Orientador: Angela Maria Tude de Souza / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-31T22:50:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BragaNeto_RuyGomes_D.pdf: 23000722 bytes, checksum: b4e23af9b442f7d5d3101bf20a1bbc08 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002 / Resumo: o presente trabalho procura realizar um balanço crítico de conjunto da evolução política do programa teórico desenvolvido pela Teoria Francesa da Regulação. Para tanto, escolhemos lidar com textos que retomam desde a obra que, em certo sentido, fundou a "Escola Parisiense", ou seja Regulaçãoe crises do capitalismo(1976), de Michel Aglietta; até as formulações regulacionistas mais recentes dedicadas à prospecção de um novo modo de desenvolvimento pós-fordista melhor afinado com o projeto de consolidação da União Européia. Além da identificação e análise dos diferentes momentos por meio dos quais a corrente regulacionista "da primeira geração" - sobretudo Boyer, Coriat e Lipietz, além, obviamente, de Aglietta - amadureceu seu programa teórico, recorremos a formulações de autores como Benjamin, Gramsci e Marx no intuito de desmistificar as determinações teórico-políticas - o reformismo e a ideologia do progresso, em particular - que condicionaram a incorporação celebratória dos regulacionistas ao campo do evolucionismo institucionalista / Abstract: The present work goes for taking into a critical and united account the political evolution of the theoretical program developed by the French Theory of Regulation. In order to do that we chose to deal with texts which, recover a certain range of texts, from the so considered founding work of the "Paris School", i. e., Michel Aglietta' Regulationand crisis of capitalísm(1976), till the newest regulationist formulations, dedicated to the planning of a new post-fordist way of development better tuned up with the project of consolidation of the European Union. Yonder the identification and analysis of the different moments whereby the "first generation" of the regulationist current (above alI Boyer, Coriat and Lipietz, besides, of course, Aglietta) has ripened its theoretical program, we appeal to formulations from authors like Benjamin, Gramsci and Marx intending to unpuzzle theoretical political determinations (specially reformism and the ideology of progress) which, have stipulated the regulationists celebratory gathering to the institutionalist evolutionism field / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Edmundo Fernandes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T09:42:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicone_ReinaldoBarros_M.pdf: 4982779 bytes, checksum: c86bd366aa640ee1454e24631a4cce39 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: Este trabalho trata da história do Partido dos Trabalhadores, principalmente no período de 1987 a 1994. Descreve as análises de conjuntura realizadas pelo PT em cada momento, a política de alianças definida e os programas de governo propostos para o país. Ao fazer isso recupera a história das disputas políticas no Brasil neste período, do ponto de vista do PT. Além disso, analisa o desenvolvimento dos conceitos de Partido, Estado, Hegemonia e Socialismo nas resoluções dos Encontros Nacionais, no período estudado. Para este análise utiliza-se dos conceitos teóricos do marxista italiano Antomio Gramsci, comparando-os com as resoluções partidárias. Demonstra a existência de uma significativa semelhança entre as resoluções partidárias e as idéias gramscianas sobre estas questões, mas também a I tendência de separação entre as resoluções aprovadas e as ações efetivamente praticadas pelo PT. Demonstra ainda o rebaixamento do programas e dos horizontes do PT, em seus quinze anos de existência. As tendências de separação entre teoria e prática, de rebaixamento de seu programa, de sua ação e de seus ideais vem distinguindo o PT das idéias gramscianas sobre o papel, o caráter, a vida e os objetivos de um partido socialista. / Abstract: This research discuss the history of the Brazilian W ork Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores) from 1987 to 1994. It describes the analysis of political situation done by PT in each time, the mIes to make alliances with others parties and the programs proposed to the country. Doing that it recover the history of the political disputes in this period, from the point ofview ofthe PT. Besides, it analyses the development of the concepts of Party, State, Hegemony and Socialism in the resolution of the National Meetings, in the studied period. To this analysis it takes the theoretical concepts ofthe Italian Marxist Antonio Gra,msci, comparing its with the partisan resolutions. It proves the existence of a significant similarity between the partisan resolution and the Gramsci' s ideas about these questions, but also the tendency of a I separation between the approved resolutions and the actions really done by PT. It proves also the reduction of the programs and of the ideaIs of PT, in his fifteen years of life. The tendency of separation between theory and the practice, of reduction of his program, of his practice and of this ideaIs have been distinguishing PT from the Gramsci's ideas about the paper, the characteristic, the life and the objective of a socialist party. / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Michel Debrun / Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T20:31:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jesus_AntonioTavaresde_M.pdf: 12507480 bytes, checksum: f4d11be7ebcc917234426916845fe8c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1985 / Mestrado

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-19T20:18:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Burgos_Raul_M.pdf: 15743792 bytes, checksum: 6d5381b40ac358779c3c184cb3ab6e2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 1994 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

The aim of this thesis is to elaborate the analysis of economic class within Burman’s  ontological framework. To alleviate some shortcomings of Burman’s framework, I will make  use of concepts presented by Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. Further, I will draw on Sally  Haslanger’s notion of structural explanation to distinguish micro from macro-level  explanations and situate the second kind of explanation within class analysis. I will,  following some analytical Marxists, argue that there is a possible distinction to be made  between metaphysical reduction and explanatory reduction, and that class analysis requires  macro-level explanations. I will provide an outline account of how Burman’s framework can  be modified to accommodate macro-level explanations.

This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam. / This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Irene Gerassi.pdf: 933430 bytes, checksum: fdcec24e2aaab28d669eb1bece9b77fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-26 / This dissertation aims to report the process of construction, in a socio-historical perspective of a experience of technic-political-social articulation, turned to the children and teenagers rights defense in Santo Amaro zone, a district in the south of São Paulo and of how this process permitted, in its bulge, the expansion of political conscience and the formation of political subjects that might constitute, lately, in a coletive political subject, the Santo Amaro DCA Forum. This research starts from life stories of three members of the Santo Amaro DCA Forum executive commission, focusing mainly in the facts that propitiated to these subjects, their formation or their sensibilization, to become political subjects, what, lately, enabled them, the own commitment in the Forum. This way, I seek to bring elements for a better analysis about the formation of political subjects and so the Santo Amaro DCA Forum as my universe of research, is understood here as a coletive political subject, that really acquitted fundamental part in this process, where I could conclude that there is some necessity of political spaces in order to political subjects can be formed. For basing this study, I worked from the philosophic perspective of Dialetic Historical Materialism, focusing in the central category "of totality". In this dissertation, I opted to work with qualitative research, understanding to be this the approach more consistent to acquire the aimed results / Esta dissertação visa relatar o processo de construção, numa perspectiva sócio-histórica, de uma experiência de articulação técnico-político-social, voltada para a defesa de direitos de crianças e adolescentes na região de Santo Amaro, bairro da zona Sul da cidade de São Paulo e de como este processo permitiu, em seu bojo, a expansão da consciência política e a formação de sujeitos políticos que puderam constituir-se, posteriormente, em um sujeito político coletivo, o Fórum DCA Sto. Amaro. Inicio esta pesquisa a partir das histórias de vida de três membros da comissão executiva do Fórum DCA Sto. Amaro, focando principalmente nos fatos que propiciaram a estes sujeitos sua formação, ou sua sensibilização, para se tornarem sujeitos políticos, o que, posteriormente, possibilitou-lhes, o próprio engajamento no Fórum. Busco assim, trazer elementos para uma melhor análise acerca da formação de sujeitos políticos e para tanto, o Fórum DCA Santo Amaro, enquanto meu universo de pesquisa, é entendido aqui como um sujeito político coletivo, que realmente desempenhou papel fundamental nesse processo, onde pude concluir que há necessidade de espaços políticos para que se formem sujeitos políticos. Para embasamento deste estudo, trabalhei a partir da perspectiva filosófica do Materialismo Histórico e Dialético, focando na categoria central da totalidade . Nesta dissertação, optei por trabalhar com a pesquisa qualitativa, entendendo ser esta a abordagem mais consistente para obtenção dos resultados pretendidos

This thesis starts from the proposition that the ethical meat discourse that is, the discourse recognizing that factory farming is unacceptable while maintaining that it is possible to produce meat in an acceptable way — has not been thoroughly analyzed. Indeed, both the partisans of this idea and the animal rights literature provide oversimplified analyses of this relatively new phenomenon. Considering its explosion in popularity since Michael Pollan published the essay “An Animal's Place” in The New York Times Magazine in 2002, this lack of research is particularly problematic for the animal rights movement as this new discourse directly counters its objectives. As such, this thesis uses Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution to develop a richer analysis of the apparent marginalizing effect that this discourse has on the animal rights movement. More precisely, the thesis addresses the question: “If the emergence of the ethical meat discourse is understood as part of a passive revolution, what can the specific process of passive revolution tell us about the impacts of the ethical meat discourse on the animal rights movement?” It argues that the passive revolution operates on two levels: (1) it depoliticizes the issue of meat consumption by presenting it as irrelevant and reducing it to technical details and (2) it absorbs the moderate elements of the animal rights movement by proposing an attractive alternative. Both of these processes lead to the marginalization of the few animal advocacy organizations still criticizing ethical meat. The analysis is divided in three parts. The first and second analyze respectively the content of the discourse and internal dynamics of the coalition formed around it using Maarten Hajer’s concept of discourse-coalition. Building on this comprehensive understanding of the ethical meat discourse, the actual process of passive revolution is analyzed by looking at the way the meat industry, environmental organizations and animal advocacy organizations engage with it.