La présente étude propose d’éclairer la dynamique interactive de construction quotidienne de la culture du travail de rue. Tel qu’elle est présentée au premier chapitre, cette piste de recherche fait écho à différentes préoccupations soulevées par l’indétermination des conditions d’existence et d’exercice du travail de rue aux niveaux de la légitimation sociale de cette pratique, de sa consolidation organisationnelle, de son articulation méthodologique et de l’identification professionnelle de ses praticiens. Après avoir mis en relief les contraintes et défis engendrés par ces différentes formes d’incertitude, la problématique met en lumière l’opportunité de voir dans cette indétermination un révélateur des processus quotidiens de construction culturelle du travail de rue. Un deuxième chapitre présente le cadre théorique constructiviste, interactionniste et ethnométhodologique qui a inspiré la conception de la culture adoptée dans cette recherche. Un troisième chapitre résume la stratégie ethnographique de l’enquête de terrain menée dans l’univers du travail de rue par le biais d’une démarche d’observation participante d’une année au sein d’une équipe locale de travailleurs de rue et des espaces associatifs fréquentés par ces acteurs à l’échelle régionale, provinciale et internationale. Empruntant la métaphore dramaturgique d’Erving Goffman pour décrire « la mise en scène de la vie quotidienne » des travailleurs de rue, une deuxième section d’analyse des données décrit en trois chapitres les interactions sociales des travailleurs de rue dans les « coulisses » de leurs espaces entre pairs, « dans le décor du milieu » à la rencontre de leurs « publics » ainsi que lors de « représentation de leur rôle » en situation d’intervention. Recourant à des récits d’observation et à divers exemples, chacun de ces chapitres explicite les activités routinières et les conversations ordinaires qui prennent forme dans ces différents contextes d’interaction sociale. Le quatrième chapitre décrit la quotidienneté de ma propre incursion comme chercheure dans l’univers des travailleurs de rue et celle dont j’ai été témoin dans la dynamique de l’équipe qui m’a accueillie pendant une année sur une base hebdomadaire. Le cinquième chapitre raconte la vie de tous les jours ayant cours à travers l’intégration des travailleurs de rue sur le terrain et l’activation de leur rôle dans le milieu. Le sixième chapitre reflète différentes manières dont les travailleurs de rue s’inscrivent au quotidien dans des situations d’intervention avec les personnes du milieu et avec les acteurs de la communauté. Un septième chapitre dégage de la description de cet assemblage de routines et de codes de langage des travailleurs de rue une interprétation des processus et des produits de la « culturation » de cette pratique, c’est-à-dire une certaine lecture des processus interactifs de production de cette culture et de la constellation de significations produites et mobilisées par les acteurs impliqués. / The present study proposes to explore the dynamic interaction of the daily cultural construction of street work. The first chapter illustrates the various concerns that emerge from some of the uncertainties related to the experience of practice as well as the various conditions of street work. In particular, the practice’s social legitimacy, the organizational context, its approach to intervention and the practitioner’s professional identity will be explored. After having highlighted the constraints and challenges posed by these different forms of uncertainties, those are exposed again, but from a perspective of an opportunity to understand the cultural construction of street work. The second chapter presents the theoretical framework for the research, which is based on a constructivist, interactionist and ethnomethodological perspective. A third chapter summarizes the strategies for ethnographic fieldwork as undertaken during a one year process of data collection. This chapter also explores the research method which draws from participant observation, which was undertaken within a local team of street workers and their various associative contexts at regional, provincial or international levels. In borrowing from the dramatic metaphor of Erving Goffman to describe "the stages of everyday’s life" of the street workers, the data analysis will then be presented in three distinct sections, highlighting Goffman’s components, that is the social interactions of street workers "backstage" between peers; "in the setting" to meet their "public"; and finally, during "representation of their roles" in interventional situations. Using case observations and drawing from various examples, each section explains how the routines and ordinary conversations shape the social interactions in those work contexts. The fourth chapter describes my daily research involvement, in the world of street workers as well as my role as an observer which was to witness the dynamics of the team who had welcomed me weekly during a period of one year. The fifth chapter illustrates everyday experiences of street workers as seen through their activities and conversations as well as the actualization of their roles in their practice environment. The sixth chapter reflects on ways in which street workers are involved in different types of interventions and with people and actor they accompany in the community. A seventh chapter outlines the description of a set of routines, the language codes the street workers use and the interpretation they give and produce through the process of "culturation" of street work. In other words, we explore how workers read the interactive processes of this culture and how the meanings are produced and mobilized by the actors involved.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deborah Fonseca Fernandes.pdf: 1252359 bytes, checksum: 4ea5a814d8ec3eff2f554dfe0d5118ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-09 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The purpose of this work is to present the elements that structure the theory of abuse of right in the current Brazilian law from the analysis of the expressions contained in article 187 of the Civil Code of 2002, that is, what is Law and right, the object of abuse, good faith, morality and the social and economic role of right, which are expressed limits imposed by law. In addition, there are, briefly, the historical development of the theory, the doctrinal currents on the subject and its design in Portuguese civil law. It sought through research in national and foreign doctrines clarify the contents of vague terms used for the characterization of the abuse of rights theory and the difficulties to accept it because of the apparent conformation behavior with a subjective right prescribed by law. Through the doctrinal and jurisprudential study presents the foundations of theory and its practical importance for solving social disputes. Thus, it can be seen that the theory is not merely ideal, but with relevance to be effective, in some cases, the only tool able to facilitate the restoration of the legal relationship to that expected by law / O objetivo da dissertação é apresentar os fundamentos que estruturam a teoria do abuso do direito no direito brasileiro vigente a partir da análise dos elementos contidos no artigo 187 do Código Civil de 2002, isto é, o que é o direito, que será objeto de abuso, a boa-fé, os bons costumes e os fins social e econômico do direito, que são os limites expressos trazidos pela legislação. Além disso, analisa-se, ainda que sem esgotar os temas, a evolução histórica da teoria, as correntes doutrinárias e sua concepção no direito civil português. Buscou-se por meio de pesquisas em doutrinas nacional e estrangeiras esclarecer o conteúdo de termos vagos utilizados para a caracterização da teoria do abuso do direito e as dificuldades de aceitá-la em razão da aparente conformação do comportamento com algum direito subjetivo prescrito em lei. Através do estudo doutrinário e jurisprudencial apresentam-se os fundamentos da teoria e sua importância prática para solução de controvérsias sociais. Com isso, pode-se observar que a teoria não é meramente ideal, mas com relevância efetiva por ser, em certos casos, a única ferramenta hábil a viabilizar a recomposição da relação jurídica para aquilo esperado pelo direito

This thesis examines the evolution of Russia’s internal and external security perceptions from 2000-2008. Drawing on social constructivist ontology, it argues that the Putin regime’s articulation of security priorities evolved in relation to its reconceptualisation of Russian state identity from a ‘weak’ to a ‘strong’ state. To trace this evolutionary relationship between state identity and security perceptions, official discourse on Chechnya is examined. In this way, Russian narrative constructions of the process of securitisation and desecuritisation of Chechnya, and the role that this discourse played within the articulation of state identity and security priorities are investigated. The thesis suggests that the initial securitisation and subsequent desecuritisation of Chechnya are best understood within the Putin regime’s discursive construction of state building and changing security priorities, rather than as a reflection of shifting material conditions. The thesis concludes that analysis of individual security policies should take into account that the narrative construction of these policies shape, and are shaped by, the multifaceted and evolutionary meta-narratives of Russian state and security identity. Moreover, it is argued that Russian security policy should be studied as a subject in its own right, investigating both internal and external security issues, rather than being subsumed within a broader foreign policy analysis.

La présente étude propose d’éclairer la dynamique interactive de construction quotidienne de la culture du travail de rue. Tel qu’elle est présentée au premier chapitre, cette piste de recherche fait écho à différentes préoccupations soulevées par l’indétermination des conditions d’existence et d’exercice du travail de rue aux niveaux de la légitimation sociale de cette pratique, de sa consolidation organisationnelle, de son articulation méthodologique et de l’identification professionnelle de ses praticiens. Après avoir mis en relief les contraintes et défis engendrés par ces différentes formes d’incertitude, la problématique met en lumière l’opportunité de voir dans cette indétermination un révélateur des processus quotidiens de construction culturelle du travail de rue. Un deuxième chapitre présente le cadre théorique constructiviste, interactionniste et ethnométhodologique qui a inspiré la conception de la culture adoptée dans cette recherche. Un troisième chapitre résume la stratégie ethnographique de l’enquête de terrain menée dans l’univers du travail de rue par le biais d’une démarche d’observation participante d’une année au sein d’une équipe locale de travailleurs de rue et des espaces associatifs fréquentés par ces acteurs à l’échelle régionale, provinciale et internationale. Empruntant la métaphore dramaturgique d’Erving Goffman pour décrire « la mise en scène de la vie quotidienne » des travailleurs de rue, une deuxième section d’analyse des données décrit en trois chapitres les interactions sociales des travailleurs de rue dans les « coulisses » de leurs espaces entre pairs, « dans le décor du milieu » à la rencontre de leurs « publics » ainsi que lors de « représentation de leur rôle » en situation d’intervention. Recourant à des récits d’observation et à divers exemples, chacun de ces chapitres explicite les activités routinières et les conversations ordinaires qui prennent forme dans ces différents contextes d’interaction sociale. Le quatrième chapitre décrit la quotidienneté de ma propre incursion comme chercheure dans l’univers des travailleurs de rue et celle dont j’ai été témoin dans la dynamique de l’équipe qui m’a accueillie pendant une année sur une base hebdomadaire. Le cinquième chapitre raconte la vie de tous les jours ayant cours à travers l’intégration des travailleurs de rue sur le terrain et l’activation de leur rôle dans le milieu. Le sixième chapitre reflète différentes manières dont les travailleurs de rue s’inscrivent au quotidien dans des situations d’intervention avec les personnes du milieu et avec les acteurs de la communauté. Un septième chapitre dégage de la description de cet assemblage de routines et de codes de langage des travailleurs de rue une interprétation des processus et des produits de la « culturation » de cette pratique, c’est-à-dire une certaine lecture des processus interactifs de production de cette culture et de la constellation de significations produites et mobilisées par les acteurs impliqués. / The present study proposes to explore the dynamic interaction of the daily cultural construction of street work. The first chapter illustrates the various concerns that emerge from some of the uncertainties related to the experience of practice as well as the various conditions of street work. In particular, the practice’s social legitimacy, the organizational context, its approach to intervention and the practitioner’s professional identity will be explored. After having highlighted the constraints and challenges posed by these different forms of uncertainties, those are exposed again, but from a perspective of an opportunity to understand the cultural construction of street work. The second chapter presents the theoretical framework for the research, which is based on a constructivist, interactionist and ethnomethodological perspective. A third chapter summarizes the strategies for ethnographic fieldwork as undertaken during a one year process of data collection. This chapter also explores the research method which draws from participant observation, which was undertaken within a local team of street workers and their various associative contexts at regional, provincial or international levels. In borrowing from the dramatic metaphor of Erving Goffman to describe "the stages of everyday’s life" of the street workers, the data analysis will then be presented in three distinct sections, highlighting Goffman’s components, that is the social interactions of street workers "backstage" between peers; "in the setting" to meet their "public"; and finally, during "representation of their roles" in interventional situations. Using case observations and drawing from various examples, each section explains how the routines and ordinary conversations shape the social interactions in those work contexts. The fourth chapter describes my daily research involvement, in the world of street workers as well as my role as an observer which was to witness the dynamics of the team who had welcomed me weekly during a period of one year. The fifth chapter illustrates everyday experiences of street workers as seen through their activities and conversations as well as the actualization of their roles in their practice environment. The sixth chapter reflects on ways in which street workers are involved in different types of interventions and with people and actor they accompany in the community. A seventh chapter outlines the description of a set of routines, the language codes the street workers use and the interpretation they give and produce through the process of "culturation" of street work. In other words, we explore how workers read the interactive processes of this culture and how the meanings are produced and mobilized by the actors involved.

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working totransfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for inframe of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which weused was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a uniquenormative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitativeapproach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and contentanalysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the BarcelonaProcess; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by theTacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can weidentify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, andare there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answerwhether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, inaccordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was thebilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to makeManners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights),which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom Housefreedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. Theresults we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements wefound clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs indegree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country iscommitted to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differaccording to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stickrelationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Threeof the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did notdeveloped in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directlytraced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forcesinfluence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these statesbut we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the writtenagreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progressseems to go very slowly. / Vi ämnade med denna uppsats undersöka hur den Europeiska Unionen arbetar för att överföranormer till stater man slutit avtal med och ger stöd till inom ramen för Barcelonaprocessenoch Tacis-programmet. Den teori som vi använde var Ian Manners teori om "EU som en uniknormativ makt". Syftet var att undersöka om EU - som Manner menar - har haft en normativmakt att påverka stater till normativ förändring. Vi använde ett kvalitativt angreppssätt medhjälp av en multipel fallstudie och kvalitativ text- och innehållsanalys. De stater som utgjordegrunden för vår studie var inom Barcelonaprocessen; Marocko och Tunisien samtAzerbajdzjan och Armenien inom Tacis-programmet. Följande frågeställningar skullebesvaras; Kan vi se överföring av normer i de skrivna avtalen med dessa stater, ställs detnormativa krav på länderna? Kan vi utifrån vår undersökning ge svar på huruvida EU inneharen normativ makt att påverka dessa länder till förändring? De avtal som vi studerat var debilaterala avtal som EU tecknat med dessa stater mellan 1995 och 1996. För att göra Mannersfem normer, (fred, frihet, demokrati, rättsstat och mänskliga rättigheter) som han menar attEU grundar sig på, mätbara, så använde vi å ena sidan Freedom House frihetsindex, menockså en historisk studie av landets utveckling. De resultat vi kom fram till var att vi i alla destuderade bilaterala avtalen fann tydliga - men i varierande grad - överföringar av normer frånEU till länderna. Vi kan i avtalen se att man ställer krav på att länderna ska utvecklasdemokratiskt och verka för mänskliga rättigheter, fred och rättssamhället. Vi kan även finnaspår av det s.k. "piska och morot förhållande" som Manners menar att EU använder sig av irelationen med andra stater.Tunisien, Armenien och Azerbajdzjan har enligt Freedom House frihetsindex inte utvecklasmot en demokratisk riktning till 2006. I Marocko fann vi att en viss positiv förändring skett ienlighet med EU:s normer och att vi även kan se en marginell utveckling mot demokratiskaprinciper. Resultatet visar även att vi inte kan härleda de få positiva steg som tagits, till EU:sBarcelonaprocess och Tacis-program. Den positiva utveckling vi kan se kan också bero på attandra aktörer eller krafter haft påverkan på landet i fråga. Det vi kan säga är att EU inomramen för Barcelonaprocessen och Tacis-programmet är benägna att verka normativt mot defyra staterna, då de ställer krav på normativ förändring genom de undersökta avtalen. Vad vidäremot inte kunnat bekräfta genom vår studie, är att EU - i enlighet med Manners normativateori - verkligen kunnat förändra normer i de stater vi studerat.

En 910, l’abbé Bernon et le duc d’Aquitaine, Guillaume le Pieux, implantent l’abbaye de Cluny, dans une vallée du Mâconnais, sur une terrasse alluviale formée à la confluence entre la Grosne et un de ses affluents. Cette situation offre des possibilités importantes d’utilisation des cours d’eau pour les divers besoins des moines. L’affluent, qui prendra dans le courant du Moyen Âge le nom évocateur de Médasson, est capté pour les fontaines du monastère et pour les réseaux d’assainissement où les latrines se trouvent mises en place. Les moulins, dont le moulin monastique, sont construits sur les bras dérivés de la Grosne.Par le choix d’un site placé en bordure de rivière, les fondateurs de Cluny pourraient avoir perpétué des traditions d’implantation qu’il est possible de percevoir dès la période carolingienne et qui seront par la suite suivies par les cisterciens.Dans l’environnement de ce site d’interfluve, les moines de Cluny vont progressivement développer un réseau hydraulique dont la complexité est liée à la fois aux besoins d’une communauté monastique importante, aux modifications successives des constructions monastiques et au respect des limites des territoires immunitaires de l’abbaye. / In 910, abbot Bernon and duke of Aquitaine, Guillaume le Pieux, implanted the abbey of Cluny, in a valley of Mâconnais, on an alluvial terrace formed in the confluence between Grosne and one of his tributaries. This situation offers important possibilities of use of streams for the diverse needs of the monks. The tributary, which will take in the course of the Middle Ages the suggestive name of Médasson, is used for the fountains of the monastery and for the sewer systems where latrines are installed. The mills, which the monastic mill, are built on arms derived of Grosne.By the choice of a site placed in border of river, the founders of Cluny could have perpetuated the traditions of implantation which we can to perceive from the Carolingian period and which will be followed by the Cistercians.In the environment of this site of confluence, the monks of Cluny are gradually going to develop a hydraulic network the complexity of which is bound at the same time to the needs of an important monastic community, to the successive modifications of the Monastic constructions and to the respect for the limits of the immunity territories of the abbey.

The intent of this thesis is to provide new information about American Gypsy history, specifically migration, immigration and settlement in the United States.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Wharton’s heroines are ordinary women who fight to secure material comfort and create selves that satisfy their emotional and sexual needs. These women often find that the two goals are mutually exclusive, since society strictly dictates appropriate behavior. This code of behavior stems from their relation to men: as objects to be won, as wives, and as mothers. In many instances, women are not even aware of their prescriptive roles and confuse their search for self with a search for security. Material comfort does not nurture Wharton’s heroines’ inner selves and they feel a metaphysical dissatisfaction, often seeking to find contentment through divorce or affairs. What they find in either case is that the cure to their ennui is not material, but mental. Wharton’s women seek a transcendent self—a self that is not dependent upon popular notions of respectability; a spiritual state that is independent from any attachment to social imperatives.

Ecrivaine bolivienne des années 30 - oubliée jusqu'aux années 90- Hilda Mundy s'est fait connaître notamment à la fin de la guerre du Chaco (1932-1935) et dans l'immédiat après-Guerre comme chroniqueuse humoristique à Oruro, sa ville natale. Ses chroniques sont autant d'exemples d'une écriture des moeurs, critique et satirique de la bonne société de son temps et notamment à l'égard d'une morale hypocrite et bigote. Satire des puissants, les écrits d'Hilda Mundy viseront également les travers et les scandales de la vie politique de l'époque ainsi que la montée du militarisme qui se profilait à la fin de la guerre ; ceci marquera le destin de l'écrivaine sous le signe de la censure. Son seul livre Pirotecnia, ensayo miedoso de literatura ultraista, publié à La Paz en 1936, est la suite de cette écriture des formes brèves, centrée sur la désacralisation des symboles du pouvoir. Les thèmes de la ville moderne, de la technique, du jeu et de l'attaque contre la tradition, présents aussi dans ses écrits parus dans la presse, constituent l'univers avant-Gardiste de Pirotecnia. Mouvement et méfiance sont au coeur de cette littérature moderne qui dit moi. Le moi de l'écriture mundyenne, riche de son hétéronymie, est porteur d'un projet poétique propre à une esthétique des arts scéniques où le masque dont on parle le plus est celui de la parole. / A Bolivian writer in the thirty's - forgotten until the 90's - Hilda Mundy became known especially at the end of the Chaco War (1932-1935) and in the immediate post-War period as a humouristic columnist in Oruro, the town where she was born. All her columns are instances of a literature of manners, on which she turns a critical and satirical eye. Her remarks on hypocritical and sanctimonious moral standards of her time are particularly scathing. Hilda Mundy's texts satirize the powerful and target the faults and scandals of political life, and the rise of militarism which was looming at the end of the war. This marked the destiny of the writer under the sign of censure. Her only book, Pirotecnia, ensayo miedoso de literatura ultraista, published in La Paz in 1936 remains loyal to this type of writing, favouring short texts and focused on deconsecration of power symbols. The themes of the modern city, of technology, games and gambling and the attack on tradition, which are also present in her press articles, made up the avant-Garde universe of Pirotecnia. Movement and mistrust are at the heart of this modern literature, which is written in the first person. The self of Hilda Mundy's writing is enriched by its heteronymy and continues a poetic project related to an aesthetics of scenic arts, where the most important mask is that of language.

The diploma project called "Problems with Violence in School Educational Environment" is divided into the parts - Introduction, Theoretical Part, Empirical Part, Conclusion. The Theoretical Part is separated into the five chapters - Demarcation and Definition of Concepts, Division of Aggression, Shows of Children's Violent Manners, Shows of Adolescents' Manners, Resolution of Aggression. The Empirical Part of the thesis verifies set hypotheses and targets. It is investigated, what type of aggression teachers meet towards their own person in their occupation, whether they meet more with aggression of boys or girls. The attributes of aggressors are also researched - what school results they have according to their teachers, what sort of families they come from. There is monitored link between action games or action movies and possible connection with frequency of aggression. During the study, we are discovering how often teachers in schools solve the problems connected with pupils' aggression and in which taught subjects violence and lack of discipline occur according to teachers' experience. Some educators state experience with cyber bullying in their jobs. They inform how often they meet with it, how they specifically react when they run into cyber bullying in the connection with their own person, and how...