till legitimiteten hos det branschöverskridande avtalet.

For the last ten years Internet has become more popular and is now used by most Swedes every day.  Internet has made it possible for many people to access a great deal of information about news all day long. Internet has also made it possible for people to create their own news and comment on happenings as they are taking place. One way to do this is to start your own blog, which is a kind of diary where you can publish your own thoughts about politics and news. In Sweden the media is often referred to as the third governmental power since the media is examining the government and people in power positions and bringing the people as consumers of news closer to the government. There is a theory called agenda setting that says that the media is an actor that shapes the political issues discussed by the people and politicians. In this essay I have used the agenda setting theory and linked it together with the Medias references to blogs in their news. This I have done to see if the media might be influenced by blogs. I have chosen to conduct my study at two different times, spring 2006 and spring 2010 since this is dates pre-existing an election and the political discussion is more active in media.  The purpose of this essay is to examine if there are any references to blogs in four of Sweden’s biggest newspapers. The empirical material has been divided into four categories which are political elite, the establishment, the newspapers own journalists and others. This I have done to see if there are any specific changes over time regarding the different categories. The questions I have answered in this essay are: Are there any references to blogs in the four newspapers? If yes, witch categories of blogs are the references too? If yes, how often are there references over a two-month period? How does the change regarding references to blogs look over time? After conducting this study I saw that there has been an increase in Media’s references to blogs over time. In 2006 there were 22 references and in 2010 there were 93 references. This result points to the fact that media have come closer to the blogs and is using them more frequently when the construct their news.

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Syftet med denna studie är att analysera tänkbara demokratiska konsekvenser som utvecklingen av de kommunala bolagen och införandet av koncernstyrning medfört. Studien har fokuserat på politikers och allmänhetens möjligheter till insyn och påverkan i de kommunala bolagen. Avsikten är även att granska de demokratiska konsekvenserna som bildandet av koncernstyrningen medfört. Studien har avgränsats till en fallstudie av koncernstyrningen i Halmstad där intervjuer med inblandade kommunpolitiker och bolagsrepresentanter legat till grund för resultat- och analysdelen. Det som framkommit i studien är att kommunen utifrån kommunaldemokratiska teorier är en passiv ägare till dess dotterbolag och att man generellt endast styr genom ägardirektiv. Allmänheten har många befintliga kanaler att påverka de kommunala bolagen men dessa kanaler sker endast genom en indirekt påverkan, där medborgarna måste förlita sig på andra parter. Koncernstyrningens införande har bidragit till förändrade styrningsstrukturer samt tydliggjort kommunen som ägare. För allmänheten har koncernstyrningen endast påverkats i begränsat omfång.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swe-dish immigration policy based on Habermas theory about openings/closures and analyze the reasons to the differences between Danish and Swedish immigrant policy. Therefore this study has two question formulations, the first one was "Is there any equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy based on Habermas theory of openings and closings?" and the second was "Why are there equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy?" The results show that based on Habermas theory there are equalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy. On the question why, the re-sults show us that the factors who give the difference are work, people’s attitude to immi-grants and party politics. Keywords: Denmark, Sweden, Immigration policy, opening, closing.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att ur ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv – undersöka hur övervakning har blivit ett uttryck för maktutövning i det moderna samhället. För att besvara uppsatsens syfte användes två frågeställningar som vardera berörde framställningen av övervakningsdiskursen. Den ena frågeställningen analyserades på makronivå med utgångspunkt i diskursteori och textanalys av massmediala artiklar. Den andra frågeställningen utreddes genom en diskurspsykologisk ansats på mikronivå, där intervjuer med pedagoger och elever analyserades med hjälp av samtalsanalys. Frågeställningarna tolkades empiriskt för att sedan analyseras gemensamt i en huvudtolkning utifrån teorin om Governmentality. Vad som framkom i huvudtolkningen var att: på både mikro och makro nivå visade resultatet att det sker en positionering av elever som övervakade inom övervakningsdiskursen. Denna positionering är ett uttryck för maktutövning, i synnerhet inom det offentliga rummet och i allmänhet genom samhällsdebatten.

The objective of this thesis is to find out what factors have been the main sources of economic growth in China in 2003 and 2010. It also aims to find out whether the Solow model can be used to explain growth in China, if factors of growth are the same in rich and poor regions, whether the factors are the same in 2003 and 2010 and if the results are in line with previous research. The theoretical framework is the Solow model. Empirical tests are performed using econometrics, and therefore this thesis has a quantitative approach. Factors used are growth in GDP per capita which is tested against investments, household savings, the level of GDP per capita, population growth, healthcare and education. The results show that the Solow model can explain economic growth in China. Investments, the level of GDP per capita and population growth are the factors most significant to growth. In poor regions, both investments and population growth are more significant than in rich regions, whereas healthcare is more significant in rich regions. Investments and population growth also have a smaller impact in 2010 than 2003. Healthcare is more significant in 2010 and than 2003, and education is only significant in 2010. Previous research shows a wide range of results, and the results of investments and population growth are consistent with those.

”Arabiska våren – framställningen av revolutionen i Mellanöstern/Nordafrika i mainstreammedia” är titeln på denna studie som har syftet att studera hur mainstreamkanalerna Al Jazeera och BBC rapporterat kring revolutionerna i Tunisien och Syrien för att på så sätt kunna uttala om den ”Arabiska vårens” framställning. Syftet har också varit att jämföra mediekanalernas konstruktion av revolutionerna med varandra för att belysa eventuella likheter och skillnader i rapporteringarna. Med utgångspunkt av tidigare forskning kring identitetsteori, diskursanalys som teori, andrafiering och postkolonialism har mediekanalernas rapporteringar analyserat med hjälp av den kritisk diskursanalytiska metoden. Resultaten och slutsatserna som kan tas i denna studie är kortfattat att Al Jazeera konstruerar diskursen om revolutionen genom att underminera postkoloniala strukturer. Al Jazeera tar en ställning mot väst och dess intressen, samt aktörer förknippade med väst där de västallierade andrafieras som ”De onda Andra”. BBC andrafierar revolutionen där konstruktionen av diskursen om revolutionerna uttrycks i postkoloniala diskurser. BBC andrafierar aktörer i revolution i dimensionerna ”De goda Andra” och ”De onda Andra”, där de förstnämnda tillämpas på västallierade och den andra förknippas med aktörer som väst inte har goda politiska relationer med.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale. This external pressure is argued to also constrain the ability to shape policies on a national level. Political parties are argued in this context to seek to delegate political issues and areas to other political arenas. Three clearly specified questions have been used to qualitatively analyze how the political parties argue concerning the issue of regionalization. The theoretical framework in this paper is based on two conflicting core ideas of regional politics, depoliticalization based on new regionalism and politicalization based on old regionalism to analyze the political debate. Depoliticalization emphasizes technocratic ideas and a minimized state, and where politicalization emphasizes the idea of a strong and active state in regional politics.  The findings in this study suggest that the political debate concerning regionalization can not be seen as a case of depoliticalization, where the rhetoric of the parties differs in two of the three questions. But the political parties share to a high degree a similar argumentation why a regional reform is necessary through technocratic arguments and by pointing to a weakening state pressured by europeanization in need of reform.

There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and a number of surveys shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people. This thesis is a critical study of EU’s communication with the citizens until 2005. Based on Habermas’s theoroetical framework, it searches for deliberative qualities within the EU’s structure. According to Habermas, political legitimacy requires that people can shape and express their opinions in a public sphere, but the EU does not really have a public sphere. He also emphasizes the importance of good channels of communication between people and politicians, but within the EU, communication has been synonymous with information (or marketing) and practically unilateral. This leads to the conclusion that the EU’s lack of deliberative qualities can have affected EU’s political legitimacy negatively.