Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att genom tolkning och analys av värderingar och attityder hos Generation Z konstruera en idealtyp av en organisation, som kommer att kunna användas som ett redskap för förståelse för hur organisationer skulle kunna se ut i framtiden för att passa Generation Z.   Metod: En intervjustudie som behandlar generationsforskning ur ett organisationsperspektiv. Studien har genomförts med en induktiv metod och en kvalitativ strategi.   Slutsats: I Generation Z:s uttalade värderingar och attityder framträdde en paradox. Generation Z värdesatte motstridiga aspekter inom arbetslivet. Resultatet av studien är därför idealtypen ”Prospero”, baserad på Generation Z:s uttalade värderingar och attityder. En tvådelad organisationsstruktur som kombinerar hierarkisk ordning och struktur med adhocratisk kreativitet. Arbetsdagen är uppdelad mellan dessa båda delar, denna uppdelning regleras genom stämpelklockan ”Miranda”. / Purpose: The purpose of this study is to, through interpretation and analysis of values and attitudes of Generation Z, construct an ideal type of organization, which can be used as a tool for the understanding of how organizations could look like in the future to accommodate Generation Z.   Methodology: An interview study that addresses the topic of generational research from an organizational perspective. The study was conducted with an inductive approach and a qualitative method.   Conclusions: From Generation Z's spoken values and attitudes a paradox emerged. Generation Z valued conflicting aspects of working life. The result of the study is therefore the ideal type “Prospero”, which is based on Generation Z's spoken values and attitudes. A dual-sided organizational structure that combines hierarchical order and structure with an ad hoc creativity. The workday is divided between the two sides, this transition is controlled by the punch clock “Miranda”.

Depuis l'indépendance du Mexique (1821), deux groupes politiques se disputent le contrôle du pays. Pendant tout le XXe siècle, le système de parti hégémonique a rendu impossible l'observation de clivages dans le pays et, bien au contraire, a stimulé l'idée d'un État-Parti « au-dessus de la mêlée ». Nous exploitons le concept de clivage en tant qu'outil qui permet de voir où se trouvent aujourd'hui les lignes qui divisent les sociétés. Nous étudions le cas des principaux partis politiques au Mexique : le Parti Action Nationale (PAN), le Parti de la Révolution Démocratique (PRD) et le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel (PRI). Les amendements constitutionnels survenus pendant le gouvernement Salinas ont placé à nouveau le conflit entre l'État et l'Église Catholique au centre du débat national. Nous remarquons que le conflit s'est institutionnalisé et s'est poursuivi jusqu'à aujourd'hui, laissant apparaître un important clivage historique déjà perçu à l'époque de l'indépendance. Pour parvenir à notre but, nous présentons une série d'entretiens réalisés avec les jeunes leaders des partis politiques. Nous analysons leurs réponses à partir du clivage État/Église catholique. Des questions croisées à propos des sujets dits « sensibles » (l'avortement et le mariage gay) nous permettent d'observer la reproduction du clivage. Nous élaborons et proposons une typologie (Weber) pour guider et conduire la recherche / Since the independence of Mexico (1821), two political groups have been competing for the control of the country. Throughout the twentieth century, the hegemonic party used the entire state apparatus system to make it impossible to observe the cleavages in the country and on the contrary it stimulated the idea of a party-state above all social conflict. We have studied and exploited the concept of cleavage as a tool. This concept allows us to examine where the lines that divide the society lie. The case of mayor political parties has been studied: the National Action Party (PAN) the Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD) and the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The constitutional amendments that occurred during Salinas's administration have put the State and the Catholic Church in confrontation again. Indeed, this conflict has become the center of a national debate. We can see that the conflict has been institutionalized and has continued until today. To reach our goal we present a series of interviews with the young leaders from political parties. We analyze their answers from the State - Catholic Church cleavage. Crossed questions about the “sensitive” subjects (abortion and gay marriage) let us detect the reproduction of cleavage. We develop and propose a typology (Weber) to guide and lead this research

Applying utopian theory to the Bible reveals a number of issues surrounding the biblical text within academic disciplines such as biblical studies, which study the Bible as an ancient cultural artefact, and among religious readers of the Bible. The biblical passage Numbers 13 was chosen as a case study of a utopian reading of the image of the Promised Land to demonstrate the Bible’s multifaceted potential by externalising the presupposition brought to the text. The underlying method is derived from an ideal type procedure, appropriated from Weber. Instead of comparing phenomena to each other, one compares a phenomenon to a constructed ideal type. This method enables one to compare phenomena independently of exclusive definitions and direct linear influences. It has been suggested by biblical scholars that utopian readings of the Bible can yield insights into socio-political circumstances in the society which produced biblical texts. Using observations by Holquist about utopias’ relationships to reality it is asked if applying the concept of utopia to a biblical passage allows drawing conclusions about the originating society of the Hebrew Bible. The answer is negative. Theory about literary utopias is applied to the case study passage. Numbers 13 is similar to literary utopias in juxtaposing a significantly improved society with a home society, the motif of travellers in an unfamiliar environment, and the feature of a map which is graphically not representable. Noth’s reading of the biblical passage’s toponyms reveals that its map is a utopian map. Numbers 13 is best understood as a literary utopia describing an unrealistic environment and using common utopian techniques and motifs. Despite describing an unrealistic environment, the passage was understood as directly relevant to reality by readers throughout time, for example by Bradford. Following two Puritan readings, it is observed that biblical utopian texts have the potential of being applied in reality by those who see them as a call to action. If a literary utopia is attempted to be brought into reality, it becomes apparent that it marginalises those who are not utopian protagonists; in the case study passage, the non-Israelite tribes, in Bradford’s reading, the Native Nations in New England. The interplay of utopia and dystopia is explored and it is concluded that a definitive trait of literary utopias is their potential to turn into an experienced dystopia if enforced literally. This argument is supported by demonstrating that the utopian traits of the case study passage contain dystopian downsides if read from a different perspective. A contemporary utopian reading of the case study passage is proposed. Today utopian speculation most often appears in works of science fiction (SF). Motifs appearing in the case study passage are read as tropes familiar to a contemporary Bible reader from SF. Following D. Suvin’s SF theory, it is concluded that the Bible in the contemporary world can be understood as a piece of SF. It contains the juxtaposition of an estranged world with a reader’s experienced world as well as a potential utopian and dystopian message.

The Sweden Democrats has become the third largest party in Sweden after the parliamentary elections in 2014. Ever since the party was founded in 1988, debates regarding the party’s policy has been of great interests but also the party’s ideological affiliation whether to classify it as a populist radical right party or not. Furthermore, many scientists have arrived at the conclusion that the Sweden Democrats should be seen as a populist radical right party. This conclusion makes it interesting to further investigate what ideological affilitation the party should identify itself with since the party itself argues to be a social conservative party with a nationalist ethos. With this in mind, the purpose of this study is to examine if the party has populist radical right fundamentals in its recent policy program through the use of the method idea analysis and through the use of creating an ideal type of the theory populist radical right. In addition, it has thus been possible to confirm or to deny the Sweden Democrats as a populist radical right party. The result of this thesis has shown that the policy program does consist of populist radical right elements. Hence, it has been concluded that the Sweden Democrats should be categorized as a populist radical right party.

This thesis is a study of a phenomenon in Swedish education: the RegionalDevelopment Centre (Regionalt utvecklingscentrum, RUC). Insetting up RUC, the Swedish state’s original intention was to enhancecollaboration between teacher education and training, research andschool development. RUC was specified in the appropriation directionsfor Swedish higher education institutions (HEIs) that trained teachers in1997–2010. The purpose of this thesis is to clarify and analyse differinginterpretations and implications of RUC as a phenomenon and conceptualisethe task of addressing them in a changing education-policy context.Empirical sources for the study are central government publicationsand interviews with RUC representatives at 22 HEIs. This empiricalmaterial has been modified and analysed in four stages: a survey of RUCas a phenomenon, construal of ‘ideal types’ of RUC, testing of the construedideal types as analytical tools, and application of the construedideal types as analytical tools to gain an ‘explanatory understanding’ ofRUC. Through analysis of needs, actors and value, five ideal types empiricallybased on transcribed interviews are construed: the receiveroriented,trust-creating, region-boosting, conceptualising and salesorientedtypes. A model shows how these ideal types can be mutuallyunderstood and conceptualised. Examples are given, based on this model,of specific interpretations and implications that may fit each idealtype. RUC’s legitimacy in 2012 still entails a marked emphasis on RUCas a receiver-oriented associate. Three aspects enhancing the likelihoodof RUC, in 2012, being deemed important to retain at an HEI appear tobe the HEI’s goodwill towards RUC, its dependence on remits from theSwedish National Board of Education and schools’ research needs. Focusingmore on RUC as the region-boosting partner would mean oncemore uniting RUC’s role in teacher education with school developmentand research, but on the basis of ‘common needs’ within the frameworkof a distinct growth policy.

The focus of this thesis lies on tracing the similarities and differences between Liberal conservatism, Christian democracy and National conservatism, its relationship to the Moderates, Christian Democrats and Sweden Democrats' parties’ own interpretations of conservatism with a further ambition to discuss the ideological preconditions of a conservative parliamentary coalition. This study is based on the assumption that differences and similarities between various types of conservatism depend on relationship between political ideas and political practice. This relationship explains by a model that divides conservatism into fundamental and operative elements. The fundamental element of conservatism is an idea of human imperfection which leads to political skepticism, traditionalism and organicism. Operative elements are identified with support in the classical literature that describes the meaning of each type of conservative practice in a particular context. Furthermore, a typology of three ideal types of conservatism derives from fundamental and operational elements. Based on this typology, the parties' own manifesto is analyzed. The results show that the parties' own interpretations of conservatism contain both similarities that correspond to the fundamental elements and differences that are explained by the contextdependent operative elements. The thesis then opens up for a discussion about how those ideological similarities and differences affects possibilities for a conservative parliamentary coalition.

This study acknowledges how the democratic mission has changed over time and which role it has today. By using a comparative idea analysis, fourteen Swedish and Finish curriculums and syllabuses stretching from 1970 to 2015 has been analysed and compared. Therefore, our purpose is to analyse how the curriculums and syllabuses can be compared to the modern society versus the late modern society, by using ideal types based on theories that legitimates our study. With this method, we were able to compare how much the late modern society has influenced the Swedish and Finnish curriculums and syllabuses. In the result, we concluded that the Finnish curriculums are still influenced by the modern society in a broader way than the Swedish. The Swedish curriculums have been more influenced by the late modern society as a result of the increased focus on the individual, which is a consequent of the development from the modern to the late modern society. The latest Finnish curriculums are also influenced by the late modern society. However, when they write about individuals, the importance of being a part of the community is always the primary goal. The comparison between the countries syllabuses shows a different sight of the subject social studies. In Sweden, it plays a larger role in the mission of creating democratic citizens, as to Finland, where it plays almost the same role as all the other subjects. The final discussion in this study is whether the democratic mission is still functioning in the society we are living in today. The conclusion is that it has to be changed, otherwise it will not legitimize in the late modern society. Furthermore, it has to change from being a firm mission to a more fluid one. Additionally, it has to create an environment where the pupils can become liberate subjects.

Littoral warfare implies a disproportionate advantage to the coastal navy or “defending” side. Small navies sometimes lean on larger navies in doctrinal production. A coastal navy’s goals, methods and capabilities can be considered thought to be different from that of a larger navy’s regarding in regards to littoral warfare. This paper answers the question “What does littoral warfare mean for different types of states?”. An ideal type analysis was used to answer the question, and the doctrines of Sweden (type A state), USA (type B), and the UK (type B) were analysed in regards to the research question. This paper found inds that each type of state viewed littoral warfare in regards to themselves, from their own perspective; a type A state can be seen as a defender and a type B state as an aggressor. In the context of littoral warfare context, each the types of states employed different goals, methods and means as pertaining to littoral warfare.

This thesis focuses on the ideological workings of Germany’s main public diplomacy organization, the Goethe-Institut. Drawing upon his experience doing fieldwork at the Goethe-Institut in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, and employing discourse and semiotic analysis, the author identifies four ideological currents within the organization. Relating these currents to four specific interest groups for which the Goethe-Institut is a strategic point of operation, and examining their complex interrelation, allows for an analysis of how their interplay at once constructs, deconstructs and reconstructs the notion of the German Nation.

Studiens syfte var att utifrån Nils Christies teori om det ideala offret, i kombination med ettgenusteoretiskt perspektiv analysera hur offer och gärningspersoner framställdes i TV-serien I Am a Killer. Den valda analysmetoden var tematisk analys. Studien visade att Christies idealtyper inte var vanligt förekommande, och att Christies icke-idealtyper var dominerande. Vidare visade studien att offer såväl som förövare inte framställdes olika utifrån deras könstillhörighet. Slutsatserna som gjordes var att Christies teori om idealtyper inte gick att applicera fullt ut på riktiga människor. I stället visade sig termen rollblandning vara mer tillämplig på verkliga människor och fall. Vidare var stereotypa idéer och föreställningar om män respektive kvinnor till viss del förekommande i materialet. Tidigare forskning gällande framställningen av kvinnliga offer och gärningspersoner samt manliga offer och gärningspersoner bekräftades till viss del men inte fullt ut. / The purpose of the study was to analyze how victims and offenders were portrayed in the Netflix series I Am a Killer, through Nils Christie’s theory of the ideal victim in combination with a gender theoretical perspective. The chosen method of analysis was a thematic content analysis. The study showed that Christie’s ideal types were not common and that non-ideal victims and offenders dominated. Furthermore, the study did not show that victims and offenders were portrayed differently based on their gender. The conclusions made were that Christie’s ideal types were not applicable in the realm of reality, the roles ”victim” and” offender” were generally intertwined which made the term victim-offender overlap more useful and accurate. Furthermore, stereotypical ideas regarding men and women were somewhat present in the material. To a certain extent that confirmed previous research regarding the portrayal of gender in media as well as in victimization and perpetratorship.