本論文探討中華民國「軍事事務革命」研究。本論文是以「巴特雷特模型」(Model of Bartlett)概念，說明中華民國推動「軍事事務革命」(Revolution in Military Affairs,RMA)主要因為中華民國國家安全在內外因素影響下產生了變化；外部因素為中共解放軍的武力威脅，內部因素為中華民國在國防政策、軍事戰略與軍文關係上發生重大轉變。以上兩樣關鍵變數的糾結難解，讓中華民國國家安全起了變化，導致中華民國在國防上必須針對軍事戰略、兵力規劃、兵力整建、國防科技等重要的變因尋求精進之道，自然加速了中華民國「軍事事務革命」的推動。中華民國軍隊正大力推動「軍事事務革命」，國防自主化為當前國防建設的重點工作，文章中曾就中華民國國防自主化實施評估並提出建議，俾利中華民國「軍事事務革命」的施行。 關鍵字：「巴特雷特模型」(Midel of Bartlett)；「軍事事務革命」(Revolution in Military Affairs, RMA) / The Study of Revolution in Military Affairs in the Republic of China This Article is to study the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) in the Republic of China (ROC). According to the Model of Bartlett, this paper discusses the external threat from People's Republic of China's (PRC) military forces and the internal factors such as the ROC defense policy, military strategy, and civilian-military organizational culture. In this transition era, the factors do also affect ROC's national security and its national defense policy. As a result, the ROC national defense in the military strategy, force planning, force rebuilt, and defense technology have to seek improvement. The author analyzes the external and internal factors to make a constructional suggestion to accelerate the revolution of military affairs. Recently, ROC military has done a great effort on the implementation of the RMA. It is the most important to construct ROC national defense self-reliance. By pointing out some problems of ROC's defense strategies, the author proposes that the defense self-reliance has to be reviewed and rebuilt to make the implementation of the RMA. Keywords: Model of Bartlett, Revolution in Military Affairs

Cette thèse s’inscrit dans une perspective combinant le paradigme réaliste des relations internationales et la pensée clausewitzienne, afin d’évaluer l’impact des révolutions dans les affaires militaires (RAM) offensives sur les équilibres internationaux et la puissance militaire des Etats. Au sein d’un système international anarchique, une innovation offensive confère un avantage militaire à son possesseur devant lui permettre de façonner son environnement par un recours à la force pour transformer le statu quo et imposer plus aisément sa volonté à ses adversaires. Cette thèse propose d’évaluer l’impact des RAM offensives du XXe siècle sur la puissance militaire des Etats à l’aune de deux facteurs : la conservation par l’innovateur d’un avantage militaire sur ses adversaires et sa capacité à leur imposer sa volonté en leur infligeant une défaite décisive. La perspective réaliste et clausewitzienne adoptée amène ainsi à rappeler le caractère intrinsèquement interactif et compétitif d’un système anarchique. Source d’avantage militaire pour son possesseur, une RAM offensive est également source de menace et d’opportunité pour les acteurs l’observant. Son apparition et, plus encore, son emploi devraient ainsi susciter des réactions d’équilibre des puissances internes à l’origine d’une diffusion des capacités et d’une efficacité décroissante de l’innovation. Cette thèse rejette ensuite le postulat d’une relation de causalité simple entre RAM offensive et victoire. La capacité d’un innovateur à remporter une victoire décisive est avant tout conditionnée par des considérations politico-stratégiques telles que la définition des buts de guerre et la supériorité de la défensive sur l’offensive. Les hypothèses formulées sont testées à partir de l’étude de trois cas : la révolution des armes combinées de la Première Guerre mondiale, la « guerre-éclair », et la « guerre de précision » apparue au cours des deux dernières décennies. / This dissertation aims to assess the impact of Twentieh Century offensive revolutions in military affairs (RMA) on the distribution of military power in the international system. To do so, it combines elements from the realist paradigm of international relations and from clausewitzian strategic theory. In an anarchical international system, a state possessing an offensive RMA should be able to shape its security environment by changing the status quo and to impose its will on adversaries through the use of force. The impact of offensive innovations on states’ military power is assessed by looking at two variables: the ability of the innovator to maintain a military advantage over its adversaries, and its ability to impose its will by inflicting decisive defeats. Combining realism and clausewitzian theory leads us to reaffirm that an anarchical international system is intrinsically interactive and competitive. While an offensive RMA can offer a tremendous military advantage to its possessor, states facing it can see it as both a threat and an opportunity. Its disclosure and employment should trigger internal balancing policies, which would in turn cause a spread of military capabilities and decrease the RMA’s overall effectiveness. This dissertation also rejects the idea of a direct causal link between offensive RMAs and victory. Above all, an innovator’s ability to obtain decisive victory lies with political and strategic factors such as war aims and the superiority of defense over offense. Three case studies have been conducted to test the resulting hypotheses: the First World War combined-arms revolution, the blitzkrieg revolution, and the information technology revolution that occurred during the last two decades.

Uppsatsen syftar till att med den så kallade dagordningsmodellen inom ramen för beslutsteori förstå varför det nätverksbaserade försvaret, NBF, aldrig realiserades. Uppsatsen visar hur konceptet Revolution in Military Affairs, RMA, under namnet NBF blev en central del av ominriktningen, dvs. reformarbetet i Försvarsmakten kring millennieskiftet och fanns med i försvarsbesluten 2001 och 2004 men ändå försvann det före 10-talets början. NBF som var ett modernt nationellt försvarskoncept trängdes ut helt av ett antal faktorer: den rådande tidsandan som präglades av en vision om evig fred, interna stridigheter i försvarssektorn, Sveriges ambition att bli en ledande nation i den europeiska utrikes- och säkerhetspolitiken genom att leda en EU-stridsgrupp och minskade ekonomiska ramar. Sammanfattningsvis var RMA idén som ominriktningen inledningsvis skulle bygga på. Samtidigt introducerades begreppet insatsförsvar som ett övergripande koncept för försvaret. RMA fick så småningom namnet NBF varefter dess popularitet minskade och konceptet ersattes av EU-stridsgruppskonceptet. I uppsatsen aktualiseras den klassiska relationen mellan aktör och struktur. Agerandet från ÖB Owe Wiktorin och generalen Johan Kihl kan i förstone uppfattas som det mest avgörande för händelseutvecklingen, men i det långa loppet var Försvarsmaktens strukturer med dess urgamla försvarsgrensorganisering sannolikt minst lika avgörande.

L’abondante littérature existante sur la vie politique haïtienne, œuvres de propagande ou de réprobation des gouvernements, fait de l’histoire politique un lieu de règlement de compte, ce qui donne une allure de polémique passionnée aux textes de nos aînés. Avec cette thèse, nous rejoignons et nous contribuons au travail de quelques rares spécialistes, universitaires de sciences humaines et sociales, qui cherchent à renouveler l’histoire politique haïtienne. Étudier les mécanismes de la prise du pouvoir exécutif en Haïti, ce n’est pas seulement le fait de dénoncer des élections truquées, des coups d’État, des insurrections qualifiées à tort de révolution ; mais c’est surtout une volonté de montrer de nombreux efforts qui ont été faits pour instaurer un régime démocratique et moderniser la vie politique haïtienne. L’objectif du travail, c’est de montrer comment Haïti passait de l’acclamation du chef d’État aux insurrections, des armes aux bulletins de vote et aboutir au suffrage universel. / The Abundant literature on the Haitian political life, as works of propaganda or disapproval of the governments, fact of the political history a place of settling of score, which gives a pace to impassioned polemic concerning the written documents of the elder generation of historians. This thesis, join and contribute to the work of some rare social scientists, which seek to renew Haitian political history. Studying the mechanisms of the executive seizure of power in Haiti does not mean denouncing faked elections, putsch, revolts, that are wrongly qualified of revolution. But it especially concerns a will to show the efforts which were made to establish a democratic regime and to modernize the Haitian political life. The objective of this work is to explain how Haiti has passed from the acclamation of the Head of State to insurrections, from weapons to polls, and from polls to the vote for all.

Are drones revolutionary? Reading about military unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), or 'drones', one could be led to believe that drones are a revolutionary technology, set to fundamentally change warfare. Their fast proliferation, the association with Science Fiction, combined with the secrecy that surrounds drone use has led many to conclude that the 'Unmanned Revolution' is upon us. This thesis studies the Unmanned Revolution. It develops a framework based on the concept of the 'Revolution in Military Affairs' and applies it to the study of three countries' drone uses and integration into their armed forces. It furthermore explores the role that the designation as revolutionary has played for the integration and use of UAVs in the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It shows that drones have proven their worth in military operations and compares the three countries' experiences. This thesis' detailed assessment of how the different countries have adopted drones and what implication this adoption has had, makes it a work of reference, in particular with regard to the German and British case studies. Assessing five types of changes - operational, doctrinal, strategic, organisational, and social and societal - this thesis argues that the most fundamental, and possibly revolutionary, change caused by military drones is social, namely, the fundamentally changed experience of war by combatants. In addition, it highlights country-specific changes. It concludes that the designation of drones as revolutionary has had an important impact in one country, Germany, although in the opposite way than initially expected. Namely, the intense debate around UAVs has hindered drone procurement and doctrinal thinking. In the other two countries, the Unmanned Revolution narrative was less prevalent and hence less influential. As drones are proliferating globally, I hope my thesis can be of use to policy-makers, military decision-makers as well as researchers worldwide.

<p>So- called “Network Based Defense” (NBD) was introduced in Sweden in connection with the transformation of the Swedish Armed Forces in 1999. NBD is based on the U.S. variant Network Centric Warfare (NCW), which in turn is derived from research on the concept of Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA). In Sweden the concept was introduced and included not only the Armed Forces but was intended to also support the Swedish civilian agencies in order to create networks and hence share the available information and thus more effective crisis management and to provide more "bang for the buck." In developing the concept of NBD the Swedish Armed Forces used both economic and human resources, in the form of research, new technologies, new organization and new methods.</p><p>Between year 2004 and 2006 the Armed Forces once again entered the process of reorganization. This time to “classic” military hierarchical organization and NBD as development engine disappeared due to economic cutbacks, together with the decision to participate in the European Union (EU) rapid reaction force. The purpose of this essay is to study the theories and ideas behind the concept and why the concept "disappeared" a few years later. The result of the work suggests that the concept of NBD in its abstract form was too theoretical. The process of organization introduced by HKV -04 is the clearest example of this abstract ambiguity concerning command and responsibility. Research suggests that responsibility is the basis of military organization and operations. The results also shows that a number of experiences from the development of the NBD has been used in the more practically oriented transformation of the Armed Forces necessary by the commitments for the so- called Nordic Battle Group (NBG-08).</p><p>The results have also shown correlation between NBD development and the increased Nordic cooperation in the form of sea and air surveillance and the well-developed body interaction within the framework of the national crisis management capacity in Sweden.</p> / <p>Nätverks Baserat Försvar (NBF) infördes i Sverige inom ramen för transformationen av Försvarsmakten från ett invasionsförsvar till ett insatsförsvar. NBF bygger på den amerikanska varianten <em>Network Centric Warfare</em> (NCW) som i sin tur härstammar från forskningen kring begreppet <em>Revolution in Military Affairs</em> (RMA). Konceptet infördes och innefattade inte bara Försvarsmakten utan även stödmyndigheter i syfte att skapa ett nätverk och därmed dela tillgänglig information och därmed effektivisera krishanteringen och ge mer ”pang för pengarna”. Kring utvecklingen av konceptet NBF lades stora resurser i form av forskning, ny teknik, ny organisation och nya metoder.</p><p>År 2004 till 2006 omorganiserades Försvarsmakten återigen från införd processorganisation enligt NBF till klassisk militär hierarkisk organisation och NBF som utvecklingsmotor försvann i och med ekonomiska neddragningar tillsammans med beslutet om att delta i Europeiska Unionens (EU:s) snabbinsatsstyrka.</p><p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera tankar och teorier som ledde fram till NBF och vad som kan vara en förklaring till att NBF försvann några år senare.</p><p>Resultatet av arbetet med uppsatsen tyder på att konceptet NBF i sin abstrakta form blev för teoretiskt. Den processorganisation som infördes med HKV -04 är det tydligaste exemplet på denna abstrakta oklarhet främst vad gäller befäl och därtill kopplat ansvar.  Forskning pekar på att ansvar utgör grunden i militär organisation och verksamhet.  Resultaten visar också på att de positiva lärdomarna från utvecklingen av NBF i form av vikten av ”nätverkande” låg som grund till det mer praktiskt inriktade transformeringen av Försvarsmaktens delar genom Nordic Battle Group, (NBG-08). Resultatet har också påvisat samband mellan NBF utvecklingen och det utökade nordiska samarbetet i form av sjö och luftövervakning samt den likaså utvecklade myndighetssamverkan inom ramen för den nationella krishanteringsförmågan i Sverige.</p>

So- called “Network Based Defense” (NBD) was introduced in Sweden in connection with the transformation of the Swedish Armed Forces in 1999. NBD is based on the U.S. variant Network Centric Warfare (NCW), which in turn is derived from research on the concept of Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA). In Sweden the concept was introduced and included not only the Armed Forces but was intended to also support the Swedish civilian agencies in order to create networks and hence share the available information and thus more effective crisis management and to provide more "bang for the buck." In developing the concept of NBD the Swedish Armed Forces used both economic and human resources, in the form of research, new technologies, new organization and new methods. Between year 2004 and 2006 the Armed Forces once again entered the process of reorganization. This time to “classic” military hierarchical organization and NBD as development engine disappeared due to economic cutbacks, together with the decision to participate in the European Union (EU) rapid reaction force. The purpose of this essay is to study the theories and ideas behind the concept and why the concept "disappeared" a few years later. The result of the work suggests that the concept of NBD in its abstract form was too theoretical. The process of organization introduced by HKV -04 is the clearest example of this abstract ambiguity concerning command and responsibility. Research suggests that responsibility is the basis of military organization and operations. The results also shows that a number of experiences from the development of the NBD has been used in the more practically oriented transformation of the Armed Forces necessary by the commitments for the so- called Nordic Battle Group (NBG-08). The results have also shown correlation between NBD development and the increased Nordic cooperation in the form of sea and air surveillance and the well-developed body interaction within the framework of the national crisis management capacity in Sweden. / Nätverks Baserat Försvar (NBF) infördes i Sverige inom ramen för transformationen av Försvarsmakten från ett invasionsförsvar till ett insatsförsvar. NBF bygger på den amerikanska varianten Network Centric Warfare (NCW) som i sin tur härstammar från forskningen kring begreppet Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA). Konceptet infördes och innefattade inte bara Försvarsmakten utan även stödmyndigheter i syfte att skapa ett nätverk och därmed dela tillgänglig information och därmed effektivisera krishanteringen och ge mer ”pang för pengarna”. Kring utvecklingen av konceptet NBF lades stora resurser i form av forskning, ny teknik, ny organisation och nya metoder. År 2004 till 2006 omorganiserades Försvarsmakten återigen från införd processorganisation enligt NBF till klassisk militär hierarkisk organisation och NBF som utvecklingsmotor försvann i och med ekonomiska neddragningar tillsammans med beslutet om att delta i Europeiska Unionens (EU:s) snabbinsatsstyrka. Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera tankar och teorier som ledde fram till NBF och vad som kan vara en förklaring till att NBF försvann några år senare. Resultatet av arbetet med uppsatsen tyder på att konceptet NBF i sin abstrakta form blev för teoretiskt. Den processorganisation som infördes med HKV -04 är det tydligaste exemplet på denna abstrakta oklarhet främst vad gäller befäl och därtill kopplat ansvar.  Forskning pekar på att ansvar utgör grunden i militär organisation och verksamhet.  Resultaten visar också på att de positiva lärdomarna från utvecklingen av NBF i form av vikten av ”nätverkande” låg som grund till det mer praktiskt inriktade transformeringen av Försvarsmaktens delar genom Nordic Battle Group, (NBG-08). Resultatet har också påvisat samband mellan NBF utvecklingen och det utökade nordiska samarbetet i form av sjö och luftövervakning samt den likaså utvecklade myndighetssamverkan inom ramen för den nationella krishanteringsförmågan i Sverige.

L’ambition de ce travail est d’énoncer une définition originale d’un droit militaire, appréhendé dans le cadre d’une perspective historique. Deux grands modèles d’armée professionnelle ont ici été confrontés : Rome et les armées contemporaines (i.e., Les États-Unis, la France, le Royaume-Uni et la République populaire de Chine), afin de définir les conditions nécessaires à la reconnaissance d’une armée de métier. Une armée professionnelle au service d’une puissance géopolitique, telles que celles analysées ici, met en oeuvre un droit militaire dual composé d’un droit de temps de paix / ou de guerre limitée, et un autre de temps de guerre totale. / The aim of this paper is to provide an unusual inight into the concept of military law, envisionned within the framework of an historical point of view. Two great military and professionnal models have been confronted (i.e. Rome and four contemporary armies : the United-States, France, the United-Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China) in order to define the historical conditions for the recognition of a professionnal military model. A professionnal army serving a Power such as the ones studied there, implement a dual military law made of a military law in time of peace /or limited war, and a military law in time of total war.

The Master's thesis "The Clean War Concept as a Part of American Foreign Policy 1989-2001" deals with the influence of the Clean War Concept, the unwillingness of the U.S. public and politicians to risk the loss of life among members of the American armed forces, and the deployment of U.S. military missions abroad. The aim of the thesis is to verify this concept. The research examines the conditions in five selected U.S. deployments and consequent comparisons with the Clean War Concept. The selected deployments share in common the possibility that U.S. soldiers were in danger of being killed. The deployments took place between 1989 and 2001. This era, which, from an international relations perspective, can be seen as relatively homogenous, is characterized by U.S. dominance. The work includes a brief historical overview of U.S. deployments during the Cold War period and the Vietnam War in particular because the Clean War Concept was conceived as a consequence of this deployment. The thesis explains the relationship between the Revolution in military affairs in favor of the Clean War Concept, and argues that the concept allows for U.S. deployments abroad that are in accordance with it.

This thesis addresses developments in Artificial Intelligence and the increasing trend of robotization and autonomization of military forces in the context of Revolution in Military Affairs. It examines and categorizes different approaches to concepts of AI, autonomy and RMA in the public debate and academic and military literature. It further explores potential impacts and challenges of AI and its weaponized subset - Autonomous Weapon Systems on civil-military relations, legal and ethical norms, arms control regime and general security domain. Building upon findings from previous chapters, AI and AWSs are analyzed in a context of RMA and broader socio-economic context. Specifically, AI-enabled autonomy is compared with aspects of existing remotely controlled systems. The thesis comes to a conclusion that AWSs are harbingers of the next RMA and AI has the potential to match the importance of Neolithic, Industrial and Information revolution.