Den latinamerikanska befrielseteologin har nått ut över världen. I alla fall till en del grupper. De radikala katolska befrielseteologerna och deras medkämpar har med hjälp av Bibeln kombinerad med samhällsvetenskaplig analys ökat medvetenheten om de sociala och ekonomiska orättvisorna men de har inte lyckats lösa problemen. Konservativa krafter har motarbetat befrielseteologerna i alla år. Samtidigt som befrielseteologerna hyllas över världen för sitt arbete till förmån för de fattiga och förtryckta har de blivit hårt kritiserade. Bland annat har de kritiserats för sitt samarbete med marxister och för att de blandar politik och religion. Befrielseteologerna har också kritiserats för att de inte har tänkt tillräckligt på kvinnofrågor och ursprungsbefolkningar. I denna uppsats söker författaren via litteraturstudier svaret på om befrielseteologin har någon förankring i den latinamerikanska kulturen. Latinamerika är stort. Därför har arbetet avgränsats till att handla om den brasilianska kulturen. Brasilien är ett motsägelsefullt land. Kontrasterna är stora mellan kulturerna, mellan fattiga och rika samt mellan utveckling och underutveckling. Miljöproblemen och de sociala problemen är komplicerade. Befrielseteologerna är många. Författaren har valt att titta närmare på peruanen Gustavo Gutiérrez som brukar anses som befrielseteologins grundare, brasilianaren Leonardo Boff som nyligen fick alternativa nobelpriset för fredsbevarande arbete och brasilianaren Helder Camara som levde ett långt liv i befrielseteologins tjänst.

This thesis aims to provide a history of African American working class and Leftist activism in Atlanta, Georgia during the early 1970s. It places a series of wildcat strikes within the context of political and social transition, and charges unequal economic conditions and a racially charged discriminatory environment as primary causes. The legacies of both the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left are identified as key contributing factors to this wave of labor unrest. One path taken by former Civil Right activists was to focus on poor peoples’ movements, and one course taken by the 1960s-era New Left activists was to join forces with the working class in an attempt to build a New Communist movement. In Atlanta, these two forces converged and generated a notable force against some of city’s most prominent employers.

This thesis presents a critique of counterhegemony, arguing that imperatives of unity and coherence in social movement theory and practice tend to limit potentials for transformation. I use the 'new social movement theory' of Alberto Melucci and Alain Touraine in order to foreground the problem of intelligibility. Laclau and Mouffe’s conception of articulation is used to develop the problem of intelligibility, and helps to avoid reification. However, I argue that their concept of counterhegemony presents a blackmail where social movements either represent themselves in universal terms, or are cast as merely fragmented and particular. The Deleuzo-Guattarian concepts molarization and molecularization are used to argue that social movements that appear fragmented or vague may in fact be transformative in unexpected ways. The final chapter focuses on a recent guerilla garden at the University of Victoria, and I argue that it is significant in its capacity to foreground problems and suspend commonsense habits, without presenting a coherent and unified programme.

This dissertation examines the scope and limitations of the re-appropriation of the term barbarism by modern Jewish intellectuals in conversation with Third World social movements. Emmanuel Lévinas is my paradigmatic example of this re-appropriation, as his Talmudic interpretations illuminate this process, and his work is located on the axis of the encounter between Jewish and decolonial thinking. I contend that Lévinas follows a classic line of modern European interpreters who expressed their discomfort with the description of the Jewish people as barbaric. While this discomfort can be traced within this orthodox interpretation of Lévinas, I argue that his particular solution for the problem can only be explained by a more heterodox exploration. Lévinas’ positive re-appropriation of the term is part of contextual conversations that he sustained with other peoples characterized as barbarians (i.e. Third World decolonial theorists). While this re-appropriation was originally conceived in order to establish an East-East revolutionary conversation between Eastern European rabbinical interpreters and other radical Eastern projects (i.e. Maghrebi Marxism) it became an East-South decolonial conversation between Jewish and Afro-Caribbean/Latino-American intellectuals. This conversation, however, ultimately challenges the apologetic Jewish re-appropriation of exteriority in the concert of multiple barbarians. I explore the limitations of Jewish thought to engage with this community and cross from an apologetic to a critical barbarism. This dissertation, in conclusion, seeks to make an original contribution in the interrelation between Jewish and post-colonial studies. I aim to do so by first, demonstrating that the Jewish return to classical sources is historically and conceptually a decolonial counter-narrative that was influenced by (and in turn influenced) Third World discourses; second, explaining the reasons and consequences of the persistence of Jewish imagery and influences in Third World decolonial theory; third, exploring the limits of Jewish thinking and the benefits of the expansion of Jewish apologetical dialogues into barbaric critical conversations. And finally, challenging most contemporary scholarship in modern Jewish philosophy, which holds that Jewish thought and the modern re-reading of its sources can only be understood in the context of Western consciousness.

美國的少數幾家大型影視產業資本不僅主導了境內市場，也在全球市場占有領先的份額，因而對美國影視產業的批判經常出自於反壟斷、反帝反傾銷的動機，目的在保護民族市場或多元文化。然而美國是最早讓動態影像（motion picture）商業化、產業化，使資本能藉之積累擴張，而不必由政府以長期固定的財政手段支持的少數國家之一；並且不同於大量進口產品與技術的後進國，美國很早就成為影視產品的淨出口國，同時在傳播科技與生產手段上持續革新，一至如今。藉由探索美國影視產業的發展史，有助於我們理解影視產業資本的運動軌跡；也就是探討在影視產業內，資本如何剝奪剩餘價值、發達生產力、擴大生產規模的政治經濟歷程。 一般而言，個別資本為擴大利潤率而不斷地更新生產技術以提升生產力，長期卻總體地導致利潤率下降的結果。或說資本運動具有周期性：按利潤率的波動，一再地經歷危機、蕭條、復甦、高漲的循環。美國影視產業史已經說明了這些階段，然而利潤率如何變遷，以及相應生產手段的更替、生產關係的變革，還有待釐清。 藉長時段的國民所得與生產帳（National Income and Product Account, NIPA）以及產業稅務報告所登錄的資料，本文得到 1947年至1997年間電影業前後一貫可比較的利潤率計算根據。資料顯示，二十世紀下半的美國電影利潤率幾經波動，長期有明顯下降的趨勢。按Weisskopf所提的利潤率要項拆解法，就各周期利潤率作進一步分析，可知戰後利潤率轉壞主因為市場萎縮減產，七○年後利潤率轉壞則因為工資上升與資本投入過速的效果。 在回顧美國電影業百年來的流通手段與生產過程歷程後，與利潤率變遷材料與分析結果互為理解，可知晚近利潤率轉壞的主因為資本仰賴少數廠外秀異生產者，使對生產者的工資議價力降低。與早年的量產制相較，這是資本解散廠內長聘勞動隊伍，使生產外部化造成的非意圖後果。為突破量產時代的生產力發展瓶頸，資本逐漸集中到少量差異化的高質量特製電影製作上，以爭取更深更廣的流通，實現更高的利潤份額，同時節省量產所需的人力。長期下來造成資本的兩極分配，使勞動者的晉升、流動乃至於再生產出現困難。 資本因應秀異者高工資的利潤擠壓以及勞動者再生產困難的困局，是藉全球化之便作生產外逃，使產業空洞化。除了取他國低廉勞動力與製作補貼的外因以解釋晚近美國電影業深化全球分工的格局，本文試圖提供長時段資本運動的內因，作為理解當代全球好萊塢構造的另一途徑。 / A few giant corporations dominate US domestic motion picture market and also play key roles in global markets. So people who criticize this situations are usually motivated by goals of anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist or anti-dumping and want to protect their own national market or pluralistic culture. However, motion pictures in US have been commercialized and traded for capital accumulation and expansion since their birth. Not like other countries' governments give stable financial support to their movie and TV industries, US motion picture industry seldom received government direct supports and US has been major exporter of video goods and new communication technology after 1910s. By exploring the history of motion picture industry we would understand the capital movement of this industry. In other words, we need to identify the political economic process of capital exploits video goods, occupies surplus value, and promotes the innovation of technology and expansion. Generally speaking, individual capital renews production technology and upgrades productivity for higher rate of profit while makes macro/total profit rate falling in the long run. It is said that the movement of capital is cyclic and production would experiences phases like crisis, recessionary, recovery, and upswing. We could identify these phases in the history of US motion picture industry, but we didn't know exactly how and why profit rate fluctuated and the mode of production, relation of production changed correspondingly. I collected raw data from National Income and Product Account published by Bureau of Economic Analysis and corporation tax reports published by Internal Revenue System which were calculated for for profit rate of motion picture industry from 1947 to 1997. The result shows that the rate of profit falling in the long run. And I used Weisskopf's method to analysis the factors of profit rate and have conclusions that the first falling rate of profit after 2nd world war was caused by market shrinking and the second one was caused by rising wage and organic composition of capital. By reviewing the history of US motion picture industry, especially the process of means of circulation and production changed, then comparing the history with trend of profit rate, I argue that the main reason of falling rate in last decades is stronger bargaining power of a few elite talents who asked for ultra-high compensations. When capital faced shrinking market and tried to saved normal cost by dismissing lots of in-house labour and production outsourcing, it could not help but rely "free" workers and accepted unexpected high wages while more and more fund and resources were concentrated on fewer and fewer production projects. A few ultra-high quality films which circulate more widely and deeply would realize more profit and save labour cost for capital. But in the long run this would polarize capital using and make upgrading, mobility and reproduction of labour more difficult. Furthermore, the accumulation of capital is difficult too as profit rate falling. Capital responded to this plight by production runaway. This is the main issue of Global Hollywood. Besides the factors of cheaper labour or subsidies from foreign governments, I try to argue the inner logic of capital movement would lead the same result. That's why global Hollywood globalized.

This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australia’s own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶ Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesia’s invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian government’s control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesia’s political upheaval also raised the spectre of the ‘Balkanisation’ of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an ‘arc of instability’ that arose in this period.¶ Australia’s insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australia’s economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australia’s policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶ In addition, the intervention reinforced Australia’s standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶ This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australia’s support of Indonesia’s invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-09-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:09:55Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 padilha_tma_me_mar.pdf: 1717459 bytes, checksum: 39519ad5455a0c1bffa0d8c310e35254 (MD5) / O objetivo geral deste trabalho é acompanhar a reflexão desse autor sobre a questão agráriocamponesa, através da análise dos escritos mais importantes de Lenin sobre o tema, entre os anos de 1893 e 1923. Esse recorte se justifica por encampar todo o período de escritos do autor. Enquanto os marxistas do Ocidente atuavam no seio do movimento operário, Lenin operava no quadro particular da hegemonia ideológica do eslavismo narodinik – populismo russo. Para os populistas o capitalismo era um processo artificial na Rússia e o povo russo encontraria sua redenção através da comuna agrária, considerada pelos narodiniks a essência desse povo. Lenin está claramente posto no campo marxista ao entender a necessidade de desenvolvimento das forças produtivas e, no que diz respeito à revolução, a única classe radicalmente revolucionária seria o operariado. No entanto, sua teoria teve influências dos narodiniks, que acreditavam ser o camponês a única classe revolucionária. É nesse contexto que buscamos entender os meandros em que se forjou a produção teórico-política de Lenin, contemplando sua análise do capitalismo na Rússia e seus desdobramentos; da formação econômico-social específica da Rússia; da revolução burguesa, com a participação dos trabalhadores do campo; do papel do campesinato russo nas transformações sociais; do campesinato no contexto de uma revolução socialista internacional; do campesinato como base social essencial do novo Estado que se originou da Revolução de 1917; e, finalmente, o significado da aliança operário-camponesa. / The general purpose of this work is to follow the discussion about the agrarian-peasant question, by analyzing the most important writings of Lenin on the subject, between the years 1893 and 1923. This cut is justified due to encamp the whole period of the author's writings. While the Western Marxists working within the movement, Lenin worked in specific context of ideological hegemony of the Slav narodinik - Russian populism. The populists believed that capitalism was an artificial process in Russia, therefore, Russian people find their redemption through the agrarian community, deemed by narodiniks the essence of people. Lenin is clearly inserted in the Marxist view of the need for development of productive forces and, regarding the revolution, the only revolutionary class would be radically workforces. However, his theory had narodiniks influences, who believed the peasantry was the only revolutionary class. In this context we seek to understand the intricacies that were forged Lenin’s political-theory production, including his analysis of capitalism in Russia and its developments, the economic and social specific training in Russia, the bourgeois revolution, with the participation of employees in field, the role of the Russian peasantry in the social transformations, the peasantry in the context of an international socialist revolution, the peasantry as a social basis essential that the new state led the Revolution of 1917, and finally, the meaning of the worker-peasant alliance.

« Entre mon marxisme et mon décadentisme, il manquait la médiation d’un troisième terme qui est justement le christianisme ». Ainsi s’exprime Pasolini en 1964. Cette thèse propose de réexaminer La ricotta à partir d’une notion théologique : la réserve eschatologique élaborée par Jean-Baptiste Metz en dialogue avec les théologiens de la libération. A cette lumière, l’examen du procès de La ricotta et de son conflit central autour du rire, du sacré et du blasphème, offre la possibilité d’appréhender à nouveaux frais la portée politique des choix esthétiques de Pasolini puis de restaurer la trame historique sur laquelle se détache son œuvre. La ricotta répondait à une commande de film sur la fin du monde. L’approche par l’eschatologie éclaire la réponse pasolinienne : son récit de Passion lui permet de se positionner comme marxiste athée, à l’intérieur d’une culture chrétienne assumée et revivifiée. Enfin, la réserve eschatologique qui travaille l’esthétique du peuple dans La ricotta, notamment dans letraitement des voix, ouvre le pastiche pasolinien au temps des figurants. / “Somewhere between my Marxism and my Decadentism, a third term was missing which is, in fact, Christianity”, dixit Pasolini in 1964. This thesis will re-examine La ricotta, through a theological prism : using the Eschatological Reservations developed by Johann Baptist Metz in tandem with the Liberation Theologists. In the light of this concept, the study of the trial of La ricotta and its central tension built around the comic, the sacred and the blasphemous, will allow us to consider the political weight of Pasolini’s aesthetic choices and to reconstruct the historic background of his work. La ricotta was commissioned as a film about the end of the world. One may shed new light on Pasolini’s creation by using eschatological theory. Through his interpretation of the Passion of Christ, he appears as a Marxist atheist within his asserted and revitalized Christian culture. To conclude, the Eschatological Reservations influence Pasolini’s aesthetic interpretation of the poor and their voices in Laricotta, and herald a new era, the Age of the Extras.

Este trabalho de literatura comparada interpreta as obras Ensaio sobre a cegueira (1995), A caverna (2000) e Ensaio sobre a lucidez (2004) a partir de uma perspectiva interdisciplinar sustentada por aproximações intertextuais entre literatura e filosofia. Meu objetivo é analisar como a ficção de Saramago dialoga com a Alegoria da caverna, de Platão, ressignificando-a por meio de um deslocamento do idealismo platônico para o campo do materialismo marxista. Para tanto, proponho uma leitura alegórica, intertextual e interdisciplinar. A literatura, parte inalienável da cultura, permitiu a Saramago aproximar o idealismo platônico do materialismo marxista e, através da linguagem literária, fundir estas visões de mundo e reconstituir ficcionalmente as ideias inerentes a elas. O trabalho analítico toma como referenciais F. Jameson (1992), W.Benjamin (1984) e I. Mészáros (2002), e enfoca aspectos do nível da narrativa, entre eles sequências, causalidades e personagens, de modo a identificar suas funções e convergências no nível da significação alegórica. Considero os textos ficcionais metonímias do real e, neste sentido, pretendo evidenciar como Saramago estabelece em sua ficção um diálogo com a referencialidade histórica do tempo presente, no qual o capitalismo rege a vida dos indivíduos e das instituições sociais através de suas práticas de produção, de sua base material e de sua ideologia. A intertextualidade foi o operador de leitura que norteou esta pesquisa, e a interdisciplinaridade, a metodologia. Na alegoria criada por Saramago, a cegueira tem na figura feminina um elemento importante. Por isso, analisei a questão do gênero a fim de pontuar como convergem, nas personagens femininas e masculinas, valorações distintas que projetam o feminino como um lugar de positividade capaz de ressignificar valores do humano. / This work of comparative literature presents an interpretative reading of Blindness (1995), The Cave (2000) and Seeing (2004) from an interdisciplinary perspective supported by the dialogue between literature and philosophy. The objective is to analyze how the fiction of Saramago rewrites Plato’s Allegory of the cave. To this end, I propose an allegorical, intertextual and interdisciplinary reading. The analytical work takes as reference F. Jameson (1992), W.Benjamin (1984) and I. Mészáros (2002), and focuses on aspects of the narrative such as sequences, causality and characters to identify its functions and its convergence on the level of allegorical meaning. I consider the novels metonymies of the real, and I intend to show how Saramago´s fiction engages with the historical present, in which capitalism rules the individuals’ life and the life of the social institutions through its practices of production, its material basis and its ideology. Intertextuality is the textual operator that guided the reading, and interdisciplinarity a key aspect of its methodology. In the allegory created by Saramago, the issue of blindness places female characters in a very special position. So, I´ve introduced the category of gender to highlight not so much the social construction of male and female characters but the different meanings attributed to them and which charge the feminine with positivity, empowering female characters to project values that resignify the human.

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).