Este trabalho tem como objetivo propor um comentário acerca do complexo Fatzer de Bertolt Brecht. Trata-se, por um lado, da leitura do conjunto de fragmentos trabalhados por Brecht entre 1926 e 1930, divididos em documento e comentário, que não foram publicados durante a vida do autor. Entendemos que neste conjunto podemos encontrar, em primeiro lugar, um registro do processo de formação artística e política do autor, sua passagem para o marxismo ocorrida na república de Weimar nos anos vinte. Em segundo lugar, identificamos no material o método dialético de configuração artística de Brecht em ação, ao qual ele uma vez referiu-se como o mais alto padrão técnico. Por outro lado, propomos uma leitura do fragmento Fatzer publicado no primeiro dos seus Versuche em 1930. A nossa hipótese é que este pode ser entendido como uma obra de agitprop brechtiana em defesa da Frente Única. / The goal of this work is to propose a commentary about Brecht\'s Fatzer complex. On one hand, it is the reading of the entirety of fragments worked by Bertolt Brecht between 1926 and 1930, divided in document and commentary, unpublished during the author\'s life. We understand that in the complex we can find, in the first place, a register of Brechts artistical and political formation process, the \"way\" into Marxism that occurred in the Weimar Republic in the twenties. In the second place, we identify on this material Brecht\'s dialectical method of artistic configuration in action, which he has once referred to as \"the highest technical standard\". On the other hand, we propose a reading of the Fatzer fragment that was published in the first of his Versuche in 1930. Our hypothesis is that it can be understood as a brechtian agitprop work in defense of the United Front.

Rêver d'un monde parfait caractérise la pensée de l'homme. C’est l’utopie. Le rêve de ce monde idéal inspire les écrivains ainsi que les philosophes dont Ernst Bloch qui appelle à qu’une vie autre qui commence. C’est par une attitude de contestation et de révolution qu’il accède à réaliser son rêve. Or nous nous demandons si l’utopie exprime les rêves comment pourrait-elle être un outil pour appréhender le monde réel ? Pour dépasser cette objection à l’utopie, il faut la considérer comme refus positif de l’ordre institué et ouverture à des possibilités de création historique. C’est-à-dire une utopie concrète. L’œuvre de Bloch et essentiellement Le principe espérance en offre un soubassement précieux. L’insatisfaction face à l’existant et le sentiment tristement éprouvé que « quelque chose manque » forment cet apport d’où émerge la conscience utopique. Celle-ci marque une projection dans un futur grâce à la pensée et l’imagination ; une projection qui témoigne d’une capacité proprement humaine. / Every man dreams about a perfect world. This is the utopia. The dream of this ideal world inspires many writers and philosophy like Bloch who tells from a beginning an another life. This is be realized with an attitude of revolution. However we ask, if the utopia express dreams, how to can be a tool for apprehender the real world? For overtake this objection, we must consider utopia like a refusal positive from the order introduce and opening for possibility of historic creation. It’s an concret utopia. Bloch’s Books especially the principal of hope offer a base precious for this utopia. The insatisfaction facing the bad feeling trying “every thing lack” shapes this contribution which emerging the utopic consciousness. This consciousness marks a projection which testify that an human ability.

中國馬克思主義史學乃是中國現代史學一個重要的流派，而且在1949年以後更成為中國史學界唯一的「正統」，然對於中國馬克思主義史學發展演變的研究不是受限於意識型態的束縛（如大陸學者），就是相當的缺乏（如台灣史學界），使得我們對於中國馬克思主義史學的理解往往流於表面與刻板印象（如「經濟決定論」、「人類社會發展五個階段論」）。對於中國馬克思主義的演變中典範的形成與變遷都不甚清楚。本文嘗試對於作為一個中國馬克思主義史學的先驅，李大釗的史學思想加以研究探討，從而釐清李氏史學的內涵與特色為何，橫的方面與當時中國現代史學的其他重要流派，如傅斯年等做個比較。縱的方面與第二代中國馬克思主義史家如郭沫若作個比較分析。期能對於李氏在中國馬克思主義史學的發展中，所扮演的角色做個定位。最後，將李氏史學放在整個中國現代史學發展的脈絡中加以審視，提出其主要的貢獻與影響為何。 目 錄 緒 論 ………………………………………………………………… 1 第一節 研究動機與目的…………………………………… 1 第二節 以往研究文獻述評………………………………… 6 第一章 中國馬克思主義史學興起的背景……………………… 15 第一節 清末新史學思潮的湧現…………………………… 15 第二節 馬克思主義的傳入………………………………… 20 第三節 早期馬克思主義史學的應用……………………… 29 第二章 李大釗早期思想的發展…………………………………… 37 第一節 早期思想的發展…………………………………… 37 第二節 轉向馬克思主義…………………………………… 57 第三章 「唯物史觀研究」與「史學思想史」與《史學要論》 ………………………………………………………………… 71 第一節 「唯物史觀研究」………………………………… 72 第二節 「史學思想史」…………………………………… 88 第三節 《史學要論》……………………………………… 96 第四章 李大釗與中國馬克思主義史學的發展………………… 115 第一節 歷史階段論……………………………………………116 第二節 辯證唯物論……………………………………………123 結 論 …………………………………………………………………… 127 徵引書目…………………………………………………………………… 133 / Marxism

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Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque. / This Ph.D. thesis is a political biography of Paul Levi, a German Marxist of the interwar period. Already in 1914, Levi embodied a radical faction within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Alongside Rosa Luxemburg, the leader of this same left wing, he is contesting, above all, the party’s participation in the national war effort. But Levi is also inspired by Lenin, who he met in Switzerland in 1916-1917. In fact, when taking over the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD) in March 1919, Levi ruled with an iron fist according to the theory of “democratic centralism”. As Lenin has done in Russia in October 1917, Levi also did everything in his power to promote a workers’ revolution in Germany in order to set in power a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would exclude all other social classes from sitting in the government. Consequently, in opposition to traditional historiography, this thesis shows that Levi was not a “democratic Socialist” of the Luxemburg school, but rather a Marxist whose political thought resembled that of the Bolsheviks. In fact, his action contributed to further weaken an already frail Weimar Republic and all its democratic institutions. This study also shows that Levi’s outstanding career was in large part the result of his rebellious character. Throughout his life, Levi consistently denounced the bourgeois politics of the non-workers’ parties, but he also systematically went against the majority within the political organizations in which he took part: the workers’ parties and the Reichstag. His impulsive nature set him apart as a solitary politician. In fact, Levi had many enemies. In 1921, he ran afoul of major Bolshevik leaders, which caused him to lose the leadership of the KPD. The Communists subsequently saw him as an enemy of the working class, slandering him in the press and in the Reichstag. Levi denounced, for his part, the Stalinist terror and made a mockery of the KPD, which had become, according to him, no more than a Soviet puppet. But this thesis also reveals that Levi, as a Jewish lawyer, led a major political campaign against the Nazis. In 1926, for example, as he served on a Reichstag public commission investigating Bavarian political assassinations, he tried by all possible means to charge important Nazis with murder. The Nazi press replied with a vicious anti-Semitic press campaign against him. Levi, however, refused to kneel before such intimidation and rather chose to sue important Nazi leaders, such as Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler himself before the court, in addition to summoning many others before the above-mentioned Reichstag commission. In the end, despite the fact that this study very critically evaluates Levi’s ideology, it praises his political integrity, which remained unshakable though faced with adversity and the criminal drift of the political extremes of the interwar period.

"Paul Strand and Cesare Zavattini's 'Un paese' (1955): the art, synergy and politics of a photobook" is a study of the genesis, production and reception of the photobook 'Un paese', created in a collaboration between the American photographer Paul Strand and the Italian neorealist screenwriter Cesare Zavattini. Set in Luzzara, a small town in northern Italy, Strand portrayed the community in a series of images of the landscape, the townsfolk and still lives. The thesis reconstructs the reasoning behind Strand's decision to abandon documentary filmmaking for the creation of photobooks. Strand and the critic Elizabeth McCausland are shown to have specifically conceptualised the photobook as a hybrid form capable of communicating a multifaceted political message through a narrative synthesis of text and image, utilising strategies drawn from documentary film, the photomural and mass media publications. It is shown how Strand and his collaborators combined image and text placed within a deliberately spare graphic design and layout, to emphasise the solidity and importance of the subject matter, and to privilege the communicatory capacity of the photograph. In addition, this thesis reorients the study of Strand from concentration on his early individual fine prints to the collaboratively created political artworks of his later career. It is argued that Strand's production of photobooks is directly related to his status as a Marxist American expatriate who left the United States to avoid blacklisting at the end of the 1940s. By carefully choosing the sites where he worked, utilising realist photographic strategies developed earlier in his career, and collaborating with sympathetic writers, Strand's photobooks present the idealised image of communitarian, primarily agrarian life. 'Un paese' is shown in this thesis to typify Strand's working method; to visually and materially embody his creative and political beliefs; and to exemplify the intermedial collaboration required by the photobook.

The study explores, through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the existence of Mode 2 knowledge and programmes in the South African higher education sector. It begins by theorising about knowledge and takes as a point of departure the propositions about theory-building which state that to explain social phenomena, a system of ideas is required, the conceptual tools of which are able to explain the essential dynamics of such phenomena. It goes on to describe a crisis in a system of ideas that, together with valid critiques, demands to be re-examined as well as the potential for advancing alternative lines of thought. A critical reading and understanding of existing theories leads me to believe that independently, they are all inadequate to explain the relationship between knowledge production and South African higher education in an era of globalisation. This includes the all-encompassing framework of neo-Marxism, the excessive consumerism of academic capitalism, the equation of the worker with modern technology in post-industrialism and the`lax relativity', complacent and, indiscriminate celebration of diversity in post-modernism. By combining the `culturally sensitive' critical post-modernism of William Tierney and George Subotzky with the concept of `late capitalism' as proposed by Frederic Jameson, it is possible to establish a relationship between globalisation and South African higher education on the one hand, and between its' policy and knowledge production on the other. Against the features of the newly proffered theoretical framework of `critical postmodernism in late capitalism', the study examines the new higher education policy and legislation and ensuing discourse, with particular reference to the Gibbons thesis. It then explores, by using an empirical investigation, the extent to which Mode 2 knowledge production exists in South African higher education. This is done through a selected programme from a former technikon in that demonstrates the key assumptions and perceptions about Mode 2 as held by lecturing staff and as embedded in the structure, design and content of the programme. With the results obtained the study finally makes recommendations for the establishment of a paradigm-shift and for new practices in knowledge production in higher education in South Africa. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

This thesis examines the discipline of English studies in South Africa through a review of articles published in 11 academic journals over the period 1958-2004. The aims are to gain a better understanding of the functions of peer-reviewed journals, to reveal the presence of rules governing discursive production, and to uncover the historical shifts in approach and choice of disciplinary objects. The Foucauldian typology of procedures determining discursive production, that is: exclusionary, internal and restrictive procedures, is applied to the discipline of English studies in order to elucidate the existence of such procedures in the discipline. Each journal is reviewed individually and comparatively. Static and chronological statistical analyses are undertaken on the articles in the 11 journals in order to provide empirical evidence to subvert the contention that the discipline is unruly and its choice of objects random. The cumulative results of this analysis are used to describe the major shifts primarily in ranges of disciplinary objects, but also in metadiscursive and thematic debates. Each of the journals is characterised in relation to what the overall analysis reveals about the mainstream developments. The two main findings are that, during the period under review, South African imaginative written artefacts have moved from a marginal position to the centre of focus of the discipline; and that the conception of what constitutes the `literary' has returned to a pre-Practical criticism definition, broadly inclusive of a variety of types of artefact including imaginative writing, such as autobiography, letters, journals and orature. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (English)

In the Apartheid South Africa, repression and the heightening of the Blacks' struggle for political emancipation, prompted artists to challenge the system through their music, oral poetry and writing. Most produced works of protest in English to reach a wider audience. This led to the general misconception that literatures in the indigenous languages of South Africa were insensitive to the issues of those times. This study seeks firstly to put to rest such misconception by proving that there is Commitment in these literatures as exemplified in the poetry of S.F. Motlhake. Motlhake not only expresses protest against the political system of the time, but also questions some religious and socio-cultural practices and institutions among his people. The study also examines his selected works as genuine poetry, which does not sacrifice art on the altar of propaganda. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)