From December 1983 to January 1984, 228 bamboo strips were unearthed in M247 at Jiangling, Hubei. These strips contained a collection of criminal cases called Zou Yan Shu, as well as 526 strips containing Laws of the 2nd Year. This discovery effectively patched a gap in judicature during the transition from the Qin to the Han. Beginning in 1985, a research group, Li Xueqin, and Peng Hao, began publishing the content of these strips in Wenwu. Soon scholars all over the world began researching the strips. In 2008, the Bamboo and Silk Manuscript Center at Wuhan University used infrared imaging (as well as referencing Cai Wanjin¡¦s revisions of the text and the research of other scholars) to make sense of a very muddled text. This also brought about many breakthroughs in research on the Zou Yan Shu. Now scholars understand much more concerning judicature during the Qin-Han period and how it differed from that of pre-Qin times. Despite this, few scholars have attempted a comprehensive analysis of the 22 cases found in this work. There is much research to be done on legal terminology in the text, the judiciary writing process in Zou Yan Shu, the reasons for compiling these 22 cases, knowledge of judiciary principles during Qin-Han gained from these cases, and several keys to unjust, falsified, and mistaken cases. This dissertation attempts to utilized prior understanding of the scholarly community to systematically and comprehensively analyzing all 22 cases and to explicate the meaning of the title Zou Yan Shu, judiciary terminology, the judiciary process, adjudicatory results, and reasons for the unjust, falsified, and mistaken cases. It was discovered that the purpose for this compilation was to educate law-enforcement officials and portrays the message that from receiving the initial report to apprehending and trying the criminal to gathering evidence to issuing the final judgment, if the principle ¡§all is decided by the law¡¨ is not strictly adhered to then mistakes are easily made. In addition, the way documents are written in Zhou Yan Shu is closely related to the judiciary process from the county-level all the way to the Commandant of Justice, revealing how this process worked at the various levels.

xvi, 341 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT GN855.K6 R6 1997 / The primary purpose of this dissertation is to reconstruct sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley in Korea during the prehistoric and proto historic periods ( ca 6000 B .C.-A.D. 300). Based on theoretical ideas about the close relationship between cultural behavior and the natural environment as well as synthetical observation of archaeological data in the North Han River Valley, I have proposed the following testable hypothesis in regard to 'sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley : that its unique ecosystem brought about a subsistence pattern unique to the region. The North Han River Valley's specific geographical formation, connected with the Lower Han River Basin by way of the river system, brought it under the crucial influence of the latter's more advanced cultural elements. The circumscribed environment derived from the distinctively developed geomophological formation of the North Han River Valley influenced autochthonous sociocultural development in the region. Enumerating the most basic factors, the affluent riverine resources of the Valley enabled Chiilmun period inhabitants be heavily dependent on riverine fishing supplemented by the hunting and gathering of wild vegetation. Riverine fishing as well as hunting and gathering richly supplemented the agrarian economy which became dominant in the Valley after the appearance ofMumun people in later prehistoric times. Due to population saturation of limited arable lands, Mumun agrarian people became increasingly circumscribed and could not evolve into a state-level society. In association with this factor, the geographical proximity of the Valley to the Lower Han River inevitably brought it under the influence of advanced cultures emerging in the Lower Han River Basin. This process, which began in the later Mumun period, actually has continued to the present, passing through the protohistoric State Formation period and Paekche kingdom. / Committee in charge: Dr. C. Melvin Aikens, Chair; Dr. Song Nai Rhee; Dr. William S. Ayres; Dr. William G. Loy; Dr. Philip Young

Han Yu is famous in Chinese history both for his literature and for his defense of Confucianism at a time when it was being seriously challenged by Buddhism and religious Taoism. Although his influ- ence was limited during his own lifetime, in later times Han Yu came to symbolize the conservative Confucian values that are often identi- fied with the traditional Chinese state. This study examines Han Yu's life and thought in an attempt to determine to what extent his later image as an ideal Confucian was or was not justified. A chapter on the historical background provides the context for Han Yu's biography, which is divided into five chap- ters. This is followed by a chapter discussing the intellectual back- ground of Han Yu's thought. Two further chapters discuss, first, the basis of Han Yu's conservative image, and, second, a number of his writings which illustrate the limits of his conservatism. Han Yu's ideas are related to the political and social circumstan- ces of his times, and it is found that while he is indeed a conservative and a Confucian, the extent of both his conservatism and his Confucian orthodoxy have been exaggerated.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

有唐近三百年，是詩歌大放異彩的黃金時代．對於題材的選取，可謂包羅萬象；自應 制宴遊、風花雪月，以至靈異鬼怪等均有．其中關於詠史懷古的題材，每為詩人墨客 所取用，他們常將個人存在的意識，融入作品當中，將朝代的興亡，與自然永恆不變 的定律互相對照．或嘆王者偉業的徒勞，或憐美人命運的坎坷．期望依循歷史腳步的 探索，得到心靈的激盪與迴響． 漢唐兩代，是同為中國人引以為傲的偉大時代，迄今「漢學」、「唐人」，猶為光榮 的稱號，得以聞名於世．然此兩大帝國建立的徹會型態，均呈現出禮法較為疏闊的情 形．因此，女主臨朝，獨斷擅行者有之；女性離婚、再嫁者亦不以為諱．漢唐有如此 相近的時代背景，自亦影響於詩歌的流衍．是以欲借唐人以漢代婦女為主題詩歌的研 究，以探求唐代歷史的部分真貌． 本研究以文獻法為主，從全唐詩中蒐羅提及漢代婦女，如王昭君、陳皇后、班婕妤、 李夫人、趙飛燕、戚夫人等之詩作，計有四百六十餘首．其中援引以為主題者，約有 一百六十餘首之多．進而分析此一百六十餘首詩歌的內容、作者、歷史故實；繼而探 討唐代相關的歷史，蹦尋繹其中的脈絡，加以綜合歸納．期能一窺這些詩歌與唐代歷 史的關係，對中國文學、歷史的研究，提供若干參考． 本文共分五章．第一章蓄論．第二章漢唐婦女生活的異同．第三章唐人借漢代婦女為 主題以突顯和親政策的詩歌．第四章唐人借漢代婦女為主題以突顯后妃得寵怨棄的詩 歌．第五章結論．論詩部分重其大意，而略於技巧與風格．至於作者部分，則多參考 前賢成說，間中有所發明者，則稍作補充．

本論文計一冊，約七萬字，約七萬字，內容分為導論、結論及正文七章十九節，撰寫 係以歷史的方法，以政治學的觀點，以政治學的觀點，引證論逑，其大要如下： 導論：說明關於問題的提起及研究的步驟。第一章敘逑韓非的生平及其政治思想的歷 史背景。第二章韓非政治思想的 源：探索其內因及外緣。第三章韓非政治思想的理 論根基：分為自利的人性論、進化的歷史觀以及務力的國家觀，予以討論。第四、五 章六章，乃先後分逑韓非政治思想中的法論、術論與勢論。第七章韓非 的法、術、勢思想互相結合的關係：論析法與術、術與勢以及勢與法的互相關係及如 何結合運用。結論：綜合以上七章所研究之發現，嘗試評定，加以歸納整理。

Language issues, often linked with ideas of history, sentiment, identity, ideology, maintenance, revitalization, minority, and indigenous peoples, are raised constantly in Taiwan. This study focused on examining issues related to language planning and bilingual education at the elementary school level in Taiwan. The research purposes were: 1) to examine the current language education practices in the elementary school by employing perspectives of language planning and bilingual education in Taiwan; and 2) to make recommendations about the current language planning and policy of Taiwan with respect to elementary school language education. There were 123 participants involved in this study. They were elementary school language teachers, language professionals, and parents. Data collection began in the winter of 2004 and continued through the summer of 2005. The research context was elementary school language education. Transcripts and questionnaires were the primary sources for data analysis. Five major phenomena with respect to elementary school language education in Taiwan were found. First, there was no systematic language planning for the present elementary school language education in Taiwan. Second, the three language subjects, Mandarin, English, and Dialects, within the Language Arts area were seen as independent courses without any interdisciplinary integration. Third, parental decisions about the prior order of language learning were structured upon a profound process related to language ideology and instrumentalism. Fourth, the elementary school language curriculum was guided by the concept of Han-centrism. Fifth, because of the phenomenon of language shift, Mandarin has become most children's mother tongue rather than the local languages. Based on the five findings, I suggest that first, team teaching is helpful for elementary school language teachers to integrate children's learning of different languages. Second, parents, language professionals, and language teachers should have more opportunities to communicate with each other about children's language learning. Third, language planners should bear the Han-centric phenomenon in mind, especially when considering issues of educational resources and opportunities and social justice. Fourth, the definition of mother tongues needs to be redefined. Fifth, it is important for every elementary school to develop its own school-based language policy.

This thesis is centered on the roles of wooden chamber tombs in defining, negotiating and reinforcing status and identity of their owners in early imperial China. The archaeological materials under discussion are wooden chamber burials in the mid-Yangzi region, including the modern provinces of Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan and north Anhui. The first reason why I have chosen this area is because these tombs are well-preserved and provide excellent examples to examine the different material expressions of rank and status at each rank in mortuary contexts. They are complemented by some extensive contemporary texts written on bamboo strips recently discovered in the same general area. The waterlogged burial environment in the mid-Yangzi region allows organic materials, such as textiles, lacquers and bamboo manuscripts, to survive while in other regions, such as the Central Plain, they often perished. Secondly, these tombs are also of a traditional form—constructed as a wooden chamber dug into a vertical pit, and can therefore be considered in relation to earlier Zhou practices. Wooden chamber tombs started to flourish from the eleventh century and became more elaborate from the sixth to the first century B.C. From the first century onward, such a burial type still prevailed in the mid-Yangzi region, while they were replaced by horizontal tombs built with bricks or stones in other areas. Many scholars have, therefore, regarded the prevailing timber structure in the area as a cultural continuity from Zhou system. They interpret them in terms of funeral regulations, especially linking them to archaic ranks and ritual norms drawn from transmitted texts. However, many of these texts that archaeologists consult and cite were written long after the burials and sites were constructed and used. These later texts were modified and passed through many editorial hands over the centuries, and there are considerable inconsistencies between different textual sources. Therefore the second reason why I have chosen this area is because it provides data demonstrating that the text-centered assumptions with respect to archaeological material do not contribute to a better understanding of social relationships in early Han society. Thirdly, there is a strong connection with local Chu tombs. The Jianghan Plain was the heartland of the Chu state before the Qin unification. The tomb construction of the Chu state incorporates a striking preference for timber structures. The timber structure tombs grew more widespread and dominant in this area during the early Han dynasty. In using multiple burial chambers and nested coffins, the local Han elites in the mid-Yangzi region seem to have followed the Chu mortuary practice, as well as in burying a large number of lacquers and bamboo manuscripts. The abundant material evidence of Chu tombs in the area sheds light on understanding of changes in funerary beliefs, showing that the tombs were arranged to meet specific needs of tomb owners. Rather than simply seeing a wooden chamber burial as a passive reflection of written regulation, I consider it as a medium for conveying the different thoughts of its owner and their associates. The material evidence manifested the status and identities of the deceased in concrete physical form. The burial assemblages belong to carefully planned contexts, and serve to constitute idealized social relations, rather than necessarily mirroring day to day reality. As such, burial evidence not only exhibited a part of the biography of the dead, but also expressed identity and socio-political claims of the living. This thesis will show that rank is not the only and major determinant, but is accompanied or outperformed by status and identity. The period covered by this thesis is the initial stage of early imperial China. The Western Han Empire (206 B.C.--A.D. 25) is traditionally regarded as a period when a unified social, political, and ideological framework was initially established. In 202 B.C., Liu Bang (256--195 B.C.) from the former Chu state in eastern China, defeated Xiang Yu (232--202 B.C.) and set up the Western Han imperial court, with its capital in Chang'an (modern Xi'an, Shaanxi province). The Han Empire was briefly interrupted by the Xin Dynasty (A.D. 9--23), established by Wang Mang (45 B.C.--A.D.23), a Confucian official from the Liu family. This interregnum divides the Han dynasty into two periods: the Western Han (206 B.C.--A.D.9) and the Eastern Han (A.D.25--220).

據稿本複印 / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院中國語言及文學學部,1993. / 參考文獻: leaves 303-313 / 周兼善. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1-6 / Chapter 第一節 --- 本論文之硏究緣起 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 本論文的硏究步驟與研究方法 --- p.2-6 / Chapter 第二章 --- 「寓言」釋義 --- p.7-38 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「寓言」溯源 --- p.7-10 / Chapter 第一節 --- 註釋 --- p.11 / Chapter 第二節 --- 現當代學者及重要工具辭書 對「寓言」所作的界說綜述 --- p.12-23 / Chapter 第二節 --- 註釋 --- p.24-26 / Chapter 第三節 --- 對於上述諸家及工具辭書所作的界說平議 --- p.27-37 / Chapter 第三節 --- 註釋 --- p.38 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《韓非子》書中的「歷史故事」 與「歴史人物寓言」辨析 --- p.39-90 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「歷史故事」可否演化為「 歴史人物寓言」問題探析 --- p.39-56 / Chapter 第一節 --- 註釋 --- p.57-58 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《韓非子》作者採用歷史故 事或寓言為論據之去取準則 --- p.59-60 / Chapter 第二節 --- 註釋 --- p.61 / Chapter 第三節 --- 值得注意的同源異說「「歷史 故事」與「歷史人物寓言」 --- p.62-71 / Chapter 第三節 --- 註釋 --- p.72-73 / Chapter 第四節 --- 先秦寓言以人物故事為創作主流的原因剖析 --- p.74-88 / Chapter 第四節 --- 註釋 --- p.89-90 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《韓非子》寓言故事的總目及其淵源 --- p.91-133 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《韓非子》書中的寓言故事總目 --- p.91-98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 註釋 --- p.99 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《韓非子》神話與動物寓言的淵 源及其與《莊子》寓言的關係 --- p.100-111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 註釋 --- p.112-113 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《韓非子》歴史人物寓言的淵源 --- p.114-124 / Chapter 第三節 --- 註釋 --- p.125 / Chapter 第四節 --- 僅見於《韓非子》一書的寓言故事 --- p.126-132 / Chapter 第四節 --- 註釋 --- p.133 / Chapter 第五章 --- 《韓非子》寓言在人物形象塑造 上的特色及其對寓旨的表達手法 --- p.134-175 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《韓非子》寓言在人物形象塑造上的待色 --- p.134-160 / Chapter 第一節 --- 註釋 --- p.161 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《韓非子》寓言對寓旨的表達手法 --- p.162-174 / Chapter 第二節 --- 註釋 --- p.175 / Chapter 第六章 --- 《韓非子》寓言在語言藝術上的特色 --- p.176-247 / Chapter 第一節 --- 生動雋永、質樸精煉的語言藝術特色 --- p.176-186 / Chapter 第一節 --- 註釋 --- p.187-188 / Chapter 第二節 --- 善於營造氣氛懸念、情節 出人意表的語言藝術特色 --- p.189-200 / Chapter 第二節 --- 註釋 --- p.201-202 / Chapter 第三節 --- 藉層遞、排偶句式以加強 文章氣勢的語言藝術特色 --- p.203-229 / Chapter 第三節 --- 註釋 --- p.230-235 / Chapter 第四節 --- 筆鋒帶有孤鬱怨憤感情的語言藝術特色 --- p.236-245 / Chapter 第四節 --- 註釋 --- p.246-247 / Chapter 第七章 --- 《韓非子》寓言對後世文學的影響 --- p.248-289 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《韓非子.和氏》「和氏獻璧」 後世詩文的巨大影響 --- p.248-258 / Chapter 第一節 --- 註釋 --- p.259-262 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《韓非子》書中其他寓言對後世詩文的影響 --- p.263-277 / Chapter 第二節 --- 註釋 --- p.278-281 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《韓非子》寓言對後世小說的影響 --- p.282-288 / Chapter 第三節 --- 註釋 第 --- p.289 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結語 --- p.290-302 / 附錄： / Chapter 甲、 --- 參考書目 --- p.303-310 / Chapter (一） --- 有關韓非子及《韓非子》之參考書目 --- p.303-304 / Chapter (二） --- 有關寓言研究之參考書目 --- p.304-306 / Chapter (三） --- 一般參考書目 --- p.306-309 / Chapter (四） --- 專門工具辭書及索引書目 --- p.309-310 / Chapter 乙、 --- 參考論文 --- p.311-313

余志強. / 複本為複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Fu ben wei fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-351). / Yu Zhiqiang. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1─35 / Chapter 第二章 --- 開始運用馬列主義觀點治史 --- p.36-53 / Chapter 第三章 --- 以古喻今的歷史著作 --- p.54-69 / Chapter 第四章 --- 歷史科學的任務 --- p.70-90 / Chapter 第五章 --- 史學大躍進──吳晗，翦伯贊之反響 --- p.91-139 / Chapter 第六章 --- 怎樣研習中國的歷史 --- p.140-175 / Chapter 第七章 --- 歷史主義與階級觀點 --- p.176-208 / Chapter 第八章 --- 歷史人物的評價問題 --- p.209-244 / Chapter 第九章 --- 農民戰爭問題 --- p.245-299 / Chapter 第十章 --- 怎樣處理歷史上的民族關係問題 --- p.300-334 / 吳晗，翦伯贊著作分類目錄 --- p.335-344 / 參考書目 --- p.344-351