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Ce mémoire traite des Discours sur la Première Décade de Tite-Live de Nicolas Machiavel. Notre problématique est de savoir pourquoi Machiavel s'est intéressé à l'Histoire Romaine de Tite-Live, dans quelle optique il la lit, la commente et comment il en tire des leçons pour la vie politique de Florence. Dans un premier chapitre, nous présentons notre méthode qui s'inspire de l'école contextualiste de Cambridge. Nous replaçons ensuite Machiavel dans son époque à travers une brève biographie puis nous présentons l'Histoire Romaine de Tite-Live, ainsi que son auteur. Dans un second chapitre nous présentons les Discours sur la Première Décade de Tite-Live et le contexte de leur rédaction. Nous démontrons pourquoi cette œuvre de Machiavel est à la fois en continuité et en rupture avec leur époque (la Renaissance). Nous étudions les liens possibles entre l'antique Rome et Florence au XVIe siècle. Nous commentons ensuite certains chapitres des Discours à titre d'exemple. Dans un troisième chapitre, nous traitons des enjeux philosophiques des Discours: la vision de l'Histoire qui en ressort, le rôle des concepts de virtù et de fortuna et enfin, la possibilité d'actualiser l'approche de Machiavel, c'est-à-dire prendre en compte - ou non - les exemples de l'Histoire pour décider aujourd'hui des modes de l'agir politique. / This master thesis is about Niccolò Machiavelli's Discourses on Livy. Our main issue is to know why did Machiavelli interest in Livy's History of Rome, from which point of view did he read and comment on it, and the political lessons he taught Florence from it. In chapter one, we present our method inspired from the Cambridge contextualist school. Next, we put Machiavelli back in his time through a short biography; then we present Livy's History of Rome, and the author himself. In chapter two, we present the Discourses on Livy and the background in which Machiavellli wrote it. We demonstrate how this work follows on from the Renaissance litterature and at the same time breaks with it. Then we study the possible connections between the ancient Rome and the 16th century Florence. Afterwards, we comment some chapters of the Discourses, as an exemple. The last chapter deals with the philosophical issues in the Discourses: which view on History reveals through it, which part do play the concepts of virtù and fortuna and finally, the possibility of updating Machiavelli's approach, that is to say taking - or not - into account the historical exemples as a guide for today's political action.

<p>This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.</p><p>This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.</p><p>This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Al-though ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.</p><p>I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to an-swer.</p>

Nicolau Maquiavel foi um grande observador das ações políticas dos homens de seu tempo. Tanto quanto Secretário da República Florentina e, posteriormente em seu exílio, como um analista atento ao que ocorria na Europa pôde formular teses sobre o agir político e o comportamento do corpo social das comunidades políticas. De seus estudos emergiram ideias que possibilitaram o desdobramento do pensamento político precedente, mas o pensamento de Maquiavel promoveu inovações que marcariam a passagem do pensamento medieval para o moderno. Exemplo disso é a Teoria dos humores objeto deste estudo que defende a ocorrência de tumultos como um mal necessário para a conquista da liberdade. O instrumento necessário para que isso ocorra é a existência de boas leis, que regulem os conflitos sociais para que esses não desviem dos interesses coletivos. É na obra Discursos sobre a primeira década de Tito Lívio, especialmente no Livro I, que Nicolau Maquiavel analisou a temática dos Humores; sendo assim nosso estudo se deterá com mais atenção a essa obra. / Niccolò Machiavelli was a keen observer of the political actions of this time. As far as secretary of the Florentine Republic and later in exile, an attentive watcher to the situation in Europe was able to formulate theories on the political behavior and the social organization of political communities. Ideas emerged from his studies that enabled the deployment of the former political thought, but the Machiavellis thoughts promoted innovations that mark the passage from medieval to modern thought. An example of it is the Humor Theory object of this study which defends the occurrence of disorder as a necessary evil for the liberty conquest. The required instrument for this is the existence of good laws, which regulate social conflicts so that they do not deviate from the collective interests. It is in the book Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Lívio by Tito Lívio, especially in Book I, Niccolò Machiavelli analysed the template of humors; so our will be engaged more thoughfully to this work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:26:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacaocompleta.pdf: 577472 bytes, checksum: 34f4376d0efe75a16c75d7d68e7fd42c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-09-30 / The present research has shown that discussion about the sovereignty idea contributes slowly to the development of political ideas If in the Middle Age arguments between temporal power defenders and divine power defenders arose most of the times thinkers interest in analyzing the political reality and its results it s on Civic Humanism that politics has been more reflected from the rescue of ancient thinking and the conception that man can be organized in societies by creating its own laws which need to be adequate to man s needs So politics are not done randomly they are man s natural demonstration as we use politics to organize life collectively and keep a gathered society Maquiavel has focused on politics from this view point with his experience as Chancellor of the Republic of Florence which was subsequently explained in political theory with Italy as a backdrop a county that was torn apart in principalities and republics and on the other hand the Church which constituted the biggest political and religious strength in Italian cities whose aim was its own institutional straightening instead of Italy s political unity s That reality led Maquiavel to develop his ideas about politics in general and particularly about the ways that Italy could overcome this situation by using a political actor capable of winning adversities and leading Italy to became a world power Only a governor with great resolve able to gather the support of different factions in Italy who dared making a strong army and able to turn laws education and religion into instruments to allow governance keeping a good image for his subordinates could enable vivere civile no Regnum Italicum standing from the principle that man is inclined to evil the existence of a human nature which must be controlled and the governor can use any extraordinary way if he needs so. Maquiavel has found samples of men in history and the greatest men in the past who had used the power of laws weapons education and religion to develop his theory of an efficient political action. Research has been around this universe analyzing Maquiavel s political ideas and his conception of human nature a condition that points to the beginning of satisfaction of one s own needs and wishes which can be controlled by law or strain / A pesquisa demonstrou que a discussão em torno da noção de soberania contribuiu lentamente para o desenvolvimento das idéias políticas Se durante a Idade Média as disputas entre os defensores do poder temporal e do poder divino despertaram o interesse dos pensadores da época em analisar a realidade política e os resultados decorrentes dela foi com o humanismo cívico que a política passou a ser refletida com maior ênfase a partir do resgate do pensamento antigo e da concepção de que o homem pode organizar-se em sociedade criando as leis de acordo com as próprias necessidades A política não é obra do acaso é uma manifestação natural do homem que a utiliza para a organização da vida coletiva e preservação do corpo social É desta perspectiva que Maquiavel dedicou-se a tratar da política tomando em conta a experiência advinda do exercício de Chanceler da República de Florença posteriormente explicitada em teoria política tendo como pano de fundo a Itália que encontrava-se cindida em principados e em repúblicas e de outro lado a Igreja constituía-se na grande força política e religiosa das cidades-estado italianas cujo objetivo era fortalecer-se institucionalmente e não a unidade política na Itália Dada esta realidade Maquiavel refletiu e formulou idéias sobre a política de modo geral e em particular de como a Itália poderia superar tal situação por meio de um ator político capaz de vencer as adversidades e conduzi-la de modo vir-a-ser uma potência Somente um governante decidido que soubesse agregar as forças das diferentes facções existentes na Itália que ousasse formar um exército forte e fizesse das leis da educação e da religião instrumentos para viabilizar a governabilidade mantendo a aparência frente aos súditos possibilitaria o vivere civile no Regnum Italicum partindo do princípio de que os homens são propensos ao mal, que há uma natureza humana que deve ser controlada e que o governante possa valer-se de meios extraordinários se necessário Maquiavel encontrou na história e nos grandes homens do passado exemplos dos que utilizaram o poder das leis das armas da educação e da religião para desenvolver a teoria da ação política eficiente A pesquisa ocupou-se deste universo analisou as idéias políticas de Maquiavel e sua concepção de natureza humana que visa em princípio a satisfação dos próprios interesses e desejos sendo que para controlá-la deve imperar a lei ou a força

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel William da Silva Santos.pdf: 736281 bytes, checksum: 32a148fafc696dad08ac576fdcd21ed7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-30 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / The present research seeks to investigate the disparity reasons that comes out between Il Principe, of Niccolò Machiavelli, and the Book Fourth by Il Cortegiano, of Baldassare Castiglione, which is about the indicated behavior for the governing class that is looking for possession and power exercise; a fact that put such books inside the same literature genres Speculum Princeps. This kind of genre also constitute a object of study through which it s possible to point out the reasons why, even having a common origin, the referred books end different perspectives for giving advices to the governing class. So, this distinction seems to be based on the different interpretations of theoretical elements among those that articulate in Speculum Princeps genre since The Old Age. Therefore, as this research intends to point out, what is created among the thoughts expressed by Machiavelli and Castiglione isn t a rupture, as its particularities would suggest, but a tension, due to the confront that these works allow to see certain contiguity / A presente pesquisa busca investigar as razões das disparidades que afloram do confronto entre Il Principe, de Niccolò Machiavelli, e o Livro Quarto de Il Cortegiano, de Baldassare Castiglione, no que concerne à conduta indicada aos governantes com vistas à posse e exercício do poder; fator em virtude do qual tais obras inscrevem-se igualmente no interior do gênero literário Speculum Princeps. Esse gênero, por seu turno, também constitui objeto de análise, por meio da qual é possível evidenciar as razões pelas quais, mesmo possuindo uma ascendência comum, as referidas obras encerram perspectivas distintas quanto ao aconselhamento dos governantes. Com efeito, tal distinção parece fundar-se nas diferentes interpretações dos elementos teóricos que se articulam na história do gênero Speculum Princeps desde a Antiguidade. Portanto, como o estudo ora empreendido pretende mostrar, o que se engendra entre as reflexões expressas por Machiavelli e Castiglione não é uma ruptura, como suas particularidades poderiam sugerir, senão uma tensão, posto que o cotejo de suas obras permite vislumbrar certa contiguidade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nilo Henrique Neves dos Reis.pdf: 3167609 bytes, checksum: 2973b116230b1b10675c548924a015ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis seeks to identify the presence of Niccolò Machiavelli's thinking within David Hume's writings. Both were theorists of political realism. Since the writings of Machiavelli had been circulating in England during the eighteenth century, it is plausible to consider that the next generation following the Florentine found inspiration in new political constructions arising from their readings of Machiavelli. With regard to Hume, both Humanist and Renaissance concepts served as necessary tools with which to base his critique of the British political system. As a moderate figure in political issues, Hume disagreed with the basic characteristics of the monarchic republican model called mixed in effect in the English nation, which according to Hume, favored recurring crises, oscillating between the two forms monarchy and republic - without focusing on one in particular. This system permitted that private interests enter in juxtaposition to collective ones, through the parliamentarians. Hume works with the interpretations of the authors of his time, and deepens the political issue with his own originality. Similar to the Florentine perspective, Hume suggests the effective monarchy as the way to put an end to the deficiencies of the system. It is necessary, however, to identify certain features (human nature, history, faction, trade), because Hume did not leave these marks in an evident way. Indeed, Hume seems to disguise the conceptual itinerary that associated him to his privileged interlocutor. Nevertheless he was aware that a connection would hinder somehow, a useful reading of his writings, as a result of the prejudice and of the negative criticisms that were attached to the Italian thinker / Procura-se identificar a presença do pensamento de Niccolò Machiavelli nos escritos de David Hume, ambos teóricos do realismo político. Tendo os escritos de Maquiavel circulado na Inglaterra do século XVIII, torna-se plausível afirmar que os pósteros do Florentino tenham se inspirado em novas construções políticas a partir de suas leituras. No caso de Hume, os conceitos dos humanistas e renascentistas serviram como ferramentas necessárias para embasar suas críticas ao sistema político britânico. Como um moderado em assuntos de política, ele estava em desacordo com as características do modelo monárquico republicano, denominado misto, vigente na nação inglesa que, segundo ele, favorece crises recorrentes à medida que oscila entre duas formas, monarquia e república, sem se fixar em uma determinada. Tal sistema permite que os interesses particulares justaponham aos coletivos, através dos parlamentares. Hume parte das interpretações dos autores de sua época e aprofunda com originalidade a política. De modo semelhante ao Florentino, aponta a monarquia efetiva como o caminho para findar as deficiências do sistema. É preciso, contudo, identificar estes traços (natureza humana, história, facção, comércio), pois ele não deixou estas marcas evidentes. Em verdade, Hume parece disfarçar o itinerário conceitual que o associava ao seu interlocutor privilegiado. Tinha, todavia, consciência de que essa ligação dificultaria, de algum modo, a leitura profícua de seus escritos, em virtude do preconceito e da crítica negativa que estava adstrita ao pensador italiano

Nicolau Maquiavel foi um grande observador das ações políticas dos homens de seu tempo. Tanto quanto Secretário da República Florentina e, posteriormente em seu exílio, como um analista atento ao que ocorria na Europa pôde formular teses sobre o agir político e o comportamento do corpo social das comunidades políticas. De seus estudos emergiram ideias que possibilitaram o desdobramento do pensamento político precedente, mas o pensamento de Maquiavel promoveu inovações que marcariam a passagem do pensamento medieval para o moderno. Exemplo disso é a Teoria dos humores objeto deste estudo que defende a ocorrência de tumultos como um mal necessário para a conquista da liberdade. O instrumento necessário para que isso ocorra é a existência de boas leis, que regulem os conflitos sociais para que esses não desviem dos interesses coletivos. É na obra Discursos sobre a primeira década de Tito Lívio, especialmente no Livro I, que Nicolau Maquiavel analisou a temática dos Humores; sendo assim nosso estudo se deterá com mais atenção a essa obra. / Niccolò Machiavelli was a keen observer of the political actions of this time. As far as secretary of the Florentine Republic and later in exile, an attentive watcher to the situation in Europe was able to formulate theories on the political behavior and the social organization of political communities. Ideas emerged from his studies that enabled the deployment of the former political thought, but the Machiavellis thoughts promoted innovations that mark the passage from medieval to modern thought. An example of it is the Humor Theory object of this study which defends the occurrence of disorder as a necessary evil for the liberty conquest. The required instrument for this is the existence of good laws, which regulate social conflicts so that they do not deviate from the collective interests. It is in the book Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Lívio by Tito Lívio, especially in Book I, Niccolò Machiavelli analysed the template of humors; so our will be engaged more thoughfully to this work.

<p>This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.</p><p>This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.</p><p>This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Although ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.</p><p>I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to answer.</p>

This paper revisits one of the more frequented stops at the crossroads of politics and morality in contemporary ethical theory, Michael Walzer’s essay “Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands.” The aim is to provide a fresh assessment of Walzer’s project, and to evaluate the tenability of its core notion of “dirty hands.” In pursuit of this aim, the effort is made to reopen the paths which take Walzer to his celebrated impasse, from two directions. The first of these resituates Walzer’s analysis in the context of the debate within Anglo-American ethical theory in which it is originally expounded. The second route seeks to recapture the trail of thinkers who guide Walzer to his conclusions from more remote locations in intellectual history, in order to determine the reliability of his intriguing constellation of Machiavelli, Weber and Camus as lodestars. Writing thirty years later, one of Walzer’s friendliest interpreters, Jean Elshtain, in the midst of her enthusiasm for ‘dirty hands,’ renews doubts about his recommendation of “casuistry.” Hints from throughout Walzer’s essay, incompletely elaborated there, are parceled together into closing suggestions as to an alternative approach to so-called ‘dirty hands’ situations. / text