This dissertation is the establishment of a dialectical reflection involving the process of demarcation of indigenous lands and the myth Mbyá of No Misfortune Land, trying to understand if, between these two variables, there is a line, and detecting to which extent the myth is considered. The landscape is the lens through which the theme was observed; as the technique of documentary research, "indirect documentation", permitted the use of research sources such as books, magazines, newspapers, separate publications, theses, and thus providing a framework that actually aids the understanding of the universe search. We tried to get the understanding of Brazilian Indian law, as well as the historical evolution that has made it. Therefore, as they help maintain the perpetuation of the condition "tutelary" for the indigenous, from the conquest of the current Brazilian territory to this present day. On the other hand, we sought to reflect on the indigenous society within broader contexts, while owners of land in Brazil, contrary to his crystallized image, which endures to the current days, after more than five centuries. In the analysis and discussion of the data was clear that the appropriation of the myth by the Guarani Indians Mbyá is connected to the foundation of their villages, based on its relationship with nature, either symbolically or through practice, and finally, his life is imbued with relations based on mythical precepts and their traditions are put into practice for centuries. The participation of Indians in the working teams of FUNAI, involving technical processes and bureaucratic and that require specialists, has been more as a labor force unspecialized. The historical process responsible for engendering the indigenous laws, resulting from contact of Europeans with native indigenous population, to this day shows that they served only to legitimize the conquest of their land. The right to exist as people or their difference always had been denied to Indians in Brazil and since 1500. The process of cannibalistic was devouring either the material and cultural of the Indians civilization by the conquering civilization. The inability of the Indians, absolute or relative, and its consequent protection, are present in indigenous Brazilian law, the only difference is the way that the conquering State considers the indigenous. Even so-called "advances" of Constitution of 1988 did not eliminate this situation. / Esta dissertação consiste no estabelecimento de uma reflexão dialética envolvendo o processo de demarcação das terras indígenas e o mito Guarani Mbyá da Terra sem Mal, visando compreender se, entre essas duas variáveis, há uma consonância, e detectar até que ponto o mito é considerado. A paisagem é a lente por onde se observou tal temática. A técnica de pesquisa documental, documentação indireta , permitiu utilizar fontes de pesquisa tais como livros, revistas, jornais, publicações avulsas, teses e, dessa forma, apresentar um quadro que auxilie a compreensão do universo da pesquisa. Procurou-se buscar o entendimento da legislação indigenista brasileira, bem como a evolução histórica que engendrou-a. Portanto, enquanto ferramentas de manutenção da perpetuação da condição tutelar do índio, desde a conquista do atual território brasileiro até os dias atuais. Por outro lado, buscou-se refletir sobre a sociedade indígena dentro de contextos mais amplos, enquanto donos das terras brasileiras, em contradição a sua imagem cristalizada, que resiste até os dias atuais, depois de mais de cinco séculos. Na análise e discussão dos dados ficou evidente que a apropriação do mito por parte dos índios Guarani Mbyá está ligada à fundação de suas aldeias, baseando-se na sua relação com a natureza, seja de forma simbólica ou através da prática. Seu cotidiano está impregnado de relações baseadas em preceitos míticos e suas tradições são postas em prática secularmente. A participação dos índios nos grupos de trabalho da FUNAI, que envolvem processos técnicos e burocráticos e que exigem especialistas, tem sido mais como mão-de-obra não especializada. O processo histórico responsável por manter as legislações indigenistas, resultante do contato dos europeus com a população autóctone até os dias atuais mostra que as mesmas serviram apenas para legitimar a conquista de suas terras. O direito à existência como povo ou à sua diferença de alguma forma sempre foi negado aos indígenas no Brasil e, desde 1500, ocorreu um processo antropofágico de destruição material e cultural da civilização indígena pela civilização conquistadora. A incapacidade dos índios, absoluta ou relativa, e a consequente tutela dos mesmos, estão presentes na legislação indigenista brasileira, só o que muda é a forma como o Estado invasor considera o indígena. Mesmo os chamados avanços da Constituição Federal de 1988 não eliminaram essa situação.

Kwakwaka’wakw laws surrounding cultural property and Canadian intellectual property laws often treat art objects differently. How can the divergences between the two legal systems be reconciled? This thesis attempts to answer this question by examining the relationships surrounding the Victory Through Honour totem pole that was gifted by Ellen Neel, a Kwakwaka’wakw totem pole carver, to UBC to make right the use of the Thunderbirds name for the university’s varsity sports teams. The first chapter of this thesis, explores the notion of reconciliation as defined by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and locates the gifting of Victory Through Honour as one of many gestures of reconciliation regarding the historic wrong against the Kwakwaka’wakw that was the potlatch ban. The second chapter delves deeper into the ceremonial aspect of the transactions surrounding Victory Through Honour to articulate various parties’ social obligations under Kwakwaka’wakw law. The third chapter sheds light on the differences between the treatment of cultural property under the Kwakwaka’wakw legal order and Canadian intellectual property laws. The fourth chapter inquires whether the Kwakwaka’wakw legal approach to cultural property and Canadian intellectual property law can be reconciled despite their divergences. / Graduate

Este trabalho analisa a política de incorporação dos povos e territórios amazônicos aos domínios portugueses, do início da colonização (1614) à promulgação do Diretório dos Índios (1757). A partir da constatação de que os autóctones estavam na base tanto dos projetos políticos quanto econômicos, verificam-se as variações da legislação indigenista, bem como os princípios fundamentais que a nortearam. Esta análise sugere uma revisão do debate acerca da relação entre domínio imperial e mercado de trabalho na formação do Brasil. / This study analyzes the incorporation of Amazonian indigenous peoples and their territories to the Portuguese imperial dominium, from the beginning of the colonization process (1614) until the promulgation of the Diretório dos Índios (1757). Considering the Native peoples integral role in the Portuguese political and economical policies, this study attempts to evaluate the variations of the legislation to the Amazon region, as well as its guiding principles. This analysis suggests a revision of the discussion about the relation between imperial dominium and labor market in the formation of Brazil.

I set out on this research concerned with human relations to the ecological world, and the role of law in these relationships. As one theory of nêhiyaw (Plains Cree) law and constitutionalism enables strong kinship relations between the nêhiyawak and non-human beings and things, I explore how nêhiyaw law can be revitalized to reconcile our land relationships. Wâhkôtowin, or the overarching principle that governs our relations, ensures that wellness and good living –miyo pimâtisiwin – is not only a human objective, but shared intersocietally with non-human relations and entities. This dissertation examines the constitutive role that four areas of Plains Cree livelihood – nêhiyaw âcimowina (narrative processes), nêhiyaw âskiy (Plains Cree territory and territoriality), nêhiyawewin (Plains Cree language) and nêhiyaw mamâhtâwiwina (Plains Cree ceremony) – play in ensuring such good living. Taking a ‘law as weaving’ approach’, these areas and institutions form a web to support kind relations to our environments and ecologies. Treaties provide an integral avenue to revitalize the uses of nêhiyaw law in our land relations. Canadian constitutionalism’s primary focus on human-to-human relations, without constitutional consideration of the agency of the ecological world, has had harmful effects on the wellness of non-human beings and things. When we apply the legal and constitutive principles within Plains Cree law and constitutionalism to Treaty 6, they obligate both the Crown and peoples within Canada in the same manner. / Graduate / 2021-07-27

Conflict is an integral and necessary aspect of human societies. The challenge is not to prevent conflict or even to resolve it, but rather, to effectively manage it so that it does not paralyse people. Historically, Gitksan society managed conflict through their legal traditions and governance practices, and I argue that it is the undermining of this conflict management system that has generated the pervasive conflicts among the Gitksan people today. While it is not possible to attribute the current internal conflict experienced by the Gitksan to the major legal action of Delgamuukw (inclusive of the several decades of preparation, levels of litigation and court decisions, and political aftermath), it was, and arguably still is, a very powerful force and influence in the lives of the Gitksan people. The extensive present-day internal conflicts in Gitksan communities must be reflexively appreciated within the complex of power relationships between the Gitksan people and Canada, and between Gitksan law and Canadian law. In Canada and beyond, Delgamuukw and the Gitksan were (and still are) part of a much larger continuum of political, social, and economic change as well as local economic shifts involving natural resources. The Gitksan people’s legal traditions enabled them to effectively manage themselves in a complex, decentralized, non-state society. Gitksan oral histories and other records such as the songs, crests, kinship roles, and traditions contain implicit and explicit law both as content and in their architecture as cognitive units that enable the sorting of information and dynamic intellectual processes of legal reasoning by analogy and metaphor. Gitksan legal traditions include intentional and deliberative collective processes to change law over time, transform implicit law into explicit law, and create legal precedent and a formal memory archive. These legal traditions are integral to the Gitksan people’s ongoing political perseverance and are the basis for the enduring connections to their territories. Moreover, the legal traditions are part of the dynamic political and social change processes that enable the Gitksan to be Gitksan in the past as well as in the present – complete with all the contested, pragmatic, entangled, contemporary forms of Gitksan politics. A deeper, critical, and more complex appreciation of Gitksan legal traditions is necessary if they are to be practically useful to the Gitksan people in today’s world for application to today’s issues. I have taken the position that Gitksan conflict management processes must be grounded within a substantive and critical articulation of Gitksan laws and legal practices, legal order, and legal theory. I propose a Gitksan legal theory that derives from a substantive treatment of the legal order, laws, and law cases. I draw resources from both western and indigenous legal theorists to explore, describe, and analyse Gitksan legal traditions. My proposed Gitksan legal theory comprises a broad overview, general principles, normative principles, and general working principles. While my work is based on a number of Gitksan law cases, my theoretical approach may be extrapolated to other non-state, decentralized peoples.

This thesis examines a fuel spill at Goldstream River, on Coast and Straights Salish People’s territory, on southern Vancouver Island in British Columbia. Goldstream is an important salmon spawning and fishing location for the WSÁNEĆ (Saanich) people. In this thesis I step beyond the confines of the common law and its associated narratives and examine the fuel spill through the lens of WSÁNEĆ culture and legal order. In doing so I seek to open nascent possibilities and understandings relating to the fuel spill, its associated harms, and the implications this has for a legal response. My approach is rooted in the field of Indigenous law. In contributing broadly to the revitalization and resurgence of Indigenous law, including its theoretical and methodological aspects, I strengthen my claim that WSÁNEĆ law offers an important legal response to the Goldstream spill. My approach, however, extends beyond the field of Indigenous law. It also draws insights from the fields of postcolonial theory and resurgence theory. Postcolonial theory aids in understanding the processes and power structures that silence and subordinate Indigenous systems of law. The effective revitalization of Indigenous law draws from these understandings. My emphasis, however, does not rest squarely on critique. I argue that colonial power structures are best mitigated and subverted by applying Indigenous narratives, including Indigenous systems of law. I draw on resurgence theory to highlight the empowering effects of strengthening Indigenous narratives and for transforming relationships between Indigenous peoples and the Canadian state. In applying this theoretical framework I argue that WSÁNEĆ law provides an alternative lens through which to address the Goldstream spill. Through attention to WSÁNEĆ stories and the SENĆOŦEN language (the language of the WSÁNEĆ people) I open a narrative of WSÁNEĆ law that provides a distinct normative framework regarding our responsibilities to one another and to the Earth. The benefits of such an approach are far reaching in scope. They reconceptualise foundational assumptions relating to the nature of the harm, as well as the notion jurisdiction. My narrative moves from thinking and acting with authority over the environment, to having mutual responsibilities in relation to ecology. The scope and contributions of Indigenous law should not be overlooked. To do so is to limit the potential for Indigenous/non-Indigenous reconciliation, as well as the healthy functioning of Indigenous legal orders. / Graduate

Engaging in Cree ceremonies, in one manner, is a legal act. It is also a gendered act as well. Thus, ceremony is one avenue to seek both legal and gendered transformations. The transformational processes this thesis contemplates are the protocols (or rules of procedure) involved in Cree sweat lodge (matotisân) and pipe (ospwakân) ceremonies. Some of these protocols are gendered in nature, in that they set out different actions based upon sex or gender. Looking at gender is a necessary part of our continuing work with Indigenous legal orders. Further, engaging in ceremony as legal practice offers one avenue in addressing the potentials for inequality that gendered protocols bring about. While this research does not seek a definitive resolution to some critical discourses about gendered protocols, it focuses on their legal nature to explore processes of change that reaffirm the sanctity of Cree ceremonial spaces while opening up these spaces for radical dissent. This research asks: (1) What are the processes for changing the gendered nature of protocols in Cree ceremonies, and as result changing Cree law? (2) What are the barriers within Cree social practices that prevent ceremonial change? (3) What are the potential dangers Cree spiritual and legal practices changing? In order to maintain the integrity of the knowledge systems resident in Cree ceremonies, to uphold our obligations to the relations involved in the ceremonies, and to avoid potentials for violence in our deconstructions or transformation, an ethos of deep relationality should inform our processes of change. This means seeking out methods of change that are already resident within ceremonial structures, and ensuring reciprocity when we actively seek transformations by upholding obligations resident in nehiyaw piimatisiwin (Cree way of life/being). / Graduate

Les femmes autochtones vivent une discrimination intersectionnelle, en ce qu’elle provient d’au moins deux sources: le genre et la race (ou la culture), et qu’elle est plus complexe que la somme de ses sources. Par conséquent, les revendications des femmes autochtones se situent sur au moins deux plans: elles ont des revendications comme autochtones au sein de la population canadienne et comme femmes à l’intérieur de leurs communautés. Partant de la prémisse que l’État canadien doit reconnaître le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples autochtones et par le fait même le droit autochtone, nous nous interrogeons sur les moyens qui permettraient aux femmes autochtones d’exercer l’influence nécessaire pour faire reconnaître et accepter leurs revendications politiques et juridiques dans les processus décisionnels de leurs communautés. Féminisme et revendications autochtones sont-ils nécessairement antinomiques? Pour certaines auteures autochtones, une approche libérale fondée sur la « structure des droits » est incompatible avec les valeurs autochtones. Comment surmonter ces objections en apparence inébranlables? Le problème des femmes autochtones est-il simplement une affaire de « droits » non reconnus? N’est-ce pas plutôt un problème de rapports de pouvoir à l’extérieur, mais également à l’intérieur, des communautés? Nous tentons dans ce qui suit de démontrer qu’au-delà d’un cadre théorique basé sur les droits de la personne, une approche basée sur le principe démocratique permettrait aux femmes autochtones de faire valoir leurs revendications en tant que femmes et en tant qu’autochtones d’une manière plus efficace. En effet, la participation démocratique de tous les membres de la communauté permettrait de contourner les problèmes théoriques liés à une dichotomie entre droits individuels et collectifs, en mettant l’accent sur le processus décisionnel plutôt que sur la valeur des décisions en découlant. Dans cette perspective, féminisme et revendications autochtones peuvent s’allier avantageusement. / Indigenous women live an intersectional discrimination, in that it comes from at least two sources: gender and race (or culture), and is more complex than the sum of its sources. Therefore, the claims of indigenous women are on at least two fronts: as Aboriginals, they claim their right to self-determination, but they also claim their rights as women inside their own communities. Starting from the premise that the Canadian state must recognize the right of self-governement to indigenous peoples and thereby indigneous law, we question the ways in which indigenous women are to exercise influence to gain recognition and accept their political and legal claims in decision-making process of their communities. Are feminist and indigenous claims necessarily contradictory? For some indigenous authors, a liberal approach based on human rights is incompatible with indigenous values. How to overcome these apparently unshakable objections? Is the native women's problem simply a question of unrecognized rights? Is it not rather a problem of power relations outside, but also inside communities? In what follows, we try to show that beyond a theoretical framework based on human rights, the democratic principle-based approach would allow indigenous women to assert their claims as women and as an indigenous in a more efficient manner. Indeed, the democratic participation of all community members would bypass the theoretical problems related to a dichotomy between individual and collective rights, with an emphasis on decision-making rather than on the value of the resulting decisions. In this perspective, feminism and native claims can ally advantageously.

Cada povo indígena possui um sistema de organização social, aí incluídas as ordenações jurídicas. O estudo das diversas ordenações jurídicas dos povos indígenas e suas relações com os direitos nacionais fez nascer a Antropologia do Direito e, mais tarde, o conceito de pluralismo jurídico. Esse conceito é central para saber como o Estado brasileiro e o Direito dele emanado lida com a multiplicidade de ordenações jurídicas que regulam as comunidades e povos indígenas no Brasil. Trabalhado esse conceito, e fixado o conteúdo e a importância do direito dos povos indígenas de ter respeitadas sua organização social e jurídica, foi feita minuciosa análise das normas do Direito nacional e internacional que permeiam a vida indígena, tendo sempre como referencial a Constituição brasileira de 1988, que, em seu artigo 231 reconhece aos índios sua organização social, costumes, línguas, crenças e tradições, e os direitos originários sobre as terras que tradicionalmente ocupam. Após o exame crítico da legislação, com o objetivo de concluir sobre se a elaboração e a edição das normas se deram de forma consentânea com o pluralismo previsto no artigo 231 e em tantos outros dispositivos constitucionais, foi importante, para responder sobre se o Estado brasileiro reconhece e respeita a organização social e jurídica dos povos indígenas, tratar da elaboração e aplicação da política do Estado brasileiro o que abarcou o trabalho dos Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário, além da atividade do Ministério Público e da sociedade civil organizada, principalmente, dos próprios povos indígenas. Avaliou-se se a política indigenista é consentânea com as normas estudadas e com as aspirações dos povos indígenas, enfatizando e historiando o período que compreende os dois mandatos de presidente da República de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e os dois primeiros anos da presidenta Dilma Roussef. Para perceber que a necessidade de reconhecimento e respeito às organizações sociojurídicas dos povos indígenas irradia-se por todas as relações sociais dos indígenas e que o único meio de não tolher a sua autodeterminação é a promoção do diálogo intercultural, com o absoluto respeito aos direitos de informação e de consulta sobre toda a atividade que impacte os povos indígenas, e a busca da construção de políticas não homogeneizantes para todas as áreas, mas, sobretudo, a educação, a saúde, a assistência social e as situações de conflito como do indígena com a lei penal. / The study of the rights of indigenous peoples and their relationship with national law led to the Anthropology of Law and, later, legal pluralism. The author studies the rights of indigenous peoples in national and international scope under the focus of legal pluralism. The central question of this thesis is: does the Brazilian state recognize and respect the legal and social organization of indigenous peoples? The 1988 Brazilian Constitution recognizes indigenous peoples\' right to pursue their traditional ways of life and to the permanent and exclusive possession of their \"traditional lands\". The Union has the duty and authority to demarcate these lands, as well as to protect and enforce all of their assets. In order to answer such question, it was necessary to describe the last 10 years of public policy for indigenous peoples in Brazil as well as the participation of indigenous peoples in Brazilian politics. In summary, it was found that the Brazilian state must take into account the characteristics of each indigenous people to improve its policies about territorial recognition, education, health and social care.

Indigenous cartography is based on a relational epistemology that works within a system where "place" and "ways of knowing" are intimately tied to Native communities' notions of kinship, oral tradition, and traditional ecological knowledge acquired over the millennia. It brings to life a place where mapping and geography cease to be simply Cartesian coordinates on a Euclidean plane and instead become storied landscapes. Indigenous cartography can be described as "radical" because it represents a departure from traditional Western ways of mapping and affirms an Indigenous political, economic and cultural sovereignty. As an intensely political act, Indigenous cartography can be an important tool used by Indigenous people to assert sovereignty in a bottom-up approach to land claims, in the management of cultural resources, and even to claim human remains for repatriation and reburial. If Indigenous groups wish to successfully utilize geospatial technologies as legal strategies, it will first require the development of the necessary infrastructure and training of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) specialists from within. In much the same way that colonial practices of the past worked to achieve hegemony through the making of political and cultural boundaries, Indigenous cartography can work to dismantle these same colonial boundaries. A theory and methodology of Indigenous cartographic praxis is in use among some First Nations in British Columbia. However no "best practices" yet exist for the Indigenous use-and-mapping discipline. Consequently in the United States, Indigenous mapping is still considered an emerging approach. Therefore, can American Indian political and cultural sovereignty be supported by the implementation of Indigenous geospatial technologies? This dissertation will examine the British Columbian model and distill principles that can be successfully implemented by U. S. Native American communities who wish to develop capacity for this emerging geospatial technology based on the success of the First Nations model.