Magister Legum - LLM

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1994. / Includes tables and appendices. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Frank L. Smith. Dissertation Committee: Jeannette E. Fleischner. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 173-181).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

abstract: LGBTQI people are often victimized by law enforcement and these victimizations often are related to victimizations of domestic violence and hate violence. Because reporting a victimization to the police leads to contact with police, a part of the research question involved herein looked at whether or not reporting a victimization to the police also increases the rate of police violence. Through secondary data analysis, this study investigated the correlation between reporting domestic violence and hate violence to the police, and subsequent victimizations by the police in the form of police violence. Additionally through secondary data analysis, this study investigated whether or not this correlation is stronger with transgender women and people of color. All data analyzed in this study was collected in Tucson, Arizona through the Wingspan Anti-Violence Project (WAVP). All data was analyzed with the permission of the data owner, the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP) (see Appendix IV), and with IRB approval from the Arizona State University Office of Research Integrity and Assurance (see Appendix III). The findings demonstrated a positive correlation between the rate of LGBTQI people reporting violent crimes to the police and the rate of police violence against LGBTQI survivors of domestic violence and hate violence. The results further demonstrated the rate of police violence associated with reporting domestic violence or hate violence is greatest for transgender women and people of color. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Work 2016

Studien syftar till att få en ökad förståelse för antisemitiska hatbrott i Sverige, genom att undersöka främlingsfientlighet och rasistiska hatbrott mot personer med judisk bakgrund. Tidigare forskning konstaterar att antisemitiska hatbrott har ökat de senaste åren, dock finns det begränsat med vetenskaplig forskning om antisemitismen i Sverige, särskilt kvalitativa studier. För att besvara studiens syfte så har tio intervjuer genomförts och urvalet har skett genom kontakt med judiska organisationer. Studiens resultat visade att samtliga respondenter anser att antisemitismen har blivit mer påtaglig och mer utbredd i samhället än tidigare, vilket bidrar till att de måste hålla en låg profil för att inte bli utsatta. Det framkom även en oro inför framtiden och att kunna leva som jude. En förändring måste ske enligt respondenterna, lagstiftningen behöver justeras för att fler ska våga och orka anmäla de incidenter som inträffar. Skolor behöver mer kunskap för att agera och ta ansvar för problemet. Media behöver hitta sätt för att rapportera om konflikten i Mellanöstern utan att det påverkar enskilda judar. Alla i samhället behöver ta ansvar för att öka acceptansen för olikheter. Mer forskning behövs för att identifiera hur Sverige ska arbeta preventivt mot hatbrott för att trygga alla individer. / The study aims to create an increased understanding of anti-Semitic hate crimes in Sweden, by examining xenophobia and racist hate crimes againgst people with a Jewish background. Previous research states that anti-Semitic hate crimes have increased in recent years, however there is limited scientific research on anti-Semitism in Sweden, especially qualitative studies. To answer the purpose of the study, ten interviews were conducted and the selection was made, through contact with Jewish organizations. The results of the study showed that the participants believes that anti-Semitism has become more apparent and more widespread in society than before, which contributes to the fact that they must keep a low profile in order to not be exposed. There was also concern about the future and being able to live as a Jew. According to the participants a change needs to take place, the law needs to be adjusted so that more people dare and have the strenght to report the incidents that occurs. Schools need more knowledge to act and take responsibility for the problem. The media needs to find ways to report on the conflict in the Middle East without affecting individual Jews. Everyone in society needs to take responsibility for increasing acceptance of differences. More research is needed to identify how Sweden should work preventively against hates crimes to secure all indivuduals.a

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Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-07-31T13:44:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Clara Moura Masiero_.pdf: 4150484 bytes, checksum: fd5681fde0539c899c046d8a99cc8c41 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-31T13:44:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clara Moura Masiero_.pdf: 4150484 bytes, checksum: fd5681fde0539c899c046d8a99cc8c41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-01 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese trata da relação entre movimentos sociais e direito (penal) e seu eventual reflexo na política criminal brasileira. Há dois objetivos centrais: primeiro, analisar o papel do direito – em especial do direito penal – na atuação dos movimentos sociais e para a mudança social; e, segundo, compreender a política criminal brasileira voltada aos crimes de discriminação, motivados por preconceito ou, também chamados, crimes de ódio, e verificar sua permeabilidade às demandas dos movimentos sociais. Para tanto, a tese está dividida em duas partes: a primeira apresenta fundamentalmente o marco teórico, enquanto a segunda, traz a pesquisa empírica. O marco teórico da tese envolve a combinação de quatro perspectivas teóricas: (i) as teorias dos movimentos sociais; (ii) a teoria da mobilização do direito (legal mobilization); (iii) a teoria crítica do direito (penal); e, (iv) as perspectivas de análise de política criminal. A partir dessa moldura analítica, concluiu-se que nem toda expansão do direito penal representa “populismo punitivo” (política criminal irracional e desnecessária). É possível expansão penal legítima e com efetividade aceitável, a que se chama “realismo de esquerda”, desde que presentes as seguintes variáveis: (i) decorrer de um problema social concreto; (ii) representar dano a um bem jurídico relevante; e, (iii) absorver discurso produzido pelos atores sociais envolvidos/afetados por este problema. A criminalização dos “crimes de ódio” atende a esses requisitos, pois são demandas provenientes de movimentos sociais, que geram dano relevante a um bem jurídico público, qual seja a dignidade de membros de determinados grupos sociais, cuja situação histórica de marginalização social, mantém-lhes em situação de desigualdade de status social, o que acaba por prejudicar a própria consolidação democrática. Segundo a pesquisa empírica, nem todas as leis brasileiras voltadas a enfrentar o preconceito, entretanto, seguem esta política criminal legítima. A pesquisa envolveu a identificação e seleção das leis penais (ou com relevância penal) brasileiras voltadas a enfrentar violências discriminatórias ou motivadas por preconceito e os respectivos documentos produzidos durante suas tramitações (totalizando 34 leis, isto é, em torno de 11% das leis penais aprovadas no período). Para a análise do banco de dados e verificação de sua interlocução com os discursos dos movimentos sociais, optou-se por delimitar o campo a três movimentos: Feminista, Negro e LGBTQ. Com isso, foram analisadas as leis penais voltadas à raça, sexo, gênero, orientação sexual e identidade de gênero (totalizando 29 leis). Dessas, somente “identidade de gênero” não consta em nenhuma lei penal. A pesquisa empírica envolveu, também, entrevistas com ativistas desses movimentos sociais. O campo confirmou que há certa permeabilidade entre a atuação dos movimentos sociais e a política criminal brasileira. Inclusive, as leis que mais se aproximam do discurso do movimento social envolvido, redundam em maior efetividade (“realismo de esquerda”); enquanto leis que não decorrem de um problema empírico concreto ou não absorvem o discurso produzido no interior dos movimentos sociais acabam carecendo de efetividade e conformando uma medida desnecessária (“populismo punitivo”). / This thesis is about the relationship between social movements and (criminal) law and their possible indirect influence on Brazilian criminal policy. There are two central objectives: firstly, analysing the role of law - especially criminal law - in the actions of social movements and for social change; and, secondly, understanding Brazilian criminal policy directed at discrimination crimes, motivated by prejudice or also referred to as hate crimes, and assessing whether it may be permeated by the demands of social movements. As such, this thesis is divided into two parts: the first one basically presents the theoretical framework, while the second one introduces the empirical research. The theoretical framework of this thesis involves the merger of four theoretical perspectives: (i) the theories of social movements; (ii) the theory of legal mobilization; (iii) the critical theory of (criminal) law; and, (iv) the perspectives of criminal policy analysis. Based on this framing of the analysis, it was concluded that not every expansion of criminal law constitutes "punitive populism" (irrational and unnecessary criminal policy). Legitimate criminal expansion is possible, with acceptable effectiveness, towards what is referred to as "left realism", provided that the following variables exist: (i) resulting from an actual social problem (ii) constituting harm to a significant legal interest; and, (iii) absorbing the discourse produced by the social agents involved/affected by this problem. The criminalization of "hate crimes" satisfies these requirements, since they are demands originating from social movements, which give rise to significant harm to a public legal interest, which is the dignity of members of certain social groups, whose historical status of being socially marginalized keeps them in a situation of inequality in terms of social status, which ends up jeopardizing the consolidation of democracy among them. According to the empirical research, not all Brazilian laws directed at tackling prejudice, nevertheless, follow this legitimate criminal policy. The research involved the identification and selection of Brazilian criminal laws (or laws with criminal significance) directed at tackling discriminatory violence or violence motivated by prejudice and respective documents produced during respective prosecution (totalling 34 laws, that is, around 11% of criminal laws approved during the period). For the analysis of the database and assessment of respective dialogue with the discourse of social movements, the decision was taken to limit the scope to three movements: Feminist, Black and LGBTQ. In this way, criminal laws aimed at race, gender, sex, sexual orientation and gender identity (totalling 29 laws) were analysed. Out of these, only "gender identity" does not feature in any criminal law. The empirical research also involved interviews with activists from these social movements. The scope confirmed that there is a certain level of permeability between the actions of social movements and Brazilian criminal policy. In actual fact, laws that are closest to the discourse of the social movement involved result in greater effectiveness ("left realism"); while laws that do not originate from an actual empirical problem and do not absorb the discourse produced as part of social movements end up lacking effectiveness and taking shape as an unnecessary measure ("punitive populism").

While activists and others have argued that the legitimization of biased attitudes and stereotypes by political leaders foments violence against minority groups, criminological research in the U.S. has focused more on "threat" hypotheses that view hate crime as a retaliatory response to perceived gains or encroachment of targeted groups. Another view suggests that heightened public visibility of hate crimes or other bias issues, usually in the form of media coverage, increases hate crimes. This study compares the effect on anti-LGB crimes of events representing political threat (a court decision legalizing marriage equality) and political legitimization of bias (passage of a ban on marriage equality), both of which occurred in California in 2008. The study also tests effects of media coverage prior to the ban on marriage equality. Results showed a statistically significant increase in anti-LGB hate crimes after the ban on same-sex marriage. There was no effect on anti-LGB crime counts after the court decision to legalize marriage equality, or during the media campaign leading up to the vote to ban marriage equality.

AbstractMedia presents hate crimes and nationalism as phenomenon that has increased both internationally and nationally in recent years. Further media largely pair these phenomenon together. The groups mostly exposed to hate and nationalism are people of different ethnic origin and LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bi, trans and queer) people. In Sweden's general election in 2010 a RHP-party, Sweden Democrats, made it in to Parliament. The purpose of this study was to examine how hate crimes and nationalism, in the form of the Sweden Democrats, has increased in Sweden and if there was any link between them. By mapping the proportion of reported hate crimes and the proportion of eligible voters who voted for the Sweden Democrats in Sweden between 1997 and 2009 the study's main aim was to investigate whether there was any link between the proportion of reported hate crimes and the proportion of voters for Sweden Democrats in Sweden. The results question whether an actual increase of hate crime occurred due to methodological changes in the Swedish Security Service, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention and the police. Also the dark figure is large regarding this crime. Sweden Democrats has had strong success in recent years, but whether this is a sign of increased nationalism can’t be impugned. 1998 and 1999 revealed a relationship between hate crime complaints and voting on the Sweden Democrats, but after 1999 the relationship is weak.

Univ., Diss.--Köln, 2004.