Investiga-se aqui a formação de um autêntico pensamento contemporâneo na América, tendo como eixo o conjunto da obra político-historiográfica e filosófica desenvolvida pelos marxistas Caio Prado Júnior e José Carlos Mariátegui, a partir das primeiras décadas do século XX. Apresenta-se inicialmente um panorama histórico de sua formação intelectual e militância, para então se explanar os traços característicos de suas originais interpretações relativas à questão nacional. Em seguida, verifica-se as convergências e dissonâncias entre as concepções de ambos sobre a história e a política, bem como acerca da filosofia da práxis ressaltando as importantes contribuições dos pensadores à metodologia dialética e à própria ontologia totalizante do marxismo. Para tanto, examina-se vários de seus trabalhos (em distintos campos do saber), expondo-se suas principais proposições científicas e polêmicas intelectuais-revolucionárias, com o intuito de mostrar como suas criativas análises histórico-dialéticas com que confrontam o eurocentrismo cultural e epistêmico então hegemônico alicerçam seus posteriores aportes também no âmbito universal da filosofia começada por Marx, cujo princípio central é a práxis. Colocando-se do ponto de vista da totalidade, tal postura existencial, teórica e prática, entende a objetividade e a subjetividade como inerentes aspectos fundamentais no processo de emancipação humana e construção de uma nova sociedade em que o Homem possa se realizar em sua plenitude. Propõe-se por fim reflexão sobre a atualidade e urgência da realização da teoria marxista, em um contexto de crise civilizacional (econômica, cultural e mesmo ambiental) que se renova e agrava. / This thesis investigates the formation of an authentic contemporary way of thinking in America, axised at the whole of political-historiographical and philosophical work developed by Marxists Caio Prado Júnior and José Carlos Mariátegui, as from the first decades of the twentieth century. It initially presents a historical overview of the authors\' intellectual formation and militancy and then explains the characteristic features of their original interpretations related to the national issue. Furthermore, it analyzes the convergences and dissonances between the conceptions of both authors on history and politics, as well as on philosophy of praxis highlighting the important contributions of them to Marxism\'s dialectic methodology and totalizing ontology itself. In order to do so, the thesis examines several of their works (in different fields of knowledge), disclosing their main scientific propositions and intellectual-revolutionary controversies, in order to expose how their historical and dialectical creative interpretations whose which they confront the cultural and epistemic Eurocentrism, hegemonic at the time underpin their posterior contributions also at the universal ambit of philosophy begun by Marx, whose central principle is the praxis. Placing ourselves from the point of view of the totality, such existential posture, theoretical and practical, assumes objectivity and subjectivity as inherent fundamental aspects of the process of human emancipation and construction of a new society in which Man can be realized to its fullness. It is finally proposed a reflection on the actuality and urgent realization of Marxist theory in the context of civilizational crisis (economic, cultural and even environmental) that renews and aggravates itself.

[pt] Partindo das rupturas políticas - simbolizadas pelo ano de 1989 - nos planos teórico e prático, esta pesquisa busca estudar a imaginação política crítica contemporânea. Tomando tal fio condutor, o presente estudo intenta criticar o estado-centrismo de alguns teóricos (Rosenberg, Colás e Panitch) de hoje. Ainda, propõe um diálogo entre outros dois críticos (Walker e Holloway), visando apreender tais limites imaginativos e sugerir - com auxílio da prática de certos movimentos sociais - outros modos de pensar os dilemas da soberania estatal e sua inclusão e exclusão do espaço político. / [en] Beginning from the point of political ruptures - symbolized by 1989 - on the theoretical and practical levels, this research critically explores the contemporary critical political imagination. Following this line of thought, this investigation aims at criticizing the state-centrism of some current theorists (Rosenberg, Colás and Panitch). Moreover, it proposes a dialogue between two other critics (Walker and Holloway), in order to explore and appreciate such imaginative boundaries and to suggest - with the help of certain social movements` practices - other ways of thinking through the dilemmas of state sovereignty and its inclusion and exclusion of the political space.

La revue Souffles, créée en 1966 par de jeunes poètes et artistes-peintres, a été la tribune de l’avant-garde littéraire et culturelle au Maroc, et a eu un rayonnement dans tout le Maghreb et le Tiers-Monde. Elle prônait la décolonisation de la culture à une époque où l’indépendance était jugée inachevée et menacée par le néocolonialisme. Produite par des intellectuels de gauche, elle était aussi une tribune d’opposition indirecte qui, par le biais de la culture et des valeurs symboliques, constituait une réaction à la dictature traditionnaliste que la monarchie imposait. Marquée par les idéologies de son époque (tiers-mondisme et marxisme-léninisme), elle est devenue de plus en plus ouvertement politique. Souffles, et surtout son doublet en arabe Anfâs, a été la revue commune des deux organisations du mouvement marxiste-léniniste marocain, Ilal Amam (En Avant) et 23 Mars. Après l’arrestation de ses animateurs en 1972, de nouvelles séries ont été publiées par les militants à Paris jusqu’en 1973. Souffles est restée dans la mémoire collective comme une date importante dans l’histoire littéraire et politique du Maroc. / The review Souffles (Breaths), created in 1966 by young poets and artists-painters, was the forum of the literary and cultural avant-garde in Morocco, and had an influence throughout the Maghreb and the Third World. It advocated decolonization of culture in a time when the Moroccan independence was considered unfinished and threatened by neocolonialism. Produced by left-wing intellectuals, it was also a forum of indirect opposition which, by means of culture and symbolic values, constituted a reaction to the traditionalist dictatorship imposed by monarchy. Influenced by the ideologies of its time (Third-World tendency and Marxism-Leninism), it became more and more openly political. Souffles, and especially its version in Arabic, Anfâs, was the review of both organizations of the Moroccan Marxist-Leninist movement : Ilal Amam (Forward) and 23 March. After the arrest of its most active editors in 1972, new series were published by the militants in Paris until 1973. Souffles remained in the collective memory as an important date in the literary and political history of Morocco.

This dissertation argues that the major theories of global justice (specifically within the cosmopolitan tradition) have missed an important aspect of capitalism in their attempts to deal with the most pernicious effects of the global economic system. This is not merely a left critique of cosmopolitanism (though it is certainly that as well), but its fundamental contribution is that it applies the insights of Frankfurt School Critical Theorist Theodor Adorno’s negative dialectics to offer an internal critique of cosmopolitanism. As it stands, much of the global justice and cosmopolitanism literature takes global capitalism as an unsurpassable and a foundationally unproblematic system, often ignoring completely the relationship between the psycho-socially conditioned ideological aspects of capitalism and the horizon of achievable politics and social development. Using the philosophies and social theories of Adorno and Erich Fromm, I argue that there is a crucial psycho-social dimension to capitalism, or capitalistic mentality—represented in and functionally reproduced by transnational capitalism—that undermines the political aspirations of normative theories of cosmopolitanism, on their own terms. The project concludes with an exploration of Marxist, neo-Marxist, and post-Marxist theories as a potential source of alternatives to address the flaws within cosmopolitanism with respect to its general acceptance and under-theorizing of capitalism. The conclusion reached here is that even these radical approaches fail to take into account the near-pervasive influence of capitalism on the minds of radicals and activists working for progressive change or simply reject the potentials contained in existing avenues for global political and economic change (something which the cosmopolitan theories explored in earlier chapters do not do). Based again on the work of Adorno and Fromm, this dissertation argues that the best path forward, practically and theoretically, is by engaging cosmopolitanism and neo-/post-Marxism productively around this concept of the capitalistic mentality, building towards a praxeological theory of postcapitalist cosmopolitanism framed by a negative dialectical resuscitation of the concepts of class struggle and unlimited democracy. This postcapitalist cosmopolitanism emphasizes non-exploitative economic and political relations, cooperation, compassion, sustainability, and a participatory-democratic civic culture.

Partant d'un questionnement sur la logique de la pratique comme enjeu central de la vie intellectuelle française des années 1960, ce travail propose d'articuler une rencontre entre les pensées de Foucault et de Sartre. Sans minimiser leurs divergences, par quoi on a coutume de les opposer dans le cadre de la querelle de l'humanisme, il s'agit de faire apparaître un enjeu commun aux deux auteurs : la proposition d'une mise en intelligibilité de la pratique, entée sur un matériau historique dûment circonscrit. Cette rencontre permet de revisiter les notions de praxis, de généalogie, de politique de la vérité. Cela implique tout un renouvellement du geste théorique du côté d'une pensée en situation commune à l'intellectuel universel et à l'intellectuel spécifique, d'une pratique « historico-philosophique » soucieuse de saisir à bonne distance son objet – les « ensembles pratiques » – sans le déréaliser ni le surplomber, dans un rapport complexe entre passé et présent. L'espace théorique ainsi ouvert entre Foucault et Sartre sur cette question de l'intelligibilité de la pratique est également l'occasion d'une confrontation avec Marx et les marxismes (Althusser principalement), ainsi qu'avec les sciences sociales (Bourdieu surtout). / By questioning the logic of practice as the main topic of intellectual life in France in the 1960s, we shall undertake a confrontation between the ideas of Foucault and Sartre. Without playing down their differences of opinion, which have often been emphasized by the humanist dispute, we shall endeavor to bring forward a topic these two authors share: the proposal of an attempt at the intelligibility of practice, based on a duly defined historic material. Such a confrontation will enable us to examine thoroughly the notions of praxis, genealogy, and the politics of truth. This will entail radically new theories about a “situated thought” shared by both the universal intellectual and the specific intellectual, about a “historic and philosophical” practice which will not hold its object – the “practical ensembles” too close and will not derealize or overhang it, in a complex relation between past and present. The theoretical space which is open in this manner between Foucault and Sartre on the question of the intelligibility of practice also permits a confrontation with Marx and marxisms (Althusser mainly), as well as with social sciences (Bourdieu mostly).

La sexualité est arrivée au statut d’objet scientifique à la suite des découvertes psychanalytiques. L’élargissement du sexuel avec Freud par la théorie de la libido a permis une investigation beaucoup plus large et complète de la sexualité, la faisant apparaître comme un phénomène de totalité. Les sciences sociales n’ont pourtant pas nécessairement intégré cet élargissement dans leurs théorisations sur la sexualité livrant une définition de celle-ci selon leurs paradigmes et cadres interprétatifs disciplinaires. De même, la politisation de la sexualité a dans un premier temps interpréter la question de la libido freudienne dans une utopie critique, celle de la libération sexuelle de Mai 68. Dans un second temps, elle a idéologisé et partialisé la question sexuelle en orientant les débats sur les questions des minorités sexuelles. La démarche critique adoptée dans cette thèse permet de montrer en quoi la sexualité en tant qu’objet est l’analyseur des sexualités concrètes. La sexualité est une force originaire au fondement de la subjectivité, de l’intersubjectivité et des formations sociales. Elle ne peut donc être conceptualisée de façon réductrice. Cette complexité est nécessairement polémique car elle comprend des enjeux épistémologiques, politiques, mais aussi éthiques, praxéologiques et métaphysiques. / Sexuality become a scientific object following psychoanalysic discoveries. The extension of sexuality by Freud with the libido theory allow more complete and broader investigation of sexuality, showing it as a phenomenon of totality. Social sciences however did not insert this enlargement into their theorizings on the sexuality delivering a definition of this one according to their paradigms and disciplinary interpretative frames. Also, the politicization of sexuality has at first interpreted the question of freudian libido in a critical utopia, that of the sexual liberation of Mai 68. In second time, it has ideologised ans partialised the sexual question by orientating the debate on the sexual minorites questions. Critical step adopted in this thesis allows to show that sexuality as object is the analyser of concrete sexualities. Sexuality is a native force in the foundation of subjectivity, intersubjectivity and social trainings. Sexuality can’t be conceptualised in a reductionnist way. This complicacy is necessarily polemical because it consists in epistemological and political stakes, but also in ethical, praxeological and metaphysical stakes.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.

Barbora Skálová Whose side are you on? Radical Left in postwar Finland - on the phenomenon of Marxism-Leninism outside the Eastern Bloc Abstract The dissertation aims to explore the phenomenon of a radical left movement - Taistoists - which at the turn of the 60s and 70s for a short period of time dominated the student and cultural circles in Finland. The dissertation strives to shed light on the reasons for the uprise of the - in European context unique - pro-Soviet, Marxist-Leninist and "anti-anti- establishment" youth movement, and on its influence on home and foreign policy of Finland in terms of so-called Finlandization. The work also puts the movement into the Czechoslovakian context, mainly in relation to the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion. The dissertation discusses the theoretical anticapitalistic background of the movement and compares it to the theoretical background and political practice of coeval New Left movements in Europe and the USA. The experience of the members of the movement has been elaborated in the oral history part based on personal interviews. The oral history chapter aims to offer an explanation and a broader perspective of the taistolaiset phenomenon presented by direct witnesses and participants of the movement.

La thèse, divisée en trois parties, constitue une introduction à l’univers musical de Giacomo Manzoni (Milan, 1932). La première partie aborde huit dimensions de l’œuvre du compositeur dans une perspective analytique (matériau, temps, dynamique, timbre, forme, figures sonores, espace et texte). Dans la deuxième partie, où figure une étude de Per Massimiliano Robespierre (1974) et de Doktor Faustus (1988), sont présentés les principaux axes de sa poétique : l’engagement et l’innovation. La dernière partie conceptualise la notion de matiérisme en tant que fondement de sa praxis compositionnelle. À ce propos, Atomtod (1964), sa troisième œuvre pour le théâtre musical, a été analysée. Des documents inédits, dont des esquisses de ses œuvres et une correspondance avec Luigi Nono, ont été commentés tout au long de la thèse. Les annexes incluent un catalogue chronologique et thématique des œuvres du compositeur, une édition critique bilingue des textes mis en musique, la traduction de son dernier livre (Parole per musica) et une discographie. / This thesis, which consists of three parts, represents an introduction to Giacomo Manzoni’s (Milan, 1932) musical ideas. First part deals with eight dimensions of his work from an analytical point of view (material, time, dynamics, timbre, form, sound shapes, space and text). In the second part, which contains an analysis of Per Massimiliano Robespierre (1974) and Doktor Faustus (1988), two main axes of his poetics were examined: commitment and innovation. Last part conceptualizes the notion of materialism in his poetics, as it constitutes the basis of his musical praxis. To this end, Atomtod (1964), his third work for the stage, was analysed. Unpublished documents, like sketches of his works and a correspondence with Luigi Nono, were commented throughout the thesis. Appendices include a chronological and thematic catalogue of his works, a bilingual critical edition of the texts which he set to music, a French translation of his last book (Parole per musica) and a discography.

A number of articles in books and newspapers have been written on the life and work of Nicholas Bhengu, in the past four decades. However, to date no focused academic research had been devoted to his life, his mission, his message and his influence in South Africa as well as beyond the borders of South Africa. The different chapters in the thesis focus on Bhengu’s life, his call to ministry and the role he played in South Africa, in rest of Africa, and beyond the borders of our continent. Although Bhengu did not overtly address political issues by supporting either the liberation movements nor the Nationalist Government, the impact of his work was felt by both to the extent that liberation movements such as ANC criticised him for not lending his public support to the struggle they waged against apartheid. On the other hand, the South African government also tried to co-opt him as an ally of their socio-political ideology. The government disappointed by Bhengu’s lack of support for its political programme, became suspicious of his intentions and set the Special Branch of the South African Police to monitor his movements, teaching and preaching. Bhengu ministered during a tumultuous period in the history of South Africa which called for people as well as the faith communities to take sides for or against the system of apartheid. Bhengu’s teaching and preaching had a great impact on the social and political psyche of the people in South Africa. Through his Back to God Crusade he, with great effectiveness, called people to return to God. Thousands devoted their lives to God. Wherever Bhengu conducted his crusades, crime went down significantly, with criminals turning in their weapons of trade and returning stolen goods to the police. He also performed spectacular healings and miracles. Apart from his evangelistic campaigns, Bhengu planted churches, established a formidable women’s ministry that to this day continues to raise millions of Rand to fund the Back to God Crusade. The Youth Ministry provides bursaries for young people to study in any field of their choice. Bhengu’s goal for providing these bursaries was to empower a new generation to contribute to the development of their country. He also established self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating churches, at a time when Black Churches were dependent on handouts from missionary sending agencies. The study finally evaluates the contribution and lasting legacy of Bhengu: his example, his missionary endeavours, his preaching and church planting efforts, his socio-political involvement, and his leadership. The strategies that he employed to building a cohesive and successful movement – the Back to God/Assemblies of God Movement – receive special attention. The impact of the movement is still felt in South Africa and the neighbouring countries, Swaziland, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, twenty five years after his death. There is every reason to consider Nicholas Bhengu to be the Billy Graham of Africa. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Science of Religion and Missiology / unrestricted