為什麼今天我們仍然需要《資本論》？應該如何讀它？台灣是個左翼思想長期受到壓抑的社會，思考這兩個問題的人並不多，但筆者認為要瞭解世界和台灣資本主義的發展，卡爾•馬克思（Karl Marx）始終是個無法迴避的思想者。此篇論文是筆者在回答這兩個問題的基礎上，試著重訪《資本論》對資本主義的洞見、駁斥被當作意識形態工具的主流經濟學理論，前者和後者互為彼此的手段和目的，只有藉由將主流理論的缺陷呈現出來，才能讓人認知到對《資本論》的需要，只有透過《資本論》這套不同的理論框架，才能襯托出主流經濟學整體世界觀上的偏誤。主流經濟學對勞動市場的想像，不但壟斷了學術話語權，更矇蔽了一般人的認知，最糟糕的是，這套理論強烈傾向維持市場自律的保守立場，禁錮了勞動者的思想、馴服了勞工運動的反抗力量。筆者將在此篇論文裡，隨著《資本論》經濟範疇的展開，亦步亦趨地解構主流經濟學理論的哲學基礎、分析方法和結論，將這套理論的錯誤和意識形態幽靈赤裸裸地呈現出來，最後，試著建立一套以馬克思主義為基礎的替代性分析框架，以理解諸如提高工資運動等現實議題的意義，在理論上重新找回勞動階級自我解放的前途。

& KEYWORDS The topic of this thesis is a metatextual analysis of representative Chinese publications about sport published in the post-Olympic era. Together they offer a comprehensive perspective of the sport in China. The thesis employs critical approach to examine Chinese perception of their own history, Chinese motivation to develop competitive sports, the state- run sports system in China, as well as various problems and challenges lying ahead of Chinese sport, ready to be tackled. Part of the thesis offers an analysis of linguistic and ideological aspect of the Chinese publications. The thesis also encounters the topic of the rise of China (i.e. People's Republic of China) and offers brief explanations in relation to the main topic rather than in a broader context. Keywords: modern history of China, history of sport, sport in China, competitive sports, state-run sports system, language & ideology, Marxism, People's Republic of China

The dissertation is following both theoretical and practical sides of Victor Burgin's early work. The structure of this thesis mainly reflects a hybrid attitude of the artist/theorist - the text digress from theoretical comments to related art works which are arranged chronologically. The principal focus lies in Burgin's concers for ideological, social and cultural impacts of photographic advertising practice in Great Britain during the 1970s which he assesed through theories derived from marxism, semiology and psychoanalysis. Keywords: Victor Burgin, photography theory, minimal art, conceptual art, cognitive science, semiotics, modernism, postmodernism, LEF (Left Front of the Arts), marxism, psychoanalysis, feminism

[pt] Esta tese objetiva analisar discursivamente os sentidos produzidos em torno dos projetos político-pedagógicos (PPP) elaborados pelas escolas públicas do município de Duque de Caxias (RJ). Compreende-se o PPP como fruto do trabalho humano que, agindo e refletindo sobre o mundo, produz certo entendimento sobre as relações, os fatos e os objetos da realidade. Enquanto produto deste trabalho, o PPP se constitui como uma construção sócio-política que significa o trabalho educativo, explicitando os conflitos, as cooptações em torno das dimensões política e pedagógica. Intenta-se, portanto, delinear os sentidos fornecidos às políticas públicas educacionais do referido município, observando o dialogismo estabelecido com as políticas educacionais mais abrangentes, ampliando, assim, o corpus de análise para outros documentos, tais como Pressupostos Teóricos da Secretaria de Educação de Duque de Caxias (SME, 2002); as Diretrizes para a Construção do Projeto Político- Pedagógico das Escolas Municipais (SME, s/d.); e os Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (MEC, 1996). Através da superfície discursiva, detecta-se movimentos de dominação, coerção, contradição e consenso, visto que a língua não se constitui como simples depósito das idéias dominantes (McNally, 1999). Há, assim, possibilidades de elaboração de um pensamento contra-hegemônico e/ou mantenedor do status quo. Para tanto, o referencial teórico-metodológico balizador da análise se pauta nos estudos bakhtinianos, pois, através da linguagem se materializa, de forma mais clara e completa, o fenômeno ideológico (Bakhtin/Voloshínov, 1992). A partir de Fairclough (2001a; 2001b) e Authier-Revuz (2004; 1998), organizamos as ferramentas de análise - a pressuposição, o metadiscurso, a interdiscursividade - que possibilitam elucidar a historicidade dos documentos, os sentidos construídos, o dialogismo e a heterogeneidade que lhe são constitutivos. A análise propicia observar que o PPP se constitui de forma polissêmica, instituindo-se como um espaço de construção coletiva, portanto, uma prática discursiva que define as bases coletivas de um projeto de escola; como um espaço discursivo, posto que relaciona discurso e ação; e como um texto concreto que rege as ações administrativo-pedagógicas. O sentido predominante constituído em torno da cidadania lhe fornece uma dimensão teleológica. Assim, os PPP, ao delinearem os sentidos de cidadania, constroem, também, sentidos sobre a Escola pública, sobre a Educação e, conseqüentemente, sobre os sujeitos que estão envolvidos em sua construção. Destarte, o discurso hegemônico construído em torno do PPP o institui como um discurso fundador (Orlandi, 2003) capaz de delinear uma nova escola. / [en] This tesis analyses the discursive construction of meanings produced around the political-pedagogic projects (PPP) elaborated by the public schools of the Municipality of Duque de Caxias (RJ). The PPP is understood as the fruit of human labour that, acting and reflecting on the world, produces a certain understanding of the relations, facts and objects of reality. As a product of this labour, the PPP constitutes a socialpolitical construction that signifies educational work, making clear its conflicts and aliances. The intention of the study is to delineate the meanings that influence the educational policies of the above mentioned Municipality, observing the dialogism established with broader educational policies, thus amplifying the corpus analysed to other documents produced by the Municipal Educational Secretariate. By analysing the discursive surface of these documents, movements of domination, coertion, contradiction and consensus are detected, given that language is not a simple deposit of dominant ideas (McNally, 1999). Thus, there exists a possibility of elaborating contrahegemonic thought e/ou maintaining the status quo. The theoretical and methodological framework for the analysis is based on the work of Bakhtin, which shows that ideological phenomena materialize more clearly and completely through language (Bakhtin/Voloshinov, 1992). The instruments of analysis - pressuposition, metadiscourse and interdiscursivity - were organised using Fairclough (2001a; 2001b) and Authier-Revuz (2004; 1998) as references, allowing us to elucidade the historicity of the documents, the meanings constructed, their dialogism and their heterogeneous nature. The results show that the PPP constitute themselves in a polysemic form, thus creating a space for collective construction, that is, a discursive practice that defines the collective foundation of the school`s project: as a discursive space, given the relation between discourse and action, and as a concrete text that conditions its administrativepedagogic actions. The predominant meaning of citizenship constructed offers a teleological dimension. Thus, in delineating the meanings of citizenship, the PPP also construct meanings of public schools, education and, consequently, of the subjects that are envolved in their construction. Finally, the hegemonic discourse constructed around the PPP institutes a founding discourse (Orlandi, 2003) capable of delineating a new school. / [es] Esta tesis objetiva analizar discursivamente los sentidos producidos en torno a los proyectos político-pedagógicos (PPP) elaborados por las escuelas públicas de la alcaldía de Duque de Caxias (RJ). Se comprende el PPP como fruto del trabajo humano que, actuando y reflexionando sobre el mundo, produce cierto entendimiento sobre las relaciones, los hechos y los objetos de la realidad. Como producto de este trabajo, el PPP se presenta como una construcción sociopolítica que significa el trabajo educativo, explicitando los conflictos, las cooptaciones en torno a las dimensiones política y pedagógica. Se intenta, por lo tanto, delinear los sentidos planteados a las políticas públicas educacionales de la referida alcaldía, observando el dialogismo establecido con las políticas educacionales más amplias, ampliando, así, el corpus de análisis para otros documentos, tales como Presupuestos Teóricos de la Secretaría de Educación de Duque de Caxias (SME, 2002); las Directrices para la Construcción del Proyecto Político- Pedagógico de las Escuelas Municipales (SME, s/d.); y los Parámetros Curriculares Nacionales (MEC, 1996). A través de la superficie discursiva, se detectan movimientos de dominación, coerción, contradicción y consenso, puesto que la lengua no se constituye como sencillo depósito de las ideas dominantes (McNally, 1999). Hay, así, posibilidades de elaboración de un pensamiento contra- hegemónico y/o mantenedor del status quo. Para tanto, la referencia teórico-metodológica que demarca el análisis se pauta en los estudios bakhtinianos, puesto que, a través del lenguaje se materializa, de forma más clara y completa, el fenómeno ideológico (Bakhtin/Voloshínov, 1992). Basándonos en Fairclough (2001a; 2001b) y Authier-Revuz (2004; 1998), organizamos las herramientas del análisis - la presuposición, el metadiscurso, la interdiscursividad - que posibilitan elucidar la historicidad de los documentos, los sentidos construidos, el dialogismo y la heterogeneidad que les constituyen. El análisis permite observar que el PPP se constituye de forma polisémica, instituyéndose como un espacio de construcción colectiva, por lo tanto una práctica discursiva que define los fundamentos colectivos de un proyecto de escuela; como un espacio discursivo, puesto que relaciona discurso y acción; y como un texto concreto que rige las acciones administrativo-pedagógicas. El sentido preponderante constituido en torno a la ciudadanía le atribuye una dimensión teleológica. Así, los PPP, al delinear los sentidos de ciudadanía, instituyen también, sentidos sobre la escuela pública, sobre la educación y, en consecuencia, sobre los sujetos que están involucrados en su construcción. De esta forma, el discurso hegemónico construido para el PPP se instituye como un discurso fundador (Orlandi, 2003) capaz de delinear una nueva escuela.

L'interprétation causale de la mécanique quantique a été décrite en premier lieu par les historiens comme une conséquence de l'influence croissante du marxisme chez les physiciens des pays occidentaux. En effet, au cours des années 1950, le noyau du groupe de physiciens impliqués dans le programme causal autour de Jean-Pierre Vigier et Louis de Broglie à l'Institut Henri Poincaré est majoritairement constitué soit de membres, soit de sympathisants du PCF. Leurs travaux sont fortement influencés par les critiques soviétiques contre l'interprétation dominante de la mécanique quantique, l'interprétation dite de Copenhague. Entre autres, Vigier critique le pragmatisme qui règne dans la physique de l'après-guerre et pense que le manque de réflexion philosophique est en grande partie responsable de la crise que traverse la physique fondamentale, telle que le problème de la renormalisation. Le groupe a également porté la question de l'interprétation de la théorie au sein du PCF d'où est née une controverse au sein du parti qui a soulevé la problématique de la relation entre le marxisme et la science.La théorie fait également partie d'un programme de recherche plus global lié aux questions contemporaines en physique. Ce point est souvent oublié, ce qui mène à la conclusion erronée que la motivation du groupe IHP est seulement de nature idéologique et, par conséquent, que leur activité est hors de la science. Dès 1957, en collaboration avec des physiciens japonais, le groupe a proposé une théorie des particules élémentaires et un système de classification, à une époque où une théorie consensuelle manque encore / The Causal Interpretation of Quantum Mechanics was in the first place described by historians as a consequence of the growing influence of Marxism among physicists in Western countries. Indeed, during the 1950s, the core of the group of physicists involved in the Causal program around Jean-Pierre Vigier and Louis de Broglie at the Institut Henri Poincaré was mainly constituted either of members or sympathizers of the PCF. Their works were strongly influenced by critics from Soviet Union against the mainstream interpretation of Quantum Mechanics, the so called Copenhagen interpretation. Vigier criticized the pragmatism which prevailed in the Postwar physics and thought that the lack of philosophical considerations was in great part responsible for the crisis in fundamental physics, such as the problem of renormalization. They also put the issue of the interpretation of the theory inside the PCF and created a controversy inside the party which raised the relationship between Marxism and science. The theory was also part of a more global research program linked with contemporary questions in physics. This point is often forgotten which leads to the erroneous conclusion that the motivation of the IHP group was only ideological and, therefore, their activity was out of science. As early as 1957, in collaboration with Japanese physicists, the group proposed a theory for elementary particles and a method of their classification, in a period in where a standard theory was still missing

In a prospective post-work society, a select group of citizens participate in a cross-temporal project. As we follow along their journeys, questions arise. How does time move when it is no longer a commodity? What is design in the age of rampant robotics? How do we define creativity? What is wasted potential, and is it possible to be a failure? Most importantly, can fiction teach us anything about reality?

Esta tese tem como objetivo o estudo e a análise da evolução dos partidos políticos de matriz socialista na política argentina durante um século (1880 e 1980). Ainda notamos a ausência no âmbito acadêmico de uma análise minuciosa e coerente de e do conjunto das organizações que formaram parte do Partido Socialista (PS). O mesmo ocorre com suas múltiplas divisões e incorporações ou com os vários aspectos políticos, sociais e culturais que sua praxis implicou. Neste sentido, esta tese tem dois objetivos, por um lado cobrir a mencionada lacuna e por outro colaborar com a reconstrução da memória histórica das classes subalternas. Relaciona os partidos socialistas argentinos com o socialismo internacional, o marxismo e seu impacto na América Latina, no marco da formação econômico-social argentina e dos processos políticos argentinos em sua interação com outras esquerdas, os dois grandes movimentos nacionais, o radicalismo e o peronismo, os conservadores e os militares. / The object of this thesis is the study and analysis of the evolution processes of the socialist political parties in argentinian politics during a century (1880 to 1980). We can even now notice the absence in the academic level of a minute and coherent analisys of the hole picture involving the organizations that took part in the formation of the Socialist Party (PS). The same happens in the multiple divisions and mergers or the various political, social and cultural aspects involved in its praxis. So, this thesis has two objectives, in a way, tends to cover the absence of academic literature about the subject and, in another sense, cooperate with the reconstruction of the working clases memory history. It draws the relation between the argentinian socialist parties, the marxism and its social and economic impacts in Latin America, and, finally, the mayor argentinian political processes like the radicals, the peronismo, the conservatives and the military.

Die vorliegende Arbeit skizziert eine materialistische Antwort auf die Frage, welche gesellschaftliche Bedeutung Sprache hat, in welchem Sinne sie Bedingung für und inwiefern sie in Abhängigkeit von gesellschaftlichen Strukturen ist. Den Rahmen bildet die materialistische Geschichtsauffassung und Gesellschaftstheorie. Sie wird zunächst in ihrer Ausarbeitung durch Marx und Engels ohne Verbindung mit einer entwickelten materialistischen Sprachtheorie eingeführt. Es folgt ein Gang durch sprachtheoretische Fragestellungen, die unterhalb der gesellschaftstheoretischen Ebene angesiedelt sind: Wittgensteins Auffassung der Sprache als Regelfolgepraxis wird als Idealismuskritik des Abbildungsparadigmas in der Sprachphilosophie gedeutet, anhand der Kulturhistorischen Schule der russischen Psychologie wird Sprache als Orientierungsmittel und materielle Basis komplexerer Zwecksetzungen bestimmt und schließlich an Brandoms pragmatistischer Rekonstruktion der logischen Gliederung der Sprache die Stellung innersprachlicher Regelstrukturen diskutiert. Die gesellschaftliche Ebene wird im letzten Kapitel anhand von materialistischen Gesellschaftstheorien der Sprache (Gramsci), der Ideologie (Projekt Ideologietheorie) und des Diskurses (Fairclough) wieder aufgenommen und mit den Resultaten der vorangegangenen Kapitel vermittelt. Dabei wird die zuvor entwickelte Bestimmung der Sprache als Mittel der Orientierung und Zwecksetzung im Verhältnis zu nichtsprachlichen gesellschaftlichen Strukturen und ihrer historischen Besonderung entfaltet. / The text provides an outline of a materialist answer to what significance language has in relation to society, in which sense it is a condition for and in how far it is dependent on social structures. The materialist notion of history and materialist social theory serve as theoretical framework. They are first introduced as developed by Marx and Engels without any relation to a full-fledged materialist language theory. In a second step problems of language theory below the level of social theory are tackled: Wittgenstein‘s concept of language as a praxis of rule-following is interpreted as a critique of the idealism that informs the representation paradigm in language philosophy; following the cultural-historical psychology language is defined as means of orientation and material basis for complex goal setting; Brandom‘s pragmatist reconstruction of the logical structure of language serves as background for discussing the status of immanent rule structures of language. The social level is then taken up again and mediated with the results of the discussion of sub-social language theories by drawing on materialist social theories of language (Gramsci), of ideology (Projekt Ideologietheorie), and of discourse (Fairclough). The definition of language as a means of orientiation and goal setting is developed in its relation to non-language social structures and their historical specificity.

Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien. / Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.

This study identifies the characteristics of seven key principles of good/corporate governance at three levels: as notions that originated in business; in their applications to sport through systematic review; and in relation to the interpretations given to them in the Olympic Movement. The aims of this study are, thus, to establish and utilise the IOC s definitions/interpretations and operationalisations of corporate and/or good governance developed in a western framework and apply to a non-western NOC, the Korean Olympic Committee (KOC). This study adopts critical realist assumptions which give rise to the hypothesis that both the regularities of the Korean society and its unobservable social structures have an impact on the corporate governance of the KOC. It also uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine each interviewee s discourse in order to identify the knowledge embraced by it and to interpret social practice(s) and the exercise of power. CDA is employed in relation to four selected events follows: the KOC/KSC merger, budgetary planning, the recruitment of staff in terms of gender and disability equity and the processes used for selecting the KOC President and the Chef de Mission. The unobservable deep structure is shown to be real domain in Korean society by the social practices exhibited in the four events. The government and, in particular, the State President represent the highest and most influential authority in decision-making on Korean sports policy. That power relationship coupled with the pre-existing structure of the KOC/KSC s financial dependency on the government has resulted in a situation where the government has been able to interfere greatly in the KOC/KSC s overall decision-making on sports policy including the election of the President of the KOC. The KOC/KSC President is the most influential stakeholder in the decision-making within the organisation including the selection of Chef de Mission. As the pre-existing structure of cultural expectations determines that women should usually quit their jobs after marriage and that people with disabilities are incapable of working, the strongly male with abilities-dominated organisational culture has resulted in a social phenomenon whereby few females or people with impairments have succeeded in being promoted to senior positions. From the macro-level perspective, the first KOC/KSC merger accomplished on the orders of the State President shows the dominance of economic power as suggested in Marxist influenced forms of analysis. The incumbent KOC President, who is at the pinnacle of the business elite, contributed to the KOC/KSC merger, which illustrates the aspect of elitism. In connection with the budgetary process, this may be viewed as evidence of the existence of a neo-corporatist structure in which the state plays a central role and acts in a unitary way with the involvement of a limited number of actors. With respect to the meso-level perspective, the aspect of clientelism is exhibited since the government habitually appoints its political aides to be the heads of various sporting organisations. Concerning political governance, it becomes obvious that the government has direct control over KOC/KSC s policy. In terms of systemic governance, the relations among the domestic stakeholders of the KOC are more likely to follow a hierarchical type of governance, as the government has adopted the highest position and the National Federations are under the control of the KOC/KSC. With reference to Lukes (1974) second dimension of power this can be evidenced in the context of the non-decision making roles of women and the disabled. The IOC s interpretations of the key principles of corporate governance in a western framework are applied to the KOC. Accountability, responsibility, transparency and democracy are established but the KOC s governance practices are not equivalent, while effectiveness and efficiency are interpreted as the same ways of the IOC s. In general, power centralisation is apparent throughout the Korean cultural context. The KOC s power structure and organisational culture is likely to be concentrated to the KOC President within the organisation and broadly, the Korean government enjoys its power centralisation decision-making in the Korean context which gives rise to a peculiarly Korean way of interpreting and applying the principles of corporate governance. In such circumstances, nevertheless, where the KOC is making an effort to align its practices with the IOC s recommendations as much as possible, the indication is that the KOC is on course to reflect the IOC s governance practices.