Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:07:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EdlenaSP_TESE_PARCIAL.pdf: 36445 bytes, checksum: 906a477e5d52a6df016d2b8566404dda (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-27 / La tese avvicina le Memorie dal carcere, di Graciliano Ramos e i Quaderni dal carcere di Antonio Gramsci, in una prospettiva in cui essi erano uniti per lo stesso ideale politico della prima met? del XX secolo e rappresentavano la resistenza intellettuale di fronte alla repressione. Entrambi furono vittime dell autoritarismo dei poteri fascisti e registrarono il periodo di prigione in differenti forme memorialistiche. Questi scrittori sono uniti anche per il contesto nazionale molto simile per la differenza economica tra le regioni. Condividono, inoltre, anche il concetto di arte e la certezza che l alienzazione dell intelligenza pu? essere superata solamente attraverso la ricostruzione delle basi nazionali per mezzo della conoscenza, dell educazione e della cultura. Si vuole mostrare come i concetti di Gramsci sono presenti non solo nella convinzione politica di Graciliano, ma in tutto il suo stile letterario memorial?stico. Il lavoro, ancora, paragona le Memorie del carcere con due testi memorialistici di prigione in Italia, che sono Le mie prigioni, di Silvio Pellico, e Se questo ? un uomo, di Primo Levi, per dimostrare che la proposta della letteratura gramsciana ? molto pi? vicina allo scrittore brasiliano che ai due suoi conazionali. / tese aproxima as Mem?rias do c?rcere (1953), de Graciliano Ramos, e os Cadernos do c?rcere (1948) de Antonio Gramsci, visando evidenciar que os dois est?o unidos pelo mesmo ideal pol?tico da primeira metade do s?culo XX e representam a resist?ncia intelectual frente ? repress?o. Ambos foram v?timas do autoritarismo de poderes fascistas e registram o per?odo de pris?o em diferentes formas memorial?sticas. Esses escritores se aproximam tamb?m por contextos nacionais muito semelhantes de discrep?ncias econ?micas entre regi?es; aproximam-se ainda pelo conceito de arte e pela certeza de que a aliena??o da intelig?ncia somente pode ser superada atrav?s da reconstru??o das bases nacionais por meio do conhecimento, da educa??o e da cultura. Pretende-se mostrar como os conceitos de Gramsci est?o presentes n?o somente nas convic??es pol?ticas de Graciliano, mas em todo o seu fazer liter?rio de mem?rias da pris?o e demais obras. O trabalho ainda compara as Mem?rias do c?rcere com dois textos memorial?sticos de pris?o na It?lia, que s?o Le mie prigioni, de Silvio Pellico, e Se questo ? un uomo, de Primo Levi, para demonstrar que a proposta de literatura gramsciana est? muito mais pr?xima do escritor brasileiro que a dos seus compatriotas. / 2020-01-01

Orientador: Patrizia Piozzi / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T14:15:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Favaretto_JoaoBatista_D.pdf: 1866428 bytes, checksum: c8e17bc594dbf12b21518c0ac7b23f0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Abordo, neste estudo sobre a questão da emancipação no marxismo ocidental, as contribuições teóricas de Georg Lukács (1885-1971), Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), Max Horkheimer (1895-1973) e Theodor W. Adorno (1903-1969) a respeito dos processos político-sociais de formação da subjetividade. Para uma renovação da consciência social e para a transformação da sociedade, esses autores apontam, cada qual de uma forma, para a necessidade de uma ruptura com a experiência, no sentido de percepção do mundo, destinada a reproduzir a ordem existente. Esse trabalho procura dar relevo às possibilidades e condições, apontadas por cada um desses pensadores, a partir das quais essa experiência pode ser realizada na sociedade moderna. / Abstract: I approach this study on the question of emancipation in Western Marxism, the theoretical contributions of Georg Lukács (1885-1971), Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), Max Horkheimer (1895-1973) and Theodor W. Adorno (1903-1969) about the processes of political and social formation of subjectivity. For a renewal of social consciousness and the transformation of society, these authors point out, each in a way, the need for a break from experience, to perceive the world, designed to reproduce the existing order. This paper seeks to highlight the possibilities and conditions, as reported by each of these thinkers, from which this experience can be performed in modern society. / Doutorado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Renê José Trentin Silveira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T14:11:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigues_JeffersonVasques_M.pdf: 1000150 bytes, checksum: 7304092c9acdec8d1221ac284e53fd94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Partindo da compreensão de que, por determinações materiais e históricas, a direção partidária se apresenta como pólo teórico no papel de educador-dirigente, e a base partidária, como pólo prático no papel de educando-dirigido, busco analisar as características dessa relação dentro da estrutura organizativa do partido revolucionário (proposto originalmente por Lênin) e, conseqüentemente, a importância da práxis educativa nessa relação-eixo (dirigente-dirigido) para o processo revolucionário como um todo. Interessa avaliar as possibilidades de uma práxis educativa emancipadora entre esses dois sujeitos, em que se desenvolva a autonomia dos educandos (base/classe) e se garanta a educação do próprio educador (direção/partido). Para tanto, realizo uma pesquisa bibliográfica através do instrumental conceitual de Antonio Gramsci, abordando, no primeiro capítulo, a presença da práxis educativa no processo revolucionário como um todo; no segundo capítulo, o partido revolucionário como educador coletivo; e, no terceiro capítulo, o objeto desta pesquisa, a práxis educativa entre direção e base em seu interior. Por fim, avalio, de forma preliminar, o partido revolucionário e sua práxis educativa no Brasil atual. Ao final deste estudo, concluo pela vigência e validade dos princípios organizativos e educativos do partido revolucionário, apesar da conjuntura de crise que assola as organizações da classe. Também reafirmo a importância fundamental da práxis educativa entre direção e base, que pode potencializar, através da unidade dinâmica entre teoria e prática, o processo revolucionário, ou pô-lo em risco, se apresenta deformações que separam de forma estanque dirigentes (polo teórico) e dirigidos (pólo prático). / Abstract: Based on the understanding that, for historical and material determinations, the party leadership is presented as a theoretical pole in the role of educator-leader, and the party base, as a practical pole in the role of learner-followers, I analyze the characteristics of this relationship within the framework organization of the revolutionary party (originally proposed by Lenin) and, consequently, the importance of educational praxis that this relationship-axis (leader-follower) to the revolutionary process as a whole. I want to evaluate the possibilities of an emancipator educational practice between these two subjects able to develop the autonomy of learners (base/class) and ensuring the education of the educator himself (leadership/party). For this purpose, I make a bibliographic survey through the conceptual instruments of Antonio Gramsci, covering in the first chapter, the presence of educational practice in the revolutionary process as a whole; the revolutionary party as a collective educator in the second chapter and, the object of this research, the educational praxis between leadership and base in the third chapter. Finally, I evaluate, on a preliminary basis, the revolutionary party and its educational praxis in Brazil nowadays. At the end of the study, I conclude the actuality and validity of educational and organizational principles of the revolutionary party, despite the context of crisis affecting class organizations. I also reaffirm the fundamental importance of the educational praxis between leadership and base, which can enhance, through the dynamic unity of theory and practice, the revolutionary process, or put it at risk if deformations separate and isolate leaders (theoretical pole) and followers (practical pole). / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier le style indirect libre dans l’œuvre de Pier Paolo Pasolini à travers un axe de recherche qui peut, schématiquement, se rattacher à deux champs: le champs poétique, concernant l'activité littéraire et cinématographique de l'auteur et le champs théorique, où le problème de la forme esthétique devient l'occasion pour l'étude des principes linguistiques etsémiotiques qui en permettent la réalisation. Ce double parcours s'articule à son tour en quatre phases de développement: la phase de la « régression » théorisée dans les années quarante pour expliquer divers processus relatifs à l’emploi du dialecte en littérature ; celle de la « connexion sentimentale », notion tirée des Cahiers de prison de Antonio Gramsci pour décrire le rapport entre les intellectuels et les classes subalternes ; celle du discours indirect libre en tant que tel, qui se trouve à la base de lapoétique des romans romains des années cinquante, et qui est également présent dans d’autres œuvres élaborées plus tard ; et finalement la phase de la subjective indirecte libre, théorisée dans les années soixante pour décrire le style indirect libre au cinéma.La régression, la connexion sentimentale, le discours indirect libre, la subjective libre indirecte constituent le point de contact entre le parcours poétique et dans le même temps théorique de l'auteur. La régression dans la parole de l’autre, ou, comme au cinéma, dans le regard de l’autre, représente en dernière instance la tentative de l’auteur de traduire sur le plan littéraire et cinématographique la réalité de conflits historiques et existentiels. / This doctoral thesis studies the free indirect style in Pasolini's works through a double path of research. On one hand it takes into account his literary and cinematic production; on the other it studies the linguistic and semiotic principles on which its free indirect style hinges. This double path has been crossed in the light of four notions that Pasolini developed in his theoretical essays along his artisticactivity. The first one is the “regression”, elaborated in the 40s in order to describe the usage of the Friulian dialect of his early poems. The second one is the “sentimental connection”, which Pasolini discovered in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks and he employed to analyse the relationship between intellectuals and subaltern classes. The third one concerns the free indirect discourse used in Pasolini's Roman novels of the 50s and studied from a linguistic and semiotic point of view in some essays. The last one is the free indirect subjective theorised in the 60s to describe the cinematic adaptation of the free indirect style.Regression, sentimental connection, free indirect discourse and free indirect subjective are the most important notions of Pasolini's free indirect style. They show how the author established itslinguistic, political and sentimental relationship with the subalterns that populates his literary works aswell as his movies.

Im Zeitraum 2004-2006 wurde in Georgien eine beispiellose Deregulierung des Arbeitsmarktes vorgenommen, um die internationale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu verbessern. Diese Maßnahmen waren Teil umfassenderer Vermarktlichung- und Privatisierungsbemühungen, die von den so genannten "Rosenrevolutionären" Eliten angeführt wurden. Diese Studie, die sich auf Karl Polanyis Konzept der Arbeit als "fiktive Ware" stützt, untersucht, wie eine solche Kommodifizierung die Wirtschaft von der Gesellschaft entkoppelt und gesellschaftliche Gegenbewegungen hervorruft, die sich gegen die Expansion des Marktes schützen wollen. Polanyis "Doppelbewegung" beschreibt gesellschaftspolitische Kräfte, die eine demokratische Kontrolle des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Lebens anstreben und die künstliche Trennung zwischen beiden in Frage stellen. Die wichtigsten empirischen Fragen lauten, ob die georgische Gesellschaft auf die Marktöffnung reagiert hat und welche Konflikte daraus entstanden sind. Die Studie beleuchtet zwei Protestbewegungen, die sich gegen die Marktideologie wandten und versuchten, die schädlichen Auswirkungen der Deregulierung des Arbeitsmarktes abzumildern. Trotz ihrer Bemühungen gelang es diesen Bewegungen nicht, eine breitere demokratische Kontrolle über das Wirtschaftsleben zu etablieren. Wenn es diesen Bewegungen nicht gelungen ist, die Wirtschaft wieder in die Gesellschaft einzubinden, wie kann dann eine demokratische Kontrolle der wirtschaftlichen Sphäre theoretisiert und erreicht werden? Die Studie bezieht die Gramscianischen Analysen der "Beziehungen der sozialen Kräfte" mit ein und argumentiert, dass die Infragestellung der marktgetriebenen Ordnung mehr als nur spezifische, themenbezogene Antworten erfordert. Durch die Integration von Polanyi und Gramsci schlägt die Studie die Notwendigkeit eines politisch sinnvolleren Ansatzes vor, um der Marktideologie zu begegnen und eine demokratische Kontrolle über die Wirtschaft zu etablieren. / In the period of 2004-2006, Georgia underwent unprecedented labor deregulation to enhance international competitiveness and attract foreign investments. These policies, leaving most workers unprotected, were part of broader marketization and privatization efforts led by the so-called "Revolutionary" political elites following the Rose Revolution. This study, drawing on Karl Polanyi's concept of labor as a "fictitious commodity," explores how such commodification disembedds the economy from society, prompting societal countermovements seeking to protect against market expansion. Polanyi's "double movement" describes sociopolitical forces aiming for democratic control over political and economic life, challenging the artificial separation between the two. The key empirical questions addressed are whether Georgian society responded to labor marketization and what social conflicts ensued. The study focuses on two protest movements—the Tbilisi Metro strikes and Chiatura miners’ strike—which opposed market ideology and sought to mitigate the harmful effects of labor deregulation. Despite their efforts, these movements failed to establish broader democratic control over economic life, representing "corporatist re-embedding" and "pre-political" responses rather than achieving full "re-embedding" of the economy into society. The study poses a theoretical question: if these movements couldn't successfully re-embed the economy in society, how can democratic control over the economic sphere be theorized and achieved? To address this, the work incorporates Gramscian analyses of “relations of social forces” and hegemony, arguing that challenging market-driven order requires more than specific issue-driven responses. By integrating Polanyi with the Gramscian framework, the study suggests the need for a politically meaningful approach to countering market ideology and establishing democratic control over the economy.

Unemployment and precarity have become key features of 21st century work. Employability is presented as a solution to these issues. Individuals are exhorted to manage their employability, in order to be able to exercise choice in the labour market. While employability is individuals' responsibility, governments, employers and educational bodies simply provide opportunities for its development. Higher education is a key site for this process, as employability rhetoric increasingly informs policy and practice. It is founded on rhetoric that emphasises flexibility, skills and marketability, shaping students in certain ways with the risk of being deemed unemployable as the consequence of disengagement. At the same time, there has been a rise in employer presence on university campuses. Recruitment is no longer its key feature. Traditional 'milkround' recruitment has been replaced by year round marketing campaigns. As a result, students are continually exposed to a selection of employers promoting a specific image of work and work orientations. The theoretical framework of this study is informed by works of Antonio Gramsci and Mikhail Bakhtin. Gramsci's notion of 'common sense?' is central to analysing the rhetoric on work and employability present on campus. I also give voice to students by recounting how they as 'dialogical selves' engage with such 'common sense'. These issues are explored through an analysis of data gathered during seventeen months of fieldwork. This includes longitudinal interviews with students, participant observation, documents, interviews with careers advisors and non-participant observation of career consultations. From this, I argue that there was a strongly normative image of work constructed around an orientation I term 'consumption of work'. This image was closely associated with consumption opportunities, marketed to students through corporate presence on campus. 'Consumption of work' was central to shaping students' work orientations and only few of them resisted the 'common sense'. Those who made 'alternative' choices articulated doubt about these, with the challenge to employability as a key reason for it. Employability was presented to students as a lifelong project of the self, where constant acquisition, development and selling of skills were necessary to maintain a position in the labour market. Many students embraced the rhetoric of skill 'possession', but were 'playing the game' when 'demonstrating' skills. Conforming to what the employers were willing them to 'demonstrate' and understanding how to do this became the primary condition for achieving employability.

Since its birth at the time of the French Revolution, Left/Right has been a key tool for understanding politics. This thesis investigates how we think about politics using Left/Right: how it shapes, constrains and interacts with our most deeply-held conceptions of politics, how its meaning and implications have developed historically and in the British context, and why it might warrant the attention of the student of ideologies. After outlining the methodological underpinnings of the study and histories of Left/Right, the thesis examines uses of Left/Right in a range of contexts of actual thinking about politics. Left/Right is widely used in both the academic study of politics and popular commentary on British politics. The early New Left in Britain in the late 1950s and early 1960s is studied as a group attempting to influence the discourse around the political label “the Left”; a section of the neo-conservative New Right in Britain in the 1980s, around The Salisbury Review, is analysed as a political group with a complicated relationship to the political label “the Right”. Left/Right emerges as an element of the contested “common sense” of politics. Further, it is argued that some elements of common sense, such as Left/Right, may be expressed through narratives. Left/Right is theorized as a political narrative, or as a story about politics. The concept of political narrative explores the possibility that Left/Right may be susceptible to “interpretation”, both in terms of the assumptions about how politics is done and how politics should be done that underlie it, and more complexly in its relationship with a master narrative of political conflict understood as class struggle. Students of ideologies can learn much about how we think about and do our politics by attending to Left/Right.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the relationship between the surrounding world and the library with respect to the library’s need to provide a Library 2.0 web site. We also explore the relationship between the physical and the virtual library. Our research objects are the public libraries of Stockholm and the Umeå region, that maintain the web sites Biblioteket.se and minabibliotek.se respectively. By applying Dorte Skot-Hansen's theory of rationales we found that the Stockholm public library is acting in accordance with the experience rationale, whereas the libraries of Umeå are influenced by the instrumental rationale. Furthermore, by applying Antonio Gramsci’s theories of hegemony and struggle for power and neo-institutional theory to our data, we conclude that these libraries are strongly influenced by the surrounding society to provide Library 2.0 web sites in order to maintain their position within the library field and possibly to be considered foremost in that field. By failing to implement a Library 2.0 web our research objects would risk losing their positions within the library field, a declining influence in the cultural hegemony, fewer visitors and a reduced budget. We also found that the relationship between the physical and the virtual library has not been evaluated. Furthermore we found that the web sites do not make any impact on the physical libraries. These two findings might be due to the so far rather immature implementations. / Program: Bibliotekarie

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-02-14Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:07:54Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 neres_gm_dr_mar.pdf: 750620 bytes, checksum: 815273bf3bef2aa32ce624da365b4868 (MD5) / Em virtude dos percalços trágicos de sua história pessoal, os Cadernos do cárcere representam a conformação definitiva ou o desenvolvimento final da elaboração política de Antonio Gramsci. Da mesma forma, é ali também que se encontra o desenvolvimento mais elevado de sua teoria do partido revolucionário. É somente nos escritos carcerários, através da proposição da forma política cristalizada no ‘moderno Príncipe’ que sua concepção organizativa atinge a conformação definitiva. Contudo, existe um aspecto problemático na teoria do partido presente nos Cadernos: lá não existe uma teoria sistemática, explícita, expressa formalmente; mas uma teoria tácita, que precisa ser extraída de suas indicações fragmentárias. Além do mais, esta teoria aparece inextrincavelmente fundida às novas categorias conceituais forjadas por Gramsci para investigar a especificidade do processo revolucionário no Ocidente. Por conseguinte, essa teoria só pode ser minimamente sistematizada se apreendida no contexto do arranjo teórico-conceitual desenvolvido por Gramsci em sua reflexão carcerária / Given the tragic mishaps of his personal history, the Prison Notebooks represent the final conformation, or the final development of the policy formulation of Antonio Gramsci. Likewise, is also there which is the highest development of his theory of the revolutionary party. It is only in his prison writings, by proposing the political form crystallized in the ‘modern Prince’ that his organizational conception reaches the final conformation. However, there is a problematic aspect in the theory of the party present in the Notebooks: there not exists a systematic theory, explicit, formally expressed; but a tacit theory, that needs to be extracted from its fragmentary indications. Moreover, this theory appears inextricably fused with the new conceptual categories forged by Gramsci to investigate the specificity of the revolutionary process in the West. Consequently, this theory can only be minimally systematized if seized in the context of the theoretical and conceptual arrangement developed by Gramsci in his prison thinking

This document is an ethnographic account of one researcher's experience during an election season spent with one candidate. The document considers the history of political anthropology as a subfield of anthropology, the deployment of ideology and hegemony as theoretical concepts, and includes a brief history of Tampa and Hillsborough County politics. The document attempts to make connections between the practical necessities of campaigning, with reference to the processual approach of examining micro-political process, and theoretical issues related to the subject of political anthropology, notably the concepts of ideology, hegemony, and the subject of elites in human social organization.