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Associations between greater perceived racial discrimination and both higher levels of depressive symptomology and higher blood pressure have been established in the literature. Research has found that depression is often comorbid with diabetes and individuals with type 2 diabetes are at an increased risk for depression as the prevalence of depression is 2 to 3 times higher in people with diabetes when compared to the general population. Additionally, individuals with type 2 diabetes are also at an increased risk for high blood pressure. Although these associations are present in the literature, no studies have been found that examine all of these variables in conjunction. The current study used data from the 2014 Health and Retirement Study to examine the associations among perceived racial/ethnic discrimination, depression symptoms, and blood pressure for older Latinx adults (ages 50+) with type 2 diabetes (n = 303) and without type 2 diabetes (n = 521), while controlling for sex, age, partner status, and education. Findings indicated diabetes status was positively associated with both depression symptoms (t(790) = 5.32, p < .001) and systolic blood pressure (t(703) = 2.74, p = .006). Racial/ethnic discrimination was positively associated with depression (r(206) = .14, p = .045); however, it was not associated with blood pressure. No statistically significant interactions were found. Discussion focuses on possible explanations for the research findings, future directions, and clinical implications.

This research examines constructs and discourses of racial and ethnic differences within York County, Pennsylvania. Located in south central Pennsylvania along the Maryland border, the York region has long held a reputation as a hotbed for white supremacy and racial prejudice. The Ku Klux Klan has been active in York County since the 1920s, and in recent years the Klan has resurfaced in the local area amidst an increase in the Latino population. The growth of the Latino population within York County has shifted the nature of racial and ethnic relations, as historically relations between whites and blacks comprised the primary axis of tension and conflict in the local area. Although the Latino population of York County consists of Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Dominicans, Cubans, and Central and South Americans, popular external local and media-driven discourses often conflate Latinos with Mexican-ness and racialize Latinos in highly negative terms as illegal aliens, criminals, and welfare recipients who threaten American national identity. These external discourses of latinidad contrast sharply with the manner in which local Latino and Latina residents construct their own ethnic identities. During Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential campaign, the black-white racial dichotomy reemerged in local racialized discourses. As such, the research also examines constructs and discourses of whiteness and blackness within the York area. York County features several anti-racist human relations activists and organizations. This research contains ethnographic interviews and analysis of local anti-racist activists and their activities designed to foster greater tolerance and to combat racial and ethnic prejudice within the local area. Anti-racist activists have had different life experiences that have raised their awareness to racism and have led them to become active in their cause. Public anti-racist activities take a variety of forms and consist of various programming strategies, which appears to impact their effectiveness in generating the size of turnout and level of interest among the general public. / Anthropology

This dissertation contains a qualitative case study of how Hillary Clinton, the Democratic candidate, and her staff, created communication systems to contact Latinos during the 2016 presidential campaign and how these systems operated in Northeast Philadelphia. Three research questions guided these observations: How was political communication produced, disseminated, and decoded through interpersonal, mass, and digital communication by the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents during the 2016 presidential campaign? What were the functions, norms, and values that structured the political communication systems among the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents? What were the power relations that informed the interactions between the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents in the political communication system? For this dissertation, I devised the Political Communication Systems Model, a toolkit to observe and theorize on political communication. Under the grounded theory umbrella, two methods were used to collect data. First, Clinton’s mediated campaign communication was monitored. Second, I worked as a volunteer in a field operations office that Clinton opened in Philadelphia and performed a participant observation. Clinton built a political communication machine to produce a campaign that used a hybrid media system. She hired a large staff to design and execute an "air war" (i.e., radio and TV ads and journalistic coverage), a digital campaign (i.e., distribution of information through websites, blogs, social media, newsletters and text messages), and a "ground game" (i.e., canvassing, phone banking, and online messaging). The Latino campaign was designed to promote liberal values such as globalism, cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism, and diversity, values that shaped her economic and political proposals. The ground game had three main objectives in Northeast Philadelphia: register new voters, create strategies to persuade undecided voters to support Hillary Clinton, and organize the "Get Out the Vote" (GOTV), which consists of convincing people to get out their houses, go to the polling station, and vote. A substantial part of the dissertation focuses on describing and analyzing the ground game in Northeast Philadelphia and offers two significant findings. First, political communication systems need material infrastructures operate. Clinton built a material infrastructure to communicate with residents. This infrastructure was made, primarily, of human bodies that were able to move around the territory and use other communicative technologies smartphones, tablets, and computers. Second, human bodies were also used as symbolic devices. Clinton recruited staffers and volunteers whose bodies embodied values such as diversity, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, and globalism. The biographies and trajectories of these individuals projected these values, because they were persons from different parts of Latin America, with diverse cultural and educational backgrounds, and with different experiences of being a U.S. citizen or resident. Finally, the dissertation offers two main contributions. On the one hand, the dissertation expands the Political Communication Systems Model and suggests that the human body is the primary material unit in political communication infrastructures. On the other, this work illustrates how qualitative research can be employed for researching political communication in general, and presidential campaigns in particular. / Media & Communication

Denna studie har som syfte att analysera representation av colombianer i populärkulturen, med särskilt fokus på Netflix TV-serie Griselda (2024). Målet är att analysera hur identitet förmedlas och sociala hierarkier avbildas med hjälp av visuella element och stereotyper i serien. Genom att granska kamerarörelser, mise-en-scéne, aktörer, kroppsspråk, kostymdesign och färgschema, strävar studien efter att öka förståelsen för hur semiotiska element  potentiellt kan forma åskådarens uppfattningar och åsikter om den colombianska befolkningen. Netflix TV-serie Griselda fick stor uppmärksamhet, vilket gjorde den snabbt populär bland tittare. Serien är ett samarbete mellan amerikanska och colombianska skapare och baseras på den verkliga historien av den colombianska drogbaronessan Griselda Blanco.  Denna serie återspeglar hur streamingtjänsten Netflix försöker att anpassa sitt innehåll till diverse språk och kulturella preferenser hos publiken. Även om serien har fått en betydande framgång i västvärlden, har den fått en mer reserverad mottagning från den colombianska publiken, vilket skapade intresse för att undersöka hur regissören och producenter förmedlar nationella identiteter och sociala hierarkier på ett visuellt sätt i serien. Det teoretiska ramverket som utgör grunden för denna studie inkluderar socialsemiotik, stereotypteori, representationsteori och postkolonial teori. Dessa välgrundade teorier har spelat en väsentlig roll för fördjupningen av kulturella tolkningar och underliggande innebörder som präglar Griselda. Metodvalet för studien innefattar en visuell multimodal analys där fyra utvalda sekvenser från serien har granskats och analyserats. Studien fokuserar primärt på de visuella element som visas i serien samt andra icke visuella komponenter som är avgörande för att berätta seriens narrativ. Resultatet av studien ger en inblick i hur colombianer framställs i populärkulturen, med hjälp av de semiotiska elementen. Dessa element spelar en stor roll att förstärka stereotyper och sociala hierarkier. Stereotyper om colombianer användes för att skapa identiteter, där de gestaltas som ociviliserade, drogförsäljare, exotiska och opålitliga. De amerikanska karaktärerna skildras som en del av eliten och behandlar de colombianska karaktärerna som antingen tillbehör eller lägre stående i hierarkin. Studien påpekar vikten att skilja mellan fiktion och verklighet i serier som påstås vara verklighetsbaserade och riskerna med att glorifiera våld och makt genom berättelser som dessa.

Depuis ses débuts, l’industrie hollywoodienne utilise des stéréotypes dépréciatifs des Latinos pour construire une série de personnages menaçants qui cristallisent les peurs de la société américaine. Cette recherche se concentre sur le festival de cinéma latino Cine Las Americas (Austin, Texas) et questionne les stratégies explicites et sous-jacentes mises en œuvre pour déconstruire ces stéréotypes. Dans un premier temps, il s’agit de faire émerger les phases qui ont permis à Cine Las Americas de s’institutionnaliser entre 1998 et 2017. En se concentrant sur une année type (2012), la recherche met également en lumière la synergie avec Austin, ville créative « excentrique » (weird) de façon à montrer en quoi elle est un terrain fertile pour le festival. Elle place également Cine las Americas dans le contexte historique des festivals de films latinos pour en comprendre l’émergence au tournant du millénaire et les spécificités. Dans un deuxième temps, après avoir fait un état des lieux des stéréotypes latinos véhiculés par Hollywood et des stratégies cognitives utilisées pour les construire, le contenu des films des quinze premiers festivals (1998-2012) est analysé dans le but de mettre en évidence les contre-stéréotypes correspondants, notamment à travers l’image du migrant, figure centrale d’un groupe de films sur la frontière. L’analyse fait émerger les thèmes fédérateurs, les contre-récits et questionne l’héritage Chicano de Cine Las Americas. Dans un dernier temps, la thèse s’intéresse à la place de Cine Las Americas dans les réseaux transnationaux et locaux de ses débuts à 2017. Il s’agit de déterminer comment les films « des Amériques » sont utilisés pour articuler la mission anti-stéréotype et faire émerger la figure collective des Indigènes, démontrant ainsi comment Cine Las Americas est devenu un « événement configurateur de champ » (Field-Configuring Event). Cette stratégie confirme le rôle moteur d’Austin et permet de voir les organisateurs comme des diplomates culturels. / From the beginning, Hollywood has used disparaging stereotypes about Latinos to create a series of threatening characters that give shape to the fears of the American society. This research focuses on the Latino film festival Cine Las Americas (Austin, Texas) and questions the explicit and underlying strategies used to deconstruct such stereotypes. First, the study analyzes the different phases that have allowed Cine Las Americas to become an institution between 1998 and 2017. The research also highlights the synergy with the city of Austin, « weird » Creative City, to show how it represents a fertile ground for the festival. It also situates Cine Las Americas in the historical context of Latino film festivals in order to understand their emergence at the turn of the millenium and their specificities.Second, after going over the Hollywood stereotypes about Latinos, the content of the movies from the first fifteen festivals (1998-2012) is analyzed to shed light on the corresponding counter-stereotypes, especially through the image of the migrant, the central figure of the movies about the border. The analysis sheds light on the unifying themes and the counter-narratives and questions Cine Las Americas’s Chicano heritage. Last, the research seeks to consider Cine Las Americas’s position in international and local networks from the beginning to 2017. It seeks to determine how the movies from « the Americas » are used to implement the anti-stereotype mission and to bring forth the collective figure of the Indigenous people, thus demonstrating how Cine Las Americas has become a Field-Configuring Event (FCE). This strategy confirms Austin’s driving force and portrays the organizors as cultural diplomats.

A partir d’une ethnographie de la mobilité des travailleurs colombiens originaires de classes moyennes urbaines, cette recherche explore les recompositions spatiales, sociales et d’entraide, à la lumière d’une mondialisation qui prône la flexibilité tout en limitant la mobilité de certains. Les Colombiens font parti du groupe des indésirables au niveau de la mobilité internationale et passent par des formes de contournement et de dénationalisation; mais ils sont bien placés au sein de l’échelle des migrants aux Etats-Unis où ils reconstruisent des identités positives. Cette approche contribue aux études sur les latinos aux Etats-Unis en y positionnant le groupe des Colombiens qui bien que numériquement important est aujourd’hui invisible, mais aussi au débat sur le rôle des réseaux sociaux dans les mobilités. Ces migrants n’utilisent les réseaux d’origine nationale que comme une aide parmi d’autres et la méfiance joue un rôle récurrent dans les liens qu’ils développent. L’approche multi sites incluant le pays d’origine a permis de mieux interpréter les stratégies des personnes qui se construisent au sein d’un seul champ social. L’étude rend compte de la remise en question des hiérarchies et du rôle des femmes au sein des relations transnationales. Enfin, ce travail questionne la fonction de la ville globale et des quartiers multi ethniques non ségrégués dans l’accueil des migrants. En effet, loin des schémas des quartiers ethniques isolés, les Colombiens ont construit différents «espaces colombiens» dont Jackson Heights, dans le Queens, serait un nœud essentiel leur donnant accès à un capital social au niveau du «Grand New York», mais aussi de certains réseaux transnationaux. / Based on the ethnography of the mobility of middle-class Colombian workers of urban origin, this research explores the spatial, social and solidarity reconstructions, amidst a globalization process which advocates for flexibility while restricting the mobility of certain individuals. Colombians belong to an undesirable group when it comes to international mobility and they go through certain forms of bypassing and citizenship denial; however they are well positioned when it comes to the social standing of migrants in the United States, finding ways to recreate positive identities. This approach contributes to the studies about Latinos in the United States, not only placing Colombians within this group, currently invisible in spite of their growing number, but also placing them in the debate of the roll of social networks in mobilities. These migrants only use the national origin networks as an aid among others and distrust plays a recurrent roll in the connections they develop. The multi city approach, including the country of origin, has allowed a better interpretation of the strategies of persons who grow in a unique social field. This study brings back the question of hierarchy and of the roll of women in transnational relationships. Finally, this study questions the function of the global city and of non segregated multi-ethnical neighbourhoods concerning the reception of migrants. In fact, far from the schemes of isolated ethnic neighbourhoods, Colombians have built different «Colombian spaces», Jackson Heights in Queens being an essential knot giving them access to a social capital, not only at a «Great New York» level, but also to certain transnational networks.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The authors examine the history of immigrant military service in the United States, explore the motivations of noncitizen enlistees, and analyze the military performance of noncitizens relative to that of citizen enlistees. Information sources include a comprehensive review of literature, focused interviews with a small sample of noncitizen enlistees, and cohort data files of enlisted personnel who entered the military from 1990 through 1998. The history of noncitizen service corresponds roughly to the nation's history of immigration and naturalization policy, with military service having offered immigrants economic benefits, as well as a path toward assimilation. Service by noncitizens has also provided the country a way to meet its military manpower needs. The results of statistical analyses suggest noncitizens have lower predicted rates of first-term attrition, and higher estimated rates of retention beyond the first term and promotion to E-4. The authors conclude that noncitizens provide a valuable source of manpower, and fulfill important roles as influencers for the next generation. Thus, it may be worthwhile to provide noncitizens more information about enlistment opportunities, and to implement unique reenlistment incentives including expedited green-card status for family members. Future research should examine specific ethnic categories of interest within the population of noncitizens. / First Lieutenant, Turkish Army / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy