The study explores, through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the existence of Mode 2 knowledge and programmes in the South African higher education sector. It begins by theorising about knowledge and takes as a point of departure the propositions about theory-building which state that to explain social phenomena, a system of ideas is required, the conceptual tools of which are able to explain the essential dynamics of such phenomena. It goes on to describe a crisis in a system of ideas that, together with valid critiques, demands to be re-examined as well as the potential for advancing alternative lines of thought. A critical reading and understanding of existing theories leads me to believe that independently, they are all inadequate to explain the relationship between knowledge production and South African higher education in an era of globalisation. This includes the all-encompassing framework of neo-Marxism, the excessive consumerism of academic capitalism, the equation of the worker with modern technology in post-industrialism and the`lax relativity', complacent and, indiscriminate celebration of diversity in post-modernism. By combining the `culturally sensitive' critical post-modernism of William Tierney and George Subotzky with the concept of `late capitalism' as proposed by Frederic Jameson, it is possible to establish a relationship between globalisation and South African higher education on the one hand, and between its' policy and knowledge production on the other. Against the features of the newly proffered theoretical framework of `critical postmodernism in late capitalism', the study examines the new higher education policy and legislation and ensuing discourse, with particular reference to the Gibbons thesis. It then explores, by using an empirical investigation, the extent to which Mode 2 knowledge production exists in South African higher education. This is done through a selected programme from a former technikon in that demonstrates the key assumptions and perceptions about Mode 2 as held by lecturing staff and as embedded in the structure, design and content of the programme. With the results obtained the study finally makes recommendations for the establishment of a paradigm-shift and for new practices in knowledge production in higher education in South Africa. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

This thesis examines the discipline of English studies in South Africa through a review of articles published in 11 academic journals over the period 1958-2004. The aims are to gain a better understanding of the functions of peer-reviewed journals, to reveal the presence of rules governing discursive production, and to uncover the historical shifts in approach and choice of disciplinary objects. The Foucauldian typology of procedures determining discursive production, that is: exclusionary, internal and restrictive procedures, is applied to the discipline of English studies in order to elucidate the existence of such procedures in the discipline. Each journal is reviewed individually and comparatively. Static and chronological statistical analyses are undertaken on the articles in the 11 journals in order to provide empirical evidence to subvert the contention that the discipline is unruly and its choice of objects random. The cumulative results of this analysis are used to describe the major shifts primarily in ranges of disciplinary objects, but also in metadiscursive and thematic debates. Each of the journals is characterised in relation to what the overall analysis reveals about the mainstream developments. The two main findings are that, during the period under review, South African imaginative written artefacts have moved from a marginal position to the centre of focus of the discipline; and that the conception of what constitutes the `literary' has returned to a pre-Practical criticism definition, broadly inclusive of a variety of types of artefact including imaginative writing, such as autobiography, letters, journals and orature. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (English)

In the Apartheid South Africa, repression and the heightening of the Blacks' struggle for political emancipation, prompted artists to challenge the system through their music, oral poetry and writing. Most produced works of protest in English to reach a wider audience. This led to the general misconception that literatures in the indigenous languages of South Africa were insensitive to the issues of those times. This study seeks firstly to put to rest such misconception by proving that there is Commitment in these literatures as exemplified in the poetry of S.F. Motlhake. Motlhake not only expresses protest against the political system of the time, but also questions some religious and socio-cultural practices and institutions among his people. The study also examines his selected works as genuine poetry, which does not sacrifice art on the altar of propaganda. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

This dissertation is mainly on Wole Soyinka as a dramatist. It aims to show that Soyinka, far from being an irrelevant artist as some of his fiercest critics have alleged, is a deeply committed writer whose works are characterised by a strong sense of concern with basic human values of right and wrong, good and evil. Furthermore, the dissertation shows that although Soyinka is not an admirer of Marxist aesthetics, he is certainly not in the art-for-art's-sake camp either, I because he is fully aware of the utilitarian value of literature. Soyinka's works are much influenced by his social and historical background, and the dissertation shows that Soyinka's socio-political awareness pervades all these works, although it will be seen that in the later plays there is a sharpened political awareness. Although largely concerned with his own country's issues, Soyinka also emerges as a keen observer of humanity universally / English Studies / M.A. (English)

本論文延伸英國馬克思主義教育理論者Glenn Rikowski提出之「學校教育生產勞動力」的「勞動力理論」，論述現代資本主義中學校教育與資本積累的關係，指出受學校教育作為創造「商品化勞動力使用價值」的關鍵機制，將促進剩餘價值生產。此過程具有生產使用價值、生產交換價值、操持、強制性等四項特性，本身就可視為是一種「勞動」來觀察。本論文將此過程稱為「求學勞動」，以馬克思主義對其進行分析，提出「求學勞動理論」。 本論文發現，基於資本主義下資本積累需求與勞動者之間的競爭壓力，求學勞動將是一種異化的強制性活動，且具有(1)提高僱傭勞動的「剩餘價值率」，及(2)教育增額工資日益減少甚至低於教育費用的「再生產不足」等兩重剝削機制，以促成剩餘價值生產，維持資本主義體制。 運用國家理論觀察，求學勞動的內涵在國家中介下，除了滿足不同的資本積累需求外，也須透過政治控制與社會整合以滿足社會正當性，是故在不同的社會條件和權力分布下，將有著變動的「開放空間」，也可能造成不同的「危機」。 而自馬克思主義相關成果分析求學勞動，本論文發現求學勞動的過程包含著「競爭排序」與「權威控制」，使得「意識型態」得以運作，促成異化求學勞動與僱傭勞動持續運行。而為了用以抵擋資本主義利潤率下降趨勢，求學勞動有著更加異化、競爭化、階層化、延長化、貶值化、新自由主義化等諸項趨勢，但也有著包含反體制運動、教育改革及階級鬥爭的「反趨勢」可能。 本論文也運用了理論成果，針對台灣的「升學競爭」與「高教擴張」之現象及成因進行分析。本論文認為台灣升學壓力的原因與資本積累需求及勞動力競爭壓力相關。僅透過「廣設公立高中大學」、「取消人力規劃與強制分流教育」等方法，不足以消解升學壓力，反而恐將延後、強化、轉移競爭壓力。除非教育改革能(1)去除資本需求與其對勞動力的影響，(2)促成平等化的階層結構，(3)使教育資源分配的平等化，才有可能改變升學競爭壓力的結構原因。而1990年代台灣的高教擴張政策，非但無法達到其宣稱的目標，反而傾向「教育私有化」政策，更鞏固了「公私雙元高教系統」，強化競爭與階級繁衍。 最後，本論文指出基於求學勞動與僱傭勞動之間具有抽象結構的共通性，隨著客觀情勢惡化與集體行動的努力，具有打造出「工學聯合」的共通階級意識基礎，以共同投入改革或革命實踐的可能。 / This dissertation was inspired by the Marxist educational theorist Glenn Rikowski’s “labor power theory”, seeing schooling as producing labor power for capitalism, to research the relationship between schooling and capitalism. From the Marxist point, I find that schooling is the key mechanism of producing commercial use-value of labor power, and will produce more surplus-value in the wage-labor process. I use Marxism to analysis schooling as a kind of labor, and naming it “schooling-labor” to propose a “schooling-labor theory”. Because capitalists chase higher profits for accumulation and labors compete with each other for education or working opportunities, the schooling-labor would be a forced and alienated activity, consists of two mechanisms of exploitation for capitalism: (1) improving the surplus-value rate, and (2) causing “insufficient reproduction”. The content of schooling-labor is mediated by the State to satisfy the accumulation of capital and social legitimation at the same time, so under different social elements and different distribution of power, there are “open spaces” to be mediated, and may result of different crises. I find that the competition and authoritative control in the process of schooling-labor make the ideology work to maintain the alienated schooling-labor and wage-labor. Moreover, for countervailing the tendency of “decreasing profit rate”, schooling-labor would turn into situations consist of alienation, competition, stratification, extension, and inflation; but however, there are also “counter-tendencies”, including anti-system movement, education reform, and class struggle. After all, I use the theory to analyze the phenomenon and cause of “competition for education opportunities” and “expansion of higher education” in Taiwan, and I find that the expanding higher education in Taiwan could not solve the problem of educational need and competition, but caused the privatization of education, the “public-private polarized higher education system”, and reproduction of class. Finally, the dissertation points out that because the uniformity between schooling-labor and wage-labor, the objective worse situation, and the power of collective actions, there are possibilities to manufacture the class consciousness of “students and workers” to engage in reform or revolution.

當代「日本中國認識」1945年二次大戰結束面臨一次重大轉折。戰後開始的「中國研究」主要受到日本對於自身認同重建的看法；以及冷戰國際架構的影響。本文藉由「系譜學方法」，回溯戰後半世紀以來，日本對中國的研究角度經過什麼樣的變化？中日研究群體如何開展及互動？本文發現日本當地中國研究的典範演變，最初是因應西方現代學科的需要，以建立歷史理論與史觀。戰前以東洋史學與區域調查為主要典範。此兩種團體延續到戰後成為史學與區域研究兩種系譜。戰後初期（1945-54）佔有主要論述空間的是左派革命史觀研究群體，主要學術產出是實態調查、社會史方面的資料。第二階段（1955-64）是馬克思主義者對近代化論者，延續戰爭責任論爭中的研究主體問題。第三階段（1965-74）是隨著日本自身發展與文革演進，研究者依照對文革態度而分裂，自此主流是對經濟、政治、國際關係的研究。第四階段（1975-84）民國史觀強調社會主義中國與傳統中國以及中國與周邊國家的「雙重連續性」，這兩個思考脈絡最後集成為溝口的基體論與濱下的體系論。另外出現以近代化（民主化經濟發展）短暫的成為主要論述，之後隨著前兩者理論對西式近代的否定，開始找尋「亞洲價值」。第五階段（1985-94），面臨昭和年代與冷戰結束兩個重要分期，日本學界提出新亞洲學，強調區域多元性以及混成亞洲統合兩大觀念。新亞洲學中，不可避免的也繼承了戰前亞洲學的基本要素。綜觀而言，本研究不僅能提供對中國研究途徑更多的參考面向，也能為台灣的中國大陸研究學界提供更多元的研究方法，更能有助於對當代東亞局勢的瞭解。 / Modern “China studies” (sinology, modern china study, etc.) in Japan began in 1945, the end of Pacific War. It was in a very complicated situation because on the one hand, it must take mission on the revival of national confidence. On the other hand, it was influenced by post-war international system. This article attempts to analyze “Japanese China study” from a genealogical perspective. The article also tries to depict the “genealogy” of academic communities of Japanese China study and their research approaches. It is found that the paradigm change began in the need of discipline modernization,in order to build their historical theory and historical views. Two mainstreams before WWII are “touyougaku (orientalism)” and “regional study”. They became two major studies, “history” and “regional science” after war. In the first period (1945-54), the leading group “revolution historian’ (Marxist or lefters) accomplished much research about “village investigation” and social history. In the second period (1955-64), Marxist (lefters) and Modernist debated the question of “research subjectivity” regarding war responsibility. In the third period (1965-74), researcher groups were affected by Culture Revolution, and became radical. After this deep confliction, they became neutral,and advocated to study economics, politics, and international relations of China. In the fourth period (1975-84), “R.O.C. perspective” emphasized “double continuity “ existing between socialist China and traditional China, and between core and periphery China, consisting of “Mizokuchi theory” and “Hamashita theory”. On the other hand, modernization (development theory) also rose up, considering Asian value as opposite of Western value. Therefore, in the fifth period (1985-94), facing the end of Showa period and cold war, scholars start to assert New Asianism, emphasizing diversity and cooperation among Asian countries. We could discover that New Asianism is similar to wartime Asianism, which is a symbol of Japanese China study that time. This study will not only clarify the Sinology in other culture, but also bring more approaches for scholars in Taiwan. / 日本における「中国研究」の最大な分岐点は1945年である。戦後の中国研究には、日本の自己認識を立て直す考え方が含まれている。さらに、冷戦時代の国際関係もまた中国研究に影響を及ぼしている。この状況の下で、中国研究は複雑な様相を呈している。本研究は、系譜学的方法を以って、この半世紀において、日本における中国研究が、どのような研究視点を採ってきたのか、また、学界がどのように形成され、内部にどのような会話・論争を経てきたのかを分析する。日本における中国研究のパラダイムは、最初は欧米の現代学科を真似て、自国の歴史理論や史観を発見しようとするものである。戦前の主なパラダイムは東洋史学と地域研究で、戦後その二つ系譜も続けている。戦後初期（1945－54）に、左派（革命史観）グループは主流で、実態調査や社会史に多くの力を入れていた。第二時期（1955-64）に、マルクス主義者と近代化論者は戦争責任の問題に沿い「研究者主体」について論争した。第三時期（1965-74）に、日本自身の経済発展や中国の文革の影響により、研究者グループが分裂し、激しい批判も出た。その後、一変して、「無価値」の経済や政治、外交など、つまり、「国情研究」が主流になった。第四時期（1975-84）に、民国史観や基体論、朝貢体系論など、社会主義中国と旧中国との「連続性」や中国中心と周辺国家との「連続性」に着目した研究が現れた。そのほか、アジア的な近代化論も大勢になり、「アジア価値」は再び脚光を浴びた。第五時期（1985-94）に、昭和時代と冷戦の終わりとともに、地域多様性とアジア協力を強調する「新アジア学」も出た。新アジア学と「戦前アジア学」が多くの共通性があるため、同じ系譜に属することを本研究によって解明できる。本研究は、台湾におけるこれまで中国研究に対して、新たな研究方法を紹介し、示唆的な観点を与えることが予想される。

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Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque. / This Ph.D. thesis is a political biography of Paul Levi, a German Marxist of the interwar period. Already in 1914, Levi embodied a radical faction within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Alongside Rosa Luxemburg, the leader of this same left wing, he is contesting, above all, the party’s participation in the national war effort. But Levi is also inspired by Lenin, who he met in Switzerland in 1916-1917. In fact, when taking over the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD) in March 1919, Levi ruled with an iron fist according to the theory of “democratic centralism”. As Lenin has done in Russia in October 1917, Levi also did everything in his power to promote a workers’ revolution in Germany in order to set in power a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would exclude all other social classes from sitting in the government. Consequently, in opposition to traditional historiography, this thesis shows that Levi was not a “democratic Socialist” of the Luxemburg school, but rather a Marxist whose political thought resembled that of the Bolsheviks. In fact, his action contributed to further weaken an already frail Weimar Republic and all its democratic institutions. This study also shows that Levi’s outstanding career was in large part the result of his rebellious character. Throughout his life, Levi consistently denounced the bourgeois politics of the non-workers’ parties, but he also systematically went against the majority within the political organizations in which he took part: the workers’ parties and the Reichstag. His impulsive nature set him apart as a solitary politician. In fact, Levi had many enemies. In 1921, he ran afoul of major Bolshevik leaders, which caused him to lose the leadership of the KPD. The Communists subsequently saw him as an enemy of the working class, slandering him in the press and in the Reichstag. Levi denounced, for his part, the Stalinist terror and made a mockery of the KPD, which had become, according to him, no more than a Soviet puppet. But this thesis also reveals that Levi, as a Jewish lawyer, led a major political campaign against the Nazis. In 1926, for example, as he served on a Reichstag public commission investigating Bavarian political assassinations, he tried by all possible means to charge important Nazis with murder. The Nazi press replied with a vicious anti-Semitic press campaign against him. Levi, however, refused to kneel before such intimidation and rather chose to sue important Nazi leaders, such as Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler himself before the court, in addition to summoning many others before the above-mentioned Reichstag commission. In the end, despite the fact that this study very critically evaluates Levi’s ideology, it praises his political integrity, which remained unshakable though faced with adversity and the criminal drift of the political extremes of the interwar period.

This thesis concentrates on 1938 radio broadcast Pravda vítězí (The Truth Will Win), broadcasted from Vienna in both Czech and Slovak languages in the two months preceding and following the signing of the Munich agreement. Its theoretical part follows the genesis of the two broadcasts, the personalities involved and also the connection between Pravda vítězí and Vlajka, the infamous Czech fascist movement. In the practical part, Nazi propaganda themes are being analyzed in both broadcasts during October 1938. Main focus is on the campaigns against president Beneš, against freemasonry and bolshevism, pro-German campaign and antisemitism. In the Slovak language broadcast, anti-Czech campaign was a significant part of the Nazi propaganda, along with the support of Slovak separatism. Comparison of the ideological focus and goals of both broadcasts is supported by numerous quotations. In the final part, the thesis offers a brief look at the reactions to the broadcasts. Also, it attempts to evaluate the broadcasts' possible effects on both Czech and Slovak audience in the light of its primary goal - the disintegration of Czechoslovakia.