Neste trabalho é proposto um modelo para estimar a geração e a distribuição de viagens intraurbanas baseado em agentes, denominado Modelo GDA. Neste modelo foram aplicadas simulações em Sistemas Multiagentes (SMA), nas quais foram usadas, como dados de entrada, informações relativas ao morador e ao uso do solo. Na estimativa da geração de viagens, a simulação SMA foi usada para estimar uma população sintética baseada nas informações sociodemográficas dos moradores e para obter um plano de atividades associado a cada morador. Na estimativa da distribuição de viagens, a simulação SMA foi usada para obter uma matriz Origem-Destino (OD) com base no plano de atividades dos moradores e nos atributos do uso do solo. Para definir os critérios da distribuição de viagens, foram testadas teorias alternativas à força gravitacional, como a teoria das redes livres de escala e o conceito de path dependence. Foi feita uma aplicação do Modelo GDA na cidade de São Carlos (SP), cujos resultados estimados foram comparados aos resultados observados, provenientes da pesquisa Origem-Destino (OD), e aos resultados estimados obtidos pela aplicação de modelos gravitacionais nesta cidade. Os resultados mostraram que os resultados estimados obtidos pelo Modelo GDA são tão acurados quanto aos do modelo gravitacional. Conclui-se que o Modelo GDA, comparativamente ao modelo gravitacional, possui vantagens quanto à sua aplicabilidade, pois em vez de serem utilizados pelo modelo dados provenientes de pesquisas de tráfego, geralmente onerosos e de difícil aquisição; são empregados dados acerca do morador e do uso do solo, de fácil coleta e atualização periódica. / In this work, an agent-based model in order to estimate trip generation and trip distribution in an intra-urban context (GDA model) is proposed. Simulations using Multiagent Systems (MAS), with input data concerning dwellers and land use were applied in this model. To estimate the trip generation, the MAS simulation was used to elaborate a synthetic population based on sociodemographic information of the dwellers and to obtain an activity plan of each dweller. To estimate the trip distribution, the MAS simulation was used to obtain an Origin-Destiny (OD) matrix based on the dwellers activity plans and the land use characteristics. To define the trip distribution rules, alternative theories to gravitational force like free scale networks and path dependence theories were tested. The GDA model was applied in the urban area of São Carlos (Brazil), whose estimates was compared to the observed data from the OD survey and the estimate data from the Gravity model applied in this same area. The results showed that the estimates from the GDA Model are as accurate as from the Gravity Model. It was observed that the GDA Model presents advantages in relation to the Gravity Model because instead of using traffic survey data, which often is expensive and difficult to get, it uses dwellers and land use information, which is periodically collected from government researches, making it easy for government agencies to obtain this information.

A verticalização dos edifícios gera adensamento populacional, reduz os espaços livres para edificação, promove o sombreamento de áreas e edificações vizinhas, canaliza o vento o que leva à alteração do microclima, aumenta o gasto de energia e impermeabilização do solo, todos estes fatores influem na qualidade do meio ambiente e da vida das pessoas. O objetivo proposto neste estudo foi compreender o processo de ocupação de espaço que ocorreu no Jardim Aquarius da cidade de São José dos Campos, SP, em função do aumento do adensamento populacional provocado pela crescente verticalização, influindo, principalmente na qualidade de vida e no meio ambiente. Os Resultados mostraram que o Jardim Aquarius, apresenta enorme verticalização, como bem ilustra o Jardim Aquarius o que resulta em adensamento populacional e, consequentemente, em prejuízos para a mobilidade urbana de uma forma geral. As grandes cidades funcionam com eficácia quando em seus Planos Diretores estão previstos confortáveis e confiáveis sistemas de transporte de massa. Conclui-se que um replanejamento para o Jardim Aquarius pode resultar em melhora da qualidade ambiental, trazendo bem-estar para a população em geral. / The verticalization of buildings begets densification, reduces clearances for edification, promotes the shading areas and neighboring buildings, pipelines the wind which leads to alteration of microclimate, increases energy expenditure and soil sealing, all these factors influence the quality of the environment and peoples lives. The objective of this study was to understand the process of occupation of space that has been occurring in Aquarius in the city of São José dos Campos, SP, as a function of increased densification caused by increasing verticalization, working mainly on the quality of life and the environment. The results showed that the municipality of São José dos Campos, offers enormous vertical integration, as well illustrates the Aquarius Garden resulting in densification and, consequently, in losses to urban mobility in General. The big cities work effectively when their Plans are provided for comfortable and reliable mass transit systems. It is concluded that a redesign of the garden Aquarius can result in improved environmental quality, bringing well-being to the population in General.

Este trabalho de pesquisa buscou investigar a mobilidade urbana do município de Palmas, estado do Tocantins, com o objetivo de confrontar o Plano Diretor com as ações da gestão municipal no que se refere aos anos de 2006 a 2014, período em que foram realizadas audiências públicas na cidade. O planejamento, desenvolvimento e crescimento da cidade de Palmas no desenho urbano ressaltam alguns pontos em seus componentes de mobilidade que são abordados. No que diz respeito à metodologia e às características deste estudo, optou-se pela pesquisa qualitativa; e quanto ao delineamento configura-se como análise documental. As diretrizes do Plano Diretor Municipal foram observadas e identificadas, sabendo que os trabalhos dos indicadores apresentados são contínuos, visto que toda formulação das ações foi votada a partir de audiências públicas. As análises das diretrizes do Plano Diretor foram feitas de acordo com transporte ransporte especial públicopúblico, bicicleta como veículo de transporte urbano, sistema viário para pedestre, implantação da acessibilidade, transporte coletivo e gestão municipal, alem das, ações previstas para mobilidade urbana de Palmas (TO). / The aim of this research is to inquire the urban mobility in the city of Palmas located in the State of Tocantins. The main goal is to confront the Master Plan and the actions of the Municipal Management, regarding the urban mobility of Palmas from 2006 to 2014, a period that were realized public hearings in the city. The planning, development and city growth in urban design highlight some points in the mobility plan that is approached. In this work are identified information and enlightenment of the implications of the municipal mobility planning. Regarding the methodology and research features, it is chosen a qualitative research; the research is exploratory; and on the design, it is configured as document analysis. The guidelines of the Master Plan were observed and identified to emphasize the citys situation, acknowledging that the indicators presented are continuous, seeing that all the actions were voted from public hearings. Analyses of the Master Plan guidelines were made according to public special transportation, bicycle as urban transport vehicle, road system for pedestrians, implantation of accessibility, public transport and municipal management. and the actions planned for urban mobility in Palmas (TO).

[pt] Esta pesquisa disserta sobre as soluções de mobilidade urbana em favelas de encostas como parte integrante do planejamento urbano, tendo como foco a implantação do sistema de transporte teleférico e como estudo de caso, o teleférico do Complexo do Alemão. Inicialmente é apresentado um panorama histórico das intervenções do poder público nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro e como se desenvolveu a mobilidade urbana nessas áreas. Em seguida, é exposto o problema da mobilidade nas favelas e a implantação de equipamentos alternativos de transportes. Os Projetos de implantação do teleférico Metrocable em Medellín, o teleférico de San Augustín em Caracas, o teleférico do morro da Providência e o projeto para o teleférico da favela da Rocinha são expostos como exemplos desse sistema. No Estudo de caso, foram analisados os impactos da implantação do teleférico no Complexo do Alemão, sua eficiência e principalmente, os custos de execução, operação e os custos sociais. Considera-se que o impacto estudado é moldado por análises contextuais, avaliações empíricas de visitas ao local, entrevistas com os moradores e usuários do sistema em questão, conteúdos bibliográficos e análise de indicadores. / [en] This research is on urban mobility solutions in favelas (slums) on hills as an integral part of urban planning. With a focus on the implementation of cable cars as transport systems, this research examines the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão as a case study which is located on the north side of the city of Rio de Janeiro. In Chapter 1, the research outlines the problem of poverty and absence of urban planning in Brazilian cities, which has intensified since the 1950s because of the rapid influx of migrants in search for work in the great economic city centers. Currently in Rio de Janeiro, 22 per cent of the population lives in favelas. The population of the favelas grew disproportionally in the last two decades, four times more than the population of the officially recognized areas of the city. The problem of housing in the favelization process of the city is aggravated by poor sanitation, violent conflicts, problems with security and safety, a lack of public services, poor access, precarious urban mobility, irregular services like illegal connections to electricity, among other problems. Additionally, there is the overarching problem of urban mobility. Spatial segregation makes it difficult for low-income populations to move from one place to another and is mainly due to the historical selection of occupations in isolated and peripheral areas of the city. The problem of mobility is further aggravated by underdeveloped transitional areas between the rural and urban parts of the city especially when, like in the case of this research, those populations occupy areas with steep hills. The chapter continues by tracing a history of public policies affecting the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, from the first removal of tenement houses in the city center in the nineteenth century, to the developmental policies of today. The chapter follows the formation of the first favelas with an occupation organized by the people who were removed from tenement houses and who needed to live near the economic city centers, the eventual expansion to other areas, the first removal policies for temporary housing and subsequently a more rigid posture of the state in regard to favelas. The 1960s and 1970s were periods marked by the removal and political denial of favelas, it was only in the 1980s that the state began to provide public policies to improve favelas. Thus, there has been a gradual acceptance of these occupations in the landscape of the city. Beyond the social problems aforementioned, Chapter 2 points more specifically to the problems of mobility in favelas on hills because of high building density, risks of landslides and precarious road access. In Rio de Janeiro, the state started to intervene in regard to the issue of mobility in favelas during the first term of Leonel Brizola (1983-1987), with the construction of the Inclined Plane in the Pavão Pavãozinho favela. But it was not until the Favela Bairro program that mobility initiatives were executed on a much wider scale, the program initiated walkways and improved stairs which greatly increased accessibility and the flow of traffic on road networks. With an urbanization policy for favelas in motion, other urban mobility transport systems were established, like the inclined plane on the Hill of Santa Marta in 2008 and the elevator of Cantagalo in 2010. While these transport systems assert the presence of the state in marginal communities, the daily transportation of the residents are mainly local options like vans and motorcycle taxis which continue to play a fundamental role and also contribute to the local economy. This generates income for residents because many of the people working with this type of transport also live in the favelas. The chapter then describes cable car technology and looks at specific examples of cable cars built or planning to be built in the favelas of Latin America. The lines of Medellin are used as an example because they inspired so many others like San Agustín in Caracas, Complexo do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro, Providencia in Rio de Janeiro and the cable car project of Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. The city of Medellin for many years suffered from violence generated by drug trafficking and came to be known in the early 90s as one of the most violent cities in the world. The high murder rate and violence receded after a series of investments that occurred in the city, mainly investments towards urbanization, education and security. The urban planning of Medellin was based on major public interventions through specific projects in the poorest sectors of the city. Initially structured around the cable cars, called Metrocables, and spatially articulated with other projects extended to formal sectors of the city, known as Urban Integral Projects (Proyectos Urbanos Integrales-PUIs), the aim of these initiatives was to connect various urban spaces. One of the characteristics of these projects was the emphasis on aesthetics as an engine for social change. This aesthetic quality to the new cable cars resulted in an increase of residents self-esteem but was also criticized for its stark contrast with poor local reality. In 2004, the Line K of the cable car was constructed in Comunas 1 and 2, and initiated an urban planning of the city based on the theory of Social Urbanism, with several projects aimed at improving infrastructure and education in favelas. In 2010, Line K was supplemented by a transfer to the Line L, which goes to the Arvi Park, an ecological park created on the border of a green area to Comuna 1, stimulating tourism. There is also Line J which meets Comunas 7 and 13, inaugurated in 2008. Medellín has become a model for other cities to adopt the cable car system for transportation in favelas. One example was the cable car of San Agustín in Caracas, designed as an important integrator between the favela and the rest of the city. In January 2010, the system started was connected to the subway. In contrast to Medellin, the Metrocable system in Caracas is characterized with large stations that integrate cultural facilities, sports arenas, and shopping centers together in one convenient location. The estimated daily demand during the planning stages of the project was 15 thousand passengers. Approximately 40,000 people live in San Augustin which means that the demand estimate would amount to 37.5 per cent of the residents. The data in 2012 showed that only 4,500 passengers use the system daily, about three times less than expected, showing that the cable car, which cost 318 million dollars, is being underutilized. In Rio de Janeiro, in the favela Morro da Providência, there is a cable car built and because the favela is considered the first favela in Rio, current projects by the municipal government show that there is interest in promoting tourism and to integrate it with the dynamics of cultural and historical revitalization of the port area and the cable car is the vehicle proposed for this purpose. However, the Hill of Providence (Morro da Providência) is suffering from forced evictions, mainly due to the Morar Carioca project, an urban program of the city government. These interventions have not been discussed with the residents and involve the demolition of nearly half of the residences. The idea is to replace the residences with a historical and cultural center in the favela. According to the city administration, about 42 houses block, in the context of urban landscape, the view of the chapel located at the highest point of the hill and thus those 42 houses would have to be removed. Although the construction of the cable car has also caused the removal of a few houses, its implementation is linked more with tourism in the favela. Various resident led protests organized with activists and supported by critical news sources released in Brazil and abroad, put the Hill of Providence in the spotlight as an example of the negative impact of mega-events on the poor. Consequently, after the injunction obtained in a lawsuit, the projects in the community are at a standstill and the houses that were scheduled to be removed remain standing. In Rocinha, the PAC 2 (Accelerating Growth Program is a federal program that has as the main objective the development of the country through the planning and execution of large urban infrastructure, works in the transportation sector and the energy sector) provides for the cable car installation, an elevator, escalators, and other mobility infrastructure. This project is very controversial because the cable car project has an estimated budget of 700 million reais, an amount that would consume approximately 44 per cent of the total amount available for the PAC 2. Most debate is on the residents priorities, which if considered would require that the funds be applied to the sanitation of the favela, which the current project does not guarantee. In the project under study, the cable car will connect to the future subway station of Line 4 in São Conrado to the top of the favela and have 6 stations distributed in two lines, 2,500 meters long. This would be the third cable car built in the favelas of the city, reflecting a state trend to adopt this transportation method in favelas. It seems that cable cars are more than a modal of mass transport, but also as a way to enter favelas as a new tourist attraction of the city. In Chapter 3, the case study is presented about the cable car of Complexo do Alemão, an integral part of PAC. The cable car was built with 3.4 km in length, 152 cabins half of which are in regular operation, while the other half is parked. The system has six stations and the capacity to carry 30,000 passengers daily. The path between the first transfer station with the train, the Bonsucesso Station, and the last stop, the Palmeiras Station, is traversed in about 20 minutes. Using other means of transport, the time to travel the distance between these two places is about 40 minutes. The six stations are located on the tops of hills that form the intricacies of the favelas and therefore, many residents complain about the accessibility of the system. For those who live far away and do not see advantage in climbing the hill to use the system, it is more common to use van or motorcycle taxis to move around. This is the main reason that the cable car is underused even though residents are entitled to two free trips per day. According to the Supervia, which operates the system, the daily movement of people is about 10,000 to 11,000 people, but, as we reported, the equipment has been design for a capacity of 30,000 passengers per day. The construction of the cable car cost the government R$ 210 million, equivalent to 22.35 per cent of the total PAC work in Complexo do Alemão, and the operating cost is about 50.1 million reais a year. What we can conclude is that the cable car has a relatively high operating cost for low use by residents, and it is also expensive to build. The high investment in the cable car is not justified when there are still major problems to be solved in favelas. One of the main complaints made by residents is the lack of investments in priority areas, such as basic sanitation. As part of this research a survey was given to 50 residents. When asked if the resources used to cable car execution, being very high, could be implemented in other areas, 74 per cent said yes. Among the responses on areas where resources should be invested, they pointed mainly to sanitation, health and education. Some health problems in the favelas worsened while tourism has increased with the use of the cable car. Also according to the data from the Supervia, the percentage of passengers with gratuities, i.e. registered residents using the cable car during the week is 75 per cent and the percentage of those who paid the fare, mostly tourists, is 25 per cent. On weekends, the number of visitors almost doubled: 54 per cent of gratuities and 46 per cent of tourists. The cable car has always had a tourist appeal due to its comfort and excitement by offering the experience of getting a suspended adventure of great heights with a privileged view of the favela landscape. This also happens with the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão, but in another context, within a patrimonialization effort of those spaces. The research makes clear that even with the difficulties within a space precariously built, mobility solutions that were initially created by the residents are still the most used, for example, the alternative transport system like vans and motorcycle taxis. To establish that the cable car is the solution for urban mobility on slopes of slums is quite questionable, as each case requires a specific and detailed study. In the case of the Complexo do Alemão, for example, both positive and negative factors were found. On the one hand the cable car considerably reduced the Bonsucesso travel time to some community points and provided connection with the train, on the other, the number of users contained does not justify its high cost. It is also clear that the general population in favelas want more primary rights met like access to health care, the installation of sewer systems, and competent schools as their priority.

Orientador: Gustavo Garcia Manzato / Resumo: O trabalho apresentado teve como objetivo principal avaliar as relações entre características espaciais das cidades e a resiliência em relação à mobilidade urbana, considerando os diferentes portes de municípios, em um estudo aplicado para o estado de São Paulo. Para atingir tal objetivo, foi proposto o desenvolvimento de um método de avaliação da resiliência na mobilidade urbana considerando viagens não motorizadas (caminhada e bicicleta), utilizando como inovação a Grade Estatística do IBGE. Em geral, para o modo a pé foi observado que cerca de 46% dos municípios analisados seriam totalmente resilientes, sendo que esta proporção é composta pelos munícipios de menor porte. Já os municípios que apresentaram uma baixa resiliência compreendem aproximadamente 11% do total de municípios e são caracterizados por aqueles de maior porte e mais populosos do estado. Para o modo bicicleta a situação é diferente, nota-se que apenas os municípios de São Paulo e Ilhabela apresentam baixa resiliência. Além disso, é observado que 91% dos municípios são totalmente resilientes em relação a esse modo de deslocamento. A partir dos resultados do método, buscou-se relacionar essa resiliência com métricas espaciais das cidades por meio de índices de forma urbana, a saber: Densidade, Concentração, Agrupamento e Centralidade. Dessa maneira, concluiu-se que a Densidade Domiciliar é o parâmetro que mais se destaca, uma vez que quanto maior o porte do município, maior foi o valor observado para essa mé... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The objective of this work was to evaluate the relationship between spatial characteristics of cities and the resilience in urban mobility, considering the different sizes of the municipalities, in a study applied to the state of São Paulo. To achieve this objective, we proposed the development of a method for assessing the resilience in urban mobility considering non-motorized trips (walking and cycling), using the Statistical Grid of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics as an innovation. In general, for walking, we observed that around 46% of the municipalities would be totally resilient, and this proportion corresponds to the smaller municipalities. On the other hand, the municipalities that show a lower resilience comprise approximately 11% of the total and are characterized by the largest and most populous municipalities in the state. For cycling the situation is different. We noted that only the municipalities of São Paulo and Ilhabela present a low resilience rate. In addition, we observed that 91% of the municipalities are totally resilient to this travel mode. In turn, we sought to establish a relationship between this resilience with spatial metrics of the cities through urban form indexes: Density, Concentration, Clustering and Centrality. Thus, we concluded that the household density is the parameter that stands out the most, since the larger the size of the municipality, the higher the value for this metric. For the other metrics (Concentration, Cl... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

[pt] Fixos e fluxos. A grande cidade é um fixo enorme, cruzado por fluxos enormes. O que acontece quando a ordem desses fixos e fluxos é subvertida? Qual a espacialidade de uma cidade cuja ocupação de seu território e circulação não sejam guiados e estabelecidos pela lógica da funcionalidade e pelos imperativos da circulação do valor? Em junho de 2013 cerca de 388 cidades brasileiras foram palco de manifestações populares cujo estopim foi o aumento da tarifa do transporte público. No entanto, a demanda extrapolava a reivindicação pela revogação do aumento. A demanda era também pelo direito à cidade, direito à livre circulação e acesso a tudo o que a cidade oferece. O Movimento Passe Livre, articulador dos protestos que ficaram conhecidos como Jornadas de Junho, coloca a questão urbana, da mobilidade e também da disputa do espaço nas cidades na pauta política do país. O movimento pensa na cidade, na sua ocupação e circulação. Uma circulação inclusiva, uma circulação que permite o desvendamento, o uso e a apropriação da cidade. Uma imaginação urbana que subverte sua lógica de ocupação espacial em um grau de utopia que não vem do urbanismo e da arquitetura. O objetivo geral desse estudo é contrapor diferentes ideias de cidade tendo como fim a definição da noção de cidade subjacente nas propostas do Movimento Passe Livre. / [en] Fixed and flows. The big city is a huge fixed, crossed by huge flows. What happens when the order of these fixed and flows is subverted? What is the spatiality of a city in which the occupations of its territory, as well as its circulation, are not established by the logics of functionality and imperatives of movement of value? On June, 2013, around 388 Brazilian cities were the theater of riots in which the main focus were the public transportations tariff raise. However, the claims have overcome the revocation of such raises. The claims were also for rights to the city, free circulation and access to whatever the city may offer. Movimento Passe Livre – MPL, the main perpetrator of the riots, which were also called Jornadas de Junho puts the urban question of mobility and also the space competition at the Country s political agenda. MPL approaches the city, its occupation and circulation. An inclusive circulation, that allows the unveiling, usage and appropriation of the city. An urban idealized view, subverting the logics of occupation in such an utopia that does not belong to urbanism or architecture. The main objective of this work is to interpose different city concepts aiming to define the city envisaged by MPL.

[pt] A mobilidade urbana faz parte de um complexo sistema de infraestrutura, provocando problemas insustentáveis tais como congestionamento, poluição sonora, poluição atmosférica em áreas densamente urbanizadas, como centros urbanos, e resulta em prejuízos no conforto ambiental urbano. Na busca de uma sustentabilidade urbana, ações favoráveis são necessárias à mobilidade urbana e o conceito de mobilidade ativa surge a favor da priorização do deslocamento das pessoas através de meios de transportes não motorizados. Nesse contexto, leva ao objetivo da dissertação, que no atual cenário da mobilidade urbana nas vias do bairro de São José, na cidade do Recife, é identificar medidas para melhorar as condições de acessibilidade e de conforto ambiental urbano para o incentivo da mobilidade ativa. Tais vias pertencem ao Sítio Histórico da cidade, no conjunto de Zonas Especiais de Patrimônio Histórico-Cultural (ZEPH). Através do levantamento de campo, a metodologia aplicada tende a identificar as ameaças e oportunidades para incentivar a mobilidade ativa observando as condições de acessibilidade nos quesitos de rota acessível, as condições de conforto ambiental urbano referentes aos índices de ruídos, emissões de material particulado e conforto térmico, expondo os dados qualitativos e quantitativos obtidos. A pesquisa busca apresentar a mobilidade ativa como uma ação sustentável favorável à redução dos impactos socioeconômicos, ambientais e nas possíveis melhorias da acessibilidade para caminhabilidade nas vias históricas do bairro de São José, priorizando o pedestre e incentivando a mudança de comportamento do seu deslocamento diário, além de usufruir o bairro como ambiente patrimonial e cultural. / [en] Urban mobility is part of a complex infrastructure system, causing unsustainable problems such as congestion, noise pollution, air pollution in densely urbanized areas, such as urban centers, and results in damage to urban environmental comfort. In the search for urban sustainability, favorable actions are necessary for urban mobility and the concept of active mobility emerges in favor of prioritizing the displacement of people through non-motorized means of transport. In this context, it leads to the aim of the dissertation, which in the current scenario of urban mobility on the streets of the São José neighborhood, in the city of Recife, is to identify measures to improve accessibility conditions and urban environmental comfort to encourage active mobility. Such roads belong to the Historic Site of the city, in the set of Special Zones of Historical-Cultural Heritage (ZEPH). Through the field survey, the applied methodology tends to identify the threats and opportunities to encourage active mobility, observing the conditions of accessibility in terms of an accessible route, the conditions of urban environmental comfort related to noise rates, emissions of particulate matter and comfort thermal, exposing the qualitative and quantitative data obtained. The research seeks to present active mobility as a sustainable action that favors the reduction of socioeconomic and environmental impacts and possible improvements in accessibility for walkability in the historic streets of the São José neighborhood, prioritizing pedestrians and encouraging a change in their daily commute behavior, in addition to enjoying the neighborhood as a heritage and cultural environment.

[pt] Embora frequentemente se afirme que o sistema de transporte é um setor social, economicamente importante e particularmente vulnerável às mudanças climáticas, ainda há poucas pesquisas sobre sua adaptação. Assim, o objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a vulnerabilidade e a adaptabilidade do sistema de transporte urbano frente à mudança climática. O objetivo é identificar o nível de contribuição atual e potencial dos Planos de Mobilidade Urbana, para a redução da vulnerabilidade do sistema de transporte, frente à mudança climática. O estudo parte da análise dos planos de mobilidade das cidades de Belém, São Luís e Manaus. Para isso, a metodologia segue as orientações de uma pesquisa de caráter qualitativo, ancorando-se no levantamento bibliográfico, bem como na análise de documentos e notícias jornalísticas, analisados a partir da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Em síntese, pode-se destacar que nas cidades analisadas, a Mudança climática ainda não é percebida como um problema de relevância local. Ainda que esteja presentes nas diretrizes dos planos de mobilidade ações para a mitigação, esta não é específica para a mudança climática, sendo somente uma medida padrão para a redução da poluição nas cidades. Quando trata-se da adaptação do sistema de transporte para a redução da vulnerabilidade sócio climática, as políticas públicas praticamente não direcionam ações específicas. / [en] Although it is often stated that the transportation system is a socially, economically important sector that is particularly vulnerable to climate change, there is still little research on its adaptation. Thus, the object of study of this paper is the vulnerability and adaptability of the urban transport system to climate change. The objective is to identify the level of current and potential contribution of Urban Mobility Plans to reduce the vulnerability of the transport system to climate change. The study starts by analyzing the mobility plans of the cities of Belém, São Luís and Manaus. For this, the methodology follows the guidelines of a qualitative research, anchored in the bibliographical survey, as well as in the analysis of documents and journalistic news, analyzed using the content analysis technique. In summary, it can be highlighted that in the cities analyzed, climate change is not yet perceived as a problem of local relevance. Even though actions for mitigation are present in the guidelines of mobility plans, these are not specific to climate change, being only a standard measure for reducing pollution in cities. And when it comes to adapting the transportation system to reduce socio-climatic vulnerability, public policies hardly direct specific actions.

[pt] É senso comum na literatura sobre mobilidade urbana, a abordagem dos aspectos positivos das infraestruturas de mobilidade, pela possibilidade que elas têm de conectar os espaços urbanos. Afim de promover um debate crítico acerca desses elementos, a dissertação visa apontar a dimensão da segregação das Infraestruturas de mobilidade, explorando dois aspectos: 1. o da segregação socioespacial, numa escala de cidade e metrópole, abordando a dicotomia centro-periferia, e 2. da segregação da forma urbana, numa escala de bairro, seja pela presença de tecidos urbanos dispersos e fragmentados, como por novas e diferentes escalas dos conjuntos edificados no entorno de algumas infraestruturas de mobilidade. Para tal, a pesquisa ancora-se no objeto da Avenida Brasil, importante via expressa construída na década de 40, que cruza a cidade do Rio de Janeiro de uma ponta a outra, servindo como um dos eixos estruturantes na ocupação da zona oeste. Em sua extensão, encontram-se diversos modos de ocupações, relacionados a diferentes dimensões de segregação. Uma análise comparativa, baseada em três padrões de ocupações distintos de habitações de baixa renda e seu entorno tem, por fim, o objetivo de medir os impactos da segregação em determinados trechos. / [en] It is common sense in the urban mobility, literature to address the positive aspects of mobility infrastructures because of their ability to connect urban spaces. In order to promote a critical debate about these elements, the dissertation aims to point out the dimension of segregation on mobility infrastructures, exploring two aspects: that of socio-spatial segregation, on a city and metropolis scale, addressing the center-periphery dichotomy, and the segregation of the urban form, on a neighborhood scale, either by the presence of scattered and fragmented urban fabrics, as well as by new and different scales of buildings built around the mobility infrastructures. Then, the research is based on the object of Avenida Brasil, an important expressway built in the 1940s, which crosses the city of Rio de Janeiro from one end to the other, serving as one of the structuring axes in the occupation of the west zone. In its extension, there are several modes of occupations, related to different dimensions of segregation. A comparative analysis, based on three distinct occupational patterns of low-income housing and its surroundings, is ultimately intended of to measure the impacts of segregation on stretches.

[pt] A discussão sobre mobilidade urbana foi crescentemente alargada frente às necessidades populacionais e econômicas das metrópoles, sendo um tema essencial quando se discute direito à cidade. Considerando o aspecto constitutivo e inescapável dos deslocamentos diários e as múltiplas experiências deste trânsito, a mobilidade não se confunde com o direito social ao transporte, mas se configura como um direito em si. Contudo, não é a mesma para todos os corpos que transitam pelas vias urbanas, sendo indissociável dos marcadores que atravessam e constituem estes corpos. Quem chega, onde chega e como chega são questões fundamentais na alocação diferenciada das condições de precariedade tanto espacial quanto subjetivamente. A mobilidade de mulheres, subconsiderada no planejamento urbano patriarcal, permite entrever outros percursos e desenhos de cidade. Ainda, perceber como estas mulheres são igualmente atravessadas por estruturas de poder – tais quais raça e classe- que tanto as forjam quanto delineiam qual enquadramento de cidade se configurará nos seus movimentos, torna visíveis as fronteiras e fraturas que desenham a urbe. Este trabalho insere-se, assim, nas propostas de um feminismo intersecional corporificado para delinear o que seria um direito fundamental à mobilidade. Construído com uma pesquisa etnográfica do/em movimento, o direito à mobilidade tem como espectros incontornáveis a mobilidade como um lugar, a gestão do tempo, a eleição de modais e o reconhecimento dos níveis de mobilidade, constituindo continuamente formas de ser e estar nos quadros de cidade. / [en] Given the populational and economical needs of the metropolises, the discussion on urban mobility has largely grown into an essential subject on the debates pertaining the right to the city. Considering the constitutive and inescapable aspect of the daily commutes and the multiple experiences of this flow, mobility cannot be mistaken for the social right to transportation, thus shaping into a right of its own. However, this mobility is not the same to all the bodies moving through the urban paths, being indissociable from the markers which cross and constitute these bodies. Who reaches , where they reach and how they reach there are fundamental questions on the distinct arrangement of the conditions of precarity, both spatially and subjectively. The mobility of women, underconsidered by the patriarchal urban planning, allows us to perceive other paths and drawings of city. Moreover, realizing how these women are equally affected by power structures – such as race and class – which carve them as much as shape the frame of city that will appear on their movements, make visible the fractures and frontiers that design the borough. Therefore, this work is inserted on the proposals of a corporified intersectional feminism aiming to delineate what would be a fundamental right to mobility. Built upon an ethnographic research of/in movement, the right to mobility has as indispensable specters the mobility as a place, time management, the election of modes and the acknowledgement of mobility levels, continually composing ways of being and passing through the frames of city/ being in the frames of city.