Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:14:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_RAFAEL SADDI TEIXEIRA.pdf: 1283059 bytes, checksum: cd291bfc824c58e59c8ee08e1c66dbf8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-13 / The goal of this thesis is to understand the imagined and subjective meaning of the action of the cuban revolutionary of the 26th July movement during insurrection rebellion (fight ou dispute)(1952 to 1958). Our hypothesis is that this social action was marked by political revolutionary asceticism, that is, by one kind of action in that the agent feels as an instrument of pure and noble values of the revolutionary cause. The ascetic revolutionary is quite different from the pragmatic revolutionary since its action is not faced as a rational way to reach the aim systematically desired. On the contrary, its action is, mainly, a task to be accomplished. We analyzed, from this point, the revolutionary sacrifice as a way of bringing back to the corrupted world the pure and noble values and we noticed how the ideal of the body was presented in the discourses of the Cuban rebellions. / O objetivo de nossa tese é compreender o sentido imaginado e subjetivo da ação do revolucionário cubano do Movimento 26 de Julho durante o período de luta insurrecional (1952 a 1958). Nossa hipótese é que esta ação social esteve marcada pelo ascetismo político revolucionário, isto é, por um tipo de ação em que o agente se sente um instrumento dos valores puros e nobres da causa revolucionária. O revolucionário asceta se distancia do revolucionário pragmático na medida em que sua ação não é encarada como um meio racional para se alcançar o fim sistematicamente almejado. Pelo contrário, sua ação é, sobretudo, um cumprimento do dever. Analisamos, a partir disto, o sacrifício revolucionário como uma forma de trazer os valores puros e nobres de volta ao mundo corrompido e percebemos o modo como o ideal de corpo esteve presente nos discursos dos rebeldes cubanos.

LL.M. (International Law) / Although international law is still a relatively new field within the South African legal system, South Africa has come a long way since the unsuccessful prosecution of Wouter Basson (1999- 2002) for apartheid crimes in the North-Gauteng high court. Recent cases as well as media reports have focused the attention once again on South-Africa‟s obligation to investigate and prosecute certain international crimes. Although criminal investigation and prosecution is generally, not only the duty of a domestic legal system, but also within the discretion of the domestic authorities, certain offences are so heinous that they are regarded as international crimes. It has been accepted since the Nuremburg trials, conducted after World War II, that the whole international community has an interest in the effective punishment and deterrence of international crimes.2 A right and sometimes even a duty to prosecute international crimes may arise from a multilateral treaty to which a state is party, such as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols thereto, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and various terrorism conventions. South Africa is a signatory to the abovementioned treaties. The focus of this dissertation is on South Africa‟s responsibility in terms of international law to investigate and prosecute international crimes. The author researched the question whether South Africa complied with its international law obligations.

Le présent travail se propose d’étudier la réception de la littérature russe dans son ensemble par la presse française de l’époque de Louis-Philippe. On redécouvre dans ses subtilités complexes et hasardeuses toute la problématique politique et culturelle inhérente à l’acclimatation et l’implantation de la littérature russe, encore peu connue : relations entre deux pays, statut de la langue-source, traductions, réseaux d’information, reflets de la vie littéraire. Dans une Europe apparemment pacifiée, la France voit émerger une nouvelle classe d’intellectuels que la « question sociale » sollicite autant que les productions littéraires. Les journaux, les revues jouent un rôle accru de médiation culturelle et deviennent un pouvoir – ou un contrepouvoir – qui informe, juge et critique, dont les titres d’ailleurs proclament assez l’ambition : L’Europe littéraire, Le Globe, Revue des Deux Mondes, Revue Indépendante et d’autres encore. On verra comment les jugements littéraires ne peuvent s’abstraire des considérations sociopolitiques. Les articles journalistiques relèvent ainsi d’une catégorie toujours bien vivante : histoire, politique et littérature mêlées. Ecrire sur la littérature russe dans les années 1830-1840 n’est-ce pas aussi se situer par rapport à Louis-Philippe et Nicolas Ier ? / The present work suggests studying the reception of Russian literature in whole by the French press under the reign of Louis-Philippe. All political and cultural subject matter inherent in the process of familiarization and integration of so little known Russian literature develops in its complicated and accidental subtleties: relations between the two countries, Russian as a source language, translations, information networks, reflections of literary life. In apparently pacified Europe, in France there appears a new class of intellectuals that is interested in both « social matter » and literary works. Newspapers and reviews play an increasing role in cultural mediation and hold a power or a counter-power, which informs, judges and criticizes, and whose titles proclaim their aspirations well enough: L’Europe littéraire, Le Globe, Revue des Deux Mondes, Revue Indépendante and others. We can see that literary judgments are inseparable f! rom sociopolitical considerations. So the articles are followed from the existent category: a mixture of history, policy and literature. Writing about Russian literature during the 1830s-1840s, does it really mean to position yourselves towards Louis-Philippe and Nicholas the First ?

This thesis attempts to address perennial concerns, mostly raised in some quarters in Africa, pertaining to the development of the complementarity regime established by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. It grapples with a very important question, whether the principle of complementarity, embodied in article 17 of the Rome Statute, was formulated and is being applied by the ICC in a manner that upholds the ideals and theories upon which the regime was founded. The principle of complementarity is designed to mediate the imperatives of State sovereignty and a legitimate international criminal justice system. Essentially, complementarity gives States latitude to try genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression nationally, with the ICC only intervening where States are either unable or unwilling to prosecute genuinely. Africa constitutes the biggest regional block of membership to the Rome Statute, however, over the years; support for the ICC on the African continent has waned. It has been argued in some quarters that the ICC is anti-African and that it has interpreted and applied complementarity in a manner that diminishes State sovereignty. The thesis argues that this tension may also be due to textual deficiencies inherent within the Rome Statute, in the provisions that embody this principle. It therefore examines complementarity from a theoretical perspective to provide a comprehensive account of the system contemplated by the drafters of the Rome Statute. In this regard, the thesis argues for expansion of States’ ability at the national level to deal with international crimes without compromising international criminal justice processes or threatening State sovereignty. This is suggested as a way of relieving the tension that has characterised the relationship between African States and the ICC. The thesis further sketches out some of the complexities inherent in the modalities through which the Court may exercise its complementary jurisdiction, particularly within the African continent, given that legal systems in most African countries are particularly weak. It thus dissects the provisions that outline the principle of complementarity in tandem with the Court’s interpretation and application of complementarity in practice. Furthermore, through an exploratory survey of the referral of the Situation in Uganda, and the ICC Prosecutor’s proprio motu investigation of the Situation in Kenya, the thesis illustrates how a positive approach to complementarity can help establish a healthy cooperative synergy between the ICC and States, thereby promoting a functional expeditious criminal justice system. This will go a long way towards assuaging State’s fears that the ICC merely pays lip service to complementarity and arbitrarily supersedes national jurisdiction.

Tag-Eldeen, Y. 2020. Hezbollah as a Reconstruction Leader: Participatory Planning in the Rebuilding of Haret Hreik, Post-War 2006. Kulturgeografiska institutionen, Uppsatser, Uppsala universitet.   This paper assesses the politicized nature of reconstruction efforts in the aftermath of the Israeli-Lebanese July War of 2006. It illustrates the factors driving the polarized nature of Lebanese politics, as well as the reasons for which a faith-based non-governmental organization such as Hezbollah was able to take the leading role in the reconstruction of Haret Hreik, a southern suburb of Beirut. Through a literature review, the study will demonstrate that the power struggle to lead post-war reconstruction can be seen as a reflection of Lebanon’s internal political and religious divisions, often along sectarian lines, as well as a lack of democratic accountability and the retreat of the state. Finally, in examining the implications for participatory planning when faith-based, non-state actors serve as reconstruction leaders in a politicized post-war context, the study contributes to the literature on citizen participation, power in urban planning and non-state actors within neoliberal urban governance.    Keywords: participatory planning, Project Wa’d, neoliberalism, Hezbollah, post-war reconstruction

This essay has, through the use of a comparative and qualitative method, set out to compare two Swedish newspapers; Svenska Dagbladet (SvD) and Dagens Nyheter (DN) and to discover if there were any significant differences between the way they reported on the assassination of Arch-duke Frans Ferdinand in Sarajevo in 1914 as well as the subsequent July crisis and the start of World War I. It looks at what may have caused these differences as well as if the papers took a stance for or against any of the belligerent countries. The results of this study show that while there are minor differences, mostly in the editorial parts of the paper and the choice of smaller stories, most of the reporting tends to be very similar and contains the same major stories and events. The papers also both tend to view Serbia negatively and Germany and England positively. The few differences in opinion appears to be the cause of the paper’s different political positions and this is mostly expressed in the editorial section.

La présente recherche interroge la presse de la monarchie de Juillet comme un espace de composition et d'expérimentation de la posture d'écrivaine-journaliste. Elle entreprend également d'analyser les tactiques d'acceptabilité et les stratégies d'écriture visant à la reconnaissance littéraire des femmes. / The present research questions the press pf the July Monarchy as a space of composition and experimentation of the position of woman writer-journalist. It undertakes to analyse the tactics of acceptability and the strategies of writing aimed at the literary recognition of women.

Le présent mémoire propose de croiser les démarches de deux auteures et artistes contemporaines, Sophie Calle et Miranda July, dont les quatre œuvres à l’étude – Douleur exquise (2003), Aveugles (2011), Rachel, Monique (2012) de Calle et Il vous choisit (2013) de July – se fondent sur des expériences en amont de l’écriture qui mobilisent le corps même des auteures, les engagent dans une action concrète et, bien souvent, dans des interactions avec autrui. Cet art de la contrainte, cet art action qui devient le sédiment de leurs écrits s’inscrit dans la filiation hypothétique des théories du philosophe pragmatique John Dewey et de celles de l’artiste Allan Kaprow – l’un des premiers à réfléchir l’art de la performance. L’écriture intermédiale qu’elles pratiquent – ce jeu de relations entre différents médias au sein même de l’œuvre – permet à la fois de réactiver la valeur performative de l’expérience qui a impulsé la création littéraire et d’embrayer une expérience de lecture qui devient elle-même performative. Exemplaires d’une esthétique relationnelle, polyphoniques dans les voix qui s’expriment, les quatre ouvrages du corpus donnent à sentir le bruissement d’une communauté. Il s’agit d’une littérature interdisciplinaire et intersubjective, mais surtout performative dans son questionnement incessant sur le pouvoir de l’art pour transformer la vie. / This master’s thesis proposes to establish a dialogue between the practices of two contemporary writers and artists, Sophie Calle and Miranda July. The four studied pieces of work – Calle’s Douleur exquise (2003), Aveugles (2011) and Rachel, Monique (2012) and July’s Il vous choisit (2013) – are based on concrete experiences occurring beforehand, prior to the act of writing itself. Those experiences mobilize the body of the writers engaging them in a real action and often in interactions with other people. This form of action art becomes the foundations of their writing and could be linked to the theories of pragmatic philosopher John Dewey and artist Allan Kaprow – one of the first to develop a reflexion on performance art. The intermedial writing that Calle and July practice as a game of relations between different medias in the same work allows both artists to revive the performative value of the experience. It impulses the writing and initiates a reading experience which itself becomes performative. Exemplary of a relational aesthetic, polyphonic in the voices that are expressed, the studied body of work reveals glimpses of community to feel and experiment. It is a literature that is interdisciplinary and intersubjective but primarily performative in its constant questioning of art’s capacity to transform life.

Following Russell Re Manning, I acknowledge the diversity and persistence of natural theology. Going further than Re Manning, however, I propose a 5-type taxonomy stretching from natural theology as natural religion to natural theology as theology of nature. Having met this descriptive responsibility, I then turn in a second chapter to prescriptive possibility in dialogue with the Anglican theologian Howard E. Root (1926–2007). An early advocate of natural theology and the arts, Root called in his 1962 essay, “Beginning All Over Again,” for awareness (i.e., of the arts) rather than formal argument. Critiqued by E.L. Mascall and others, Root responded in his 1972 Bampton Lectures, “The Limits of Radicalism.” Never published, I discovered these lectures in an uncatalogued box at Lambeth Palace Library, London. Drawing upon these lectures, as well as other archival materials, I consider Root's contribution to a natural theology of the arts. That said, Root's work requires further development, and so in an effort to recover Root I have supplemented his contribution with the more recent work of David Brown, his unacknowledged theological heir. In an effort to recover Root more fully I turn in a third chapter to consider the philosopher William Desmond, the result of which is a metaxologically reformulated Root-Brown hybrid. In a fourth and final chapter, I consider the American contemporary artist Jonathan Borofsky and several others in order to see how this theoretical frame might be applied in practice as a metaxological natural theology of the arts.

A travers le concordat et les Articles organiques l’État contrôle l’Église. En revanche, les congrégations bénéficient d’une certaine autonomie. En effet, grâce à la tolérance des pouvoirs publics pendant une bonne partie du XIXe siècle, elles se sont affranchies pour la plupart de la législation existante, dont l’application est peu à peu tombée en désuétude. A partir de 1879, les Républicains majoritaires au Parlement, veulent promouvoir les valeurs républicaines dont, à leur sens, la plus importante d’entre elles : la laïcité. Tous les politiques ont conscience de la nécessité d’octroyer une liberté d’association la plus large possible en préservant les libertés individuelles. Le principal obstacle réside dans les congrégations qui aliènent ces libertés par des vœux. Comment les inclure dans une loi d’ensemble tout en contrôlant étroitement leurs activités ? Que leur reproche-t-on ? D’une part, en raison de leur prosélytisme teinté de conservatisme, les congrégations sont soupçonnées de mettre en péril l’existence de la République naissante par leur action dans l’enseignement et tout particulièrement l’enseignement secondaire et supérieur supposé former l’élite de la nation. D’autre part, elles accaparent des biens à travers la constitution d’une mainmorte supposée très conséquente. Pendant trente ans, les nombreux gouvernements successifs tentent de légaliser le droit d’association avec une forme de reconnaissance réglementée des congrégations à travers de nombreux projets et propositions de lois qui n’aboutissent pas avant la fin du siècle. La loi du premier juillet 1901 est donc la conclusion d’un long processus d’élaboration qui conduit à une loi de liberté accolée à une loi d’exception qui exclut les congrégations religieuses du droit commun très libéral applicable aux associations civiles. / Through the Concordat and the Articles of the organic law, the Sate keeps the Church under control. In return, the congregations have the benefit of a certain autonomy. In fact, thanks to the tolerance of the authorities during a large part of the 19th century, the congregations are liberated from the majority of existing legislation, which gradually fell into disuse. From the year 1879, the Republicans, representing the majority in Parliament, want to promote the republican values, among which according to them, the most important is secularity All the politicians are aware of the necessity of granting the widest possible freedom of association, while preserving individual liberties. The main obstacle to this lies with the congregations who alienate these liberties because of the monastic vows. How to include them in a general law yet keep a tight control of their activities ? What are they blamed for ? On the one hand, because of their proselytism tinged with conservatism, congregations are suspected to put in peril the newly born Republic due to their action in education, especially in secondary classes and superior ones expected to form the elite of the nation. On the other hand, they monopolize goods by establishing a probably important mortmain. For thirty years, the successive governments tried to legalize the right of association with a type of controlled recognition of the congregations via many projects and propositions of laws which led to something only at the end of the century. The law passed on the first of July 1901, is thus the conclusion of a long process of elaboration which led to a law of freedom coupled with an exception which excludes religious congregations from very the liberal common law applied to civil associations.