O presente texto encerra apontamentos oriundos da pesquisa de mestrado sobre a vida e a obra de Antonio Gramsci. Intenta-se demonstrar como se chegou à metáfora vida- obra e como ela serviu para delimitar esta incógnita: explorar a intersecção entre filosofia, política e literatura nos Cadernos e nas Cartas do Cárcere. Utilizou-se como balizas o estudo das categorias tradutibilidade e nacional-popular, que ajudaram a entender pensamento e ação, filosofia e política como aspectos tradutíveis de um mesmo fenômeno no pensamento de Gramsci, e a filosofia traduzida em política pela filosofia da práxis como instrumento de produção revolucionário para os subalternos que através dela tomam consciência do mundo e da sua condição no mundo. Busca-se demonstrar como a vida-obra de Gramsci encerra a metafórica fronteira entre filosofia, política e literatura: a própria filosofia da práxis. Identificou-se, na obra de Gramsci, a projeção de uma figura histórica que conseguiu em sua obra e em sua vida, encarnar uma filosofia, elevá-la ao seu momento mais crítico - catártico. Tenta-se demonstrar como a literatura de Gramsci constituiu instrumento de produção que expressa em seus interstícios a delimitação simbólica de um sujeito político capaz de forjar na realidade objetiva o fenômeno político-cultural do sujeito histórico revolucionário que se opôs frontalmente ao regime fascista de Mussolini. Constata-se que a tradução recíproca das linguagens científicas e filosóficas compõe a trama principal da sua vida-obra que, tecida a partir da concepção de mundo comunista, não poderia deixar de ser questionadora e revolucionária da realidade objetiva que pretende elevar ao patamar de uma Nuova civiltà comunistica. / This text contains notes coming from the master's research on the life and work of Antonio Gramsci. It intends to demonstrate how the metaphor life-work came to life and how it served to demarcate this variable: exploring the intersection between philosophy, politics and literature in books and in the Prison Letters. The study of translatability and national-popular categories were used as beacons, which helped to understand thought and action, philosophy and politics as translatable aspects of the same phenomenon at the thought of Gramsci, and philosophy translated into policy by the philosophy of praxis as a revolutionary production tool for the underlings, which take the world of consciousness and their condition in the world through it. It is sought to show how the life-work of Gramsci closes the metaphoric border between philosophy, politics and literature: the very philosophy of praxis. It was identified in the work of Gramsci the projection of a historical figure who succeeded in his work and in his life to embody a philosophy, raising it to its most critical moment - cathartic. The text tries to demonstrate how Gramsci's literature constituted production instrument expressed in its interstices the symbolic demarcation of a political subject able to forge in the objective reality the political and cultural phenomenon of the revolutionary historic subject that was opposed frontally to the fascist regime of Mussolini. It is noted that the reciprocal translation of scientific and philosophical languages composes the main plot of his life- work that, woven from the communist world view, it could not stop being questioning and revolutionary of the objective reality that it is intended to be raised to the level of a Nuova civilta comunistica. / Dissertação (Mestrado)

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam. / This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.

[pt] Esta tese analisa o processo de formação histórica das direitas brasileiras, tendo como eixo de investigação a verificação empírica de duas hipóteses centrais inter-relacionadas. A primeira aponta que a união entre liberalismo econômico e conservadorismo no plano dos costumes, que caracteriza o campo da direita no Brasil contemporâneo, deita longas raízes na história nacional; enquanto a segunda identifica a internet como elemento-chave para a compreensão do avanço das direitas - incluindo sua reativação como fenômeno de massa – registrado no país no período posterior às manifestações de junho de 2013. Além de confirmar ambas as hipóteses, a pesquisa, fundamentada em revisão bibliográfica, discute como atores políticos de direita reagiram de maneira especialmente eficiente aos diferentes ciclos de desenvolvimento tecnológico e de difusão das redes digitais, que modificaram dinâmicas políticas na direção de uma intensa polarização verificada na sociedade durante as eleições presidenciais de 2018. Com destaque para o papel desempenhado pelo escritor Olavo de Carvalho na renovação da tradição anticomunista brasileira - consolidada ainda na década de 1930 -, a partir da popularização de uma leitura reacionária do pensamento de Gramsci influenciada pela direita dos Estados Unidos. A opção por uma abordagem histórica, que não perca de vista dinâmicas sistêmicas internacionais, nem a análise de outras variáveis de caráter interdisciplinar, busca dar conta do dinamismo e da complexidade do fenômeno, identificando, entre continuidades e elementos novos, vetores capazes de conectar a diversidade das direitas em uma ação política unificada. / [en] This thesis aims to analyze the History of Brazilian right-wing movements building process by pursuing the empirical verification of two main interrelated hypothesis. The first one points out that the union between economic liberalism and moral conservatism, which characterizes contemporary Brazilian right-wing, has deep roots in national History; while the second hypothesis identifies the internet as a key element for understanding the rising of Brazilian right-wing after the June 2013 demonstrations, including its rebirth as a mass phenomenon. In addition to confirming both hypothesis, the research, based on literature review, discusses how right-wing political actors reacted efficiently to the different cycles of digital networks technological development and diffusion, which modified political dynamics towards on a growing polarization seen in 2018 presidential election. A special attention is paid to the role played by the writer Olavo de Carvalho in the renewing of Brazilian anti-communist tradition from the 1930s through the popularization of a reactionary understanding of Gramsci s thought inspired by the right-wing movements from the United States. By choosing a historical approach, which does not lose sight of international dynamics, nor of other interdisciplinary variables, this thesis aims to understand the phenomenon s dynamism and complexity, identifying, among continuities and new elements, vectors capable of connecting the diversity of right-wing movements in an unified political action.

Im Zeitraum 2004-2006 wurde in Georgien eine beispiellose Deregulierung des Arbeitsmarktes vorgenommen, um die internationale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu verbessern. Diese Maßnahmen waren Teil umfassenderer Vermarktlichung- und Privatisierungsbemühungen, die von den so genannten "Rosenrevolutionären" Eliten angeführt wurden. Diese Studie, die sich auf Karl Polanyis Konzept der Arbeit als "fiktive Ware" stützt, untersucht, wie eine solche Kommodifizierung die Wirtschaft von der Gesellschaft entkoppelt und gesellschaftliche Gegenbewegungen hervorruft, die sich gegen die Expansion des Marktes schützen wollen. Polanyis "Doppelbewegung" beschreibt gesellschaftspolitische Kräfte, die eine demokratische Kontrolle des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Lebens anstreben und die künstliche Trennung zwischen beiden in Frage stellen. Die wichtigsten empirischen Fragen lauten, ob die georgische Gesellschaft auf die Marktöffnung reagiert hat und welche Konflikte daraus entstanden sind. Die Studie beleuchtet zwei Protestbewegungen, die sich gegen die Marktideologie wandten und versuchten, die schädlichen Auswirkungen der Deregulierung des Arbeitsmarktes abzumildern. Trotz ihrer Bemühungen gelang es diesen Bewegungen nicht, eine breitere demokratische Kontrolle über das Wirtschaftsleben zu etablieren. Wenn es diesen Bewegungen nicht gelungen ist, die Wirtschaft wieder in die Gesellschaft einzubinden, wie kann dann eine demokratische Kontrolle der wirtschaftlichen Sphäre theoretisiert und erreicht werden? Die Studie bezieht die Gramscianischen Analysen der "Beziehungen der sozialen Kräfte" mit ein und argumentiert, dass die Infragestellung der marktgetriebenen Ordnung mehr als nur spezifische, themenbezogene Antworten erfordert. Durch die Integration von Polanyi und Gramsci schlägt die Studie die Notwendigkeit eines politisch sinnvolleren Ansatzes vor, um der Marktideologie zu begegnen und eine demokratische Kontrolle über die Wirtschaft zu etablieren. / In the period of 2004-2006, Georgia underwent unprecedented labor deregulation to enhance international competitiveness and attract foreign investments. These policies, leaving most workers unprotected, were part of broader marketization and privatization efforts led by the so-called "Revolutionary" political elites following the Rose Revolution. This study, drawing on Karl Polanyi's concept of labor as a "fictitious commodity," explores how such commodification disembedds the economy from society, prompting societal countermovements seeking to protect against market expansion. Polanyi's "double movement" describes sociopolitical forces aiming for democratic control over political and economic life, challenging the artificial separation between the two. The key empirical questions addressed are whether Georgian society responded to labor marketization and what social conflicts ensued. The study focuses on two protest movements—the Tbilisi Metro strikes and Chiatura miners’ strike—which opposed market ideology and sought to mitigate the harmful effects of labor deregulation. Despite their efforts, these movements failed to establish broader democratic control over economic life, representing "corporatist re-embedding" and "pre-political" responses rather than achieving full "re-embedding" of the economy into society. The study poses a theoretical question: if these movements couldn't successfully re-embed the economy in society, how can democratic control over the economic sphere be theorized and achieved? To address this, the work incorporates Gramscian analyses of “relations of social forces” and hegemony, arguing that challenging market-driven order requires more than specific issue-driven responses. By integrating Polanyi with the Gramscian framework, the study suggests the need for a politically meaningful approach to countering market ideology and establishing democratic control over the economy.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1979 B77 / Master of Arts

This thesis deals with textbooks for the school subject Swedish as a Second Language published during the period of 1995-2005. The target group for the textbooks in Swedish as a Second Language in this study is young people or adults who have immigrated to Sweden. Immigrants and people of foreign origin who live in Sweden are in general structurally subordinated as regards to socioeconomic factors, which connects to the socio-economical segregation problem. Using this as a point of departure the ideology production in the textbooks is studied, mainly from the representations of gender, ethnicity and class. The thesis takes its theoretical departure in the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci’s (1891-1937) concept of hegemony which is based on a mutual understanding between the dominating social classes and the dominated social classes within society. The hegemony is not static but open for negotiation and it is constantly reshaped and renewed. The point of departure is that the teaching materials on the free market are considered to be an arena for ideological struggle, where counter-hegemonic activities occur. The questions posed in the thesis concern which ideologies are produced in the textbooks and the relation between the ideology production and the target group of the teaching materials. The results from the ideology analysis show that the ideology produced in the textbooks varies. The most coherent ideology appears in textbooks which politically connect to the far left and to the Social Democratic party. It is also in these textbooks that the assimilation tendency is the strongest, pertaining to Swedish gender equity and child rearing. One of the textbooks has counter hegemonic content which connects to the anti-globalization movement. In the analysis of the ideological content of the textbooks in relation to the target group it is shown that the expectations are low for them. This is expressed through content relating to the target group concern salary earners and public sector. Focus on entrepreneurship and enterprising is rare and concern famous Swedish companies and trademarks and does not relate to the target group and their provision in Sweden. Thereby the target group is subordinated on the Swedish labour market. The representation also implies in several respects the target group as ignorant. The image of the Swedish homogenous society rests on certain rather hegemonic perception; that is the secular, scientific and rationally built modern society. This representation entails that the multiculturalism that has existed historically and in contemporary society is not acknowledged.

The Richmond Outreach Center “The ROC” is an independent soulwinning megachurch in Richmond, Virginia. This thesis explores how rhetoric plays a role in the rapid growth of this urban church and considers the church’s response—rhetorically and politically—to the city’s social issues. Through a rhetorical analysis of sermons and written texts by Geronimo Aguilar, the ROC’s founder and pastor, it is concluded that Aguilar has generated a rhetoric of change that says social change must come to Richmond and that everyone, both rich and poor, are responsible for change. Aguilar galvanizes an audience to seek social change because he articulates roles for individuals within his vision and links the ideological and material concerns of his congregants and the city’s poor. Aguilar’s rhetorical strategies and rhetorical performances indicate that he follows logics of articulation rather than logics of influence. These findings may be useful to social movement and church leaders concerned with growth.

A presente tese localiza-se no âmbito do direito econômico, investigando um de seus eixos, a regulação sobre os recursos genéticos, que será analisada a partir de dois pontos de vista: os desafios furtadiano e gramsciano, que dizem respeito, respectivamente, à condição periférica e à condição subalterna. quando tomados em perspectiva geral, e, quando tomados de maneira particularizada. (i) à construção de um sistema nacional de inovação periférico com sentido distributivo e (ii) à construção de uma democracia participativa quente. Inicio apresentando um panorama político e metodológico (Capítulo I) e a configuração do campo biodiversidade/biotecnologia, com os recursos genéticos como epicentro (Capítulo lI). Após, enfrento a questão sobre a capacidade da regulação brasileira enfrentar o desafio furtadiano, concluindo positivamente, mas apenas \"moderadamente\" (Capítulo III). Em seguida, realizo o mesmo procedimento em relação à capacidade de a regulação brasileira enfrentar o desafio gramsciano, concluindo negativamente, sendo o arranjo institucional falho, apesar do mandamento constitucional (Capítulo IV). A conclusão apresenta um condensado resumo do trabalho (Capítulo V). / This thesis is located in the sphere of economic law and investigates one of its axis, the regulation of genetic resources, which is to be analyzed from two perspectives: the furtadian and gramscian challenges, related respectively to the peripheral and the subaltern conditions, when taken in a broad view as well as when taken particularly (i) to the construction of a distributive national system of peripheral innovation, and (ii) to the construction of hot participative democracy. I begin introducing a political and methodological overview (Chapter I) and the configuration of the biodiversity/biotechnology field with genetic resources as epicenter (Chapter II). Afterwards, I face the question of the capacity of the Brazilian regulation to deal with the furtadian challenge, concluding positively but \"moderately\" (Chapet III). Then, I realize the same procedure in relation to the gramscian challenge, concluding negatively for the institutional arrangement is faulty despite the constitutional commandment (Chapetr IV). The conclusion presents a brief recapitulation of the work (Chapet V).

Drawing on empirical data from the two Palestinian Arab villages of Abu Ghosh and Umm al Fahem, this dissertation assesses the nature of relationship between the Israeli state and its Palestinian Arab citizens from a Gramscian perspective. In this respect, a particular emphasis is given to the analysis of impact of local socio-economic and political structures on the relationship between the villagers and Israeli state and dominant classes especially following a hegemonic crisis during post-al Aqsa Intifada. Based on Gramscian methodology and empirical data, it is concluded that hamula structures could act as an agent of hegemony in internalization and reproduction of of consent based Israeli hegemony. Conditions, dynamics and consequences of this agent-structure relationship is also assessed in detail.

This study is a comparison of the development of the theories of reification and hegemony in the writings and political activities of Georg Lukacs and Antonio Gramsci during the years from 1918 to 1938. In demonstrating that reification and hegemony were formulated in response to the unsuccessful revolutionary movements in Hungary and Italy of 1919-1920, it becomes evident that the respective theories of Lukacs and Gramsci were meant to constitute critiques of bourgeois cultural domination. Thus, their problematic extends to analyses of more specific issues, such as the role of positivist science as the prevailing "paradigm of rationality" and the instrumental function of "traditional" and "organic intellectuals." The solutions that both theorists sought in order to overcome reification and hegemony are embedded in their neo-Hegelian interpretations of Marxism, where historical materialism is defined as a methodology characterised by its utilisation of the conceptual tools of "dialectic," "totality," and "absolute historicism." However, Lukacs was forced by historical circumstances to retreat into the realm of aesthetics, although he continued the critique of reification by way of his theory of critical realism. Simultaneously, Gramsci began to elaborate more practical solutions to cultural domination through his theory of the "war of position," catharsis, and counter-hegemony.