Les récentes révolutions du « Printemps des pays arabes » attestent de la vivacité de l’idéal démocratique. Or ce régime est caractéristique d’une manière philosophique de penser le droit et les institutions. En effet, il se conforme mieux que nul autre à l’essence de l’Homme. Alors, malgré le succès des méthodes quantitatives en sciences humaines et l’autonomie désormais incontestée de la science du politique, nos temps contemporains seraient les héritiers d’une vision métaphysique plutôt que scientifique de la matière politique. Pourtant, la thèse explore l’histoire de la première « science des institutions » qui naît et se développe dans les Temps Modernes. Courant méconnu au cœur de l’histoire des institutions, ses tenants sont pourtant des figures incontournables et emblématiques de la pensée politique moderne, qu’il s’agisse de Machiavel, Hobbes, Montesquieu ou encore Hume. La thèse dévoile alors l’ambitieux projet de ces penseurs : proposer des institutions adaptées à la variété des mœurs, des histoires et des sociétés qu’ils étudient. Le choix du régime politique se doit d’être à la fois respectueux de l’humain et adapté à la variété des populations existantes. Dès lors l’universel et le particulier se rejoignent pour servir la première « science » de la Modernité. La thèse serpente les siècles et le continent européen. Au bout de son périple, une rencontre surprenante : celle de philosophes fascinés par les découvertes de ces premiers scientifiques du politique. De cette rencontre devait naître un nouveau régime politique, différent de son homologue athénien : la Démocratie moderne / The recent revolutions of the « Arab Spring » attest of the vivacity of the democratic ideal. Yet, this regime is characterised by a philosophical questioning on law and on institutions. In fact, it fits better than any other regime the essence of mankind. So despite the success of quantitative methods and the now undisputed autonomy of political sciences, modern times inherited a metaphysical point of view rather than a scientific way to address political questioning. However, the thesis explores the history of the first “science of institutions” that was born and developed in Modernity. Unknown current in the history of institutions, its proponents are paradoxically emblematic figures of modern political thinking, such as Machiavelli, Hobbes, Montesquieu or even Hume. The thesis unveils their ambitious project: to propose institutions adapted to the variety of the customs, behaviours, histories of the societies they study. The choice of the political regime should be respectful of human nature and at the same time adapted to the variety of the existing people. Therefore, the universal and the specific merge in order to serve the first real science of the modern era. The thesis research progresses through Europe from the XVIth to the XVIIIth centuries. At the end of its journey: a surprising encounter: the meeting of philosophers fascinated by the discoveries of these first political scientists. This encounter bore a new type of political regime, different from its Athenian counterpart: modern Democracy

This thesis explores the political reformation of “faction” in the political thought of Montesquieu, David Hume, and Edmund Burke, three thinkers whose works span what Pierre Manent calls “an exquisite moment of liberalism.” It examines the transformation of faction from one based largely on class to one based largely on political function and argues that as the political emphasis of “party” overtook that of class, a disconnect in constitutional theory appeared between the principles formerly associated with class, such as honor, and the principles now associated with parties. This disconnect is examined by focusing on the interrelated concepts of political principle, or that which motivates and regulates men, and faction, itself divided into two types, principled and singular. This thesis further considers the role of political principle to faction in each thinker’s thought in order to demonstrate how limited domestic political conflict could sustain itself via a party system. Each thinker recognized that limited political conflict did not weaken the state but rather strengthened it, if engendered by “principled faction” cognizant of a nominal sovereign. Accordingly, it is argued that a similar understanding of “principled faction,” though focused largely on aristocratic ideas of prejudice, self-interest, and inequality, better promoted political liberty within the state and contributed to a greater acceptance of party in political thought.

Liberal thinkers have suggested different theories that legitimise the state's various processes, institutions, and use of coercive power. However, their theories cannot account for those motivations that cause men to put their lives in danger when standing against political oppression. The study of Montesquieu's theory of government can aid liberalism's incomplete account of the political motivations that incline men to defend their liberty. Toward this end, this thesis studies Montesquieu's notions of virtue and honour, and challenges the meaning they have been accorded in previous studies. This thesis suggests that Montesquieu combined these notions in order to conceive a type of motivation that inclines individuals to defend their liberty against encroachment. In order to recover this type of motivation, this study will adopt an approach of close textual analysis with attention to the context. Virtue and honour play a crucial role in Montesquieu's political thought because they foster the preservation of government. Virtue inclines citizens in republics to act with self-sacrifice. However, that virtue does not aim toward the attainment of excellence or of God's grace; rather, Montesquieu conceived virtue in relation to public utility. Honour inclines the subjects of monarchy to pursue their selfish desires in order to derive public benefits. However, Montesquieu did not conceive honour in connection with the liberal motif of the invisible hand; rather, he conceived honour in connection with the pursuit of glory. By combining honour and virtue, Montesquieu conceived a type of motivation that can foster the preservation of liberty in modernity. This motivation enables individuals to enjoy their liberty in times of peace by pursuing their selfish desires; in times of crisis, it inclines them to perform great actions in order to defend that liberty against political oppression. Considering Montesquieu's type can aid liberalism's account of political motivations in the contemporary debate.

Nowadays, one of the recurring problems is the increasingly proactive role of the judiciary organ, mainly after the 1988 Constitution, which is introducing a true legalization of daily life, as a sort of graduation compared to judicialism in terms of judicial action. Such phenomenon is now nominated as judicial activism. It is in this context that revisits the thought of Montesquieu, especially the system of checks and balances that coined by philosopher and starting this dissertation from the premise that the people are the true holder of the last word. However, recognizing that the most expensive matters to society issues end up in the hands of the judiciary organ, who is forbidden to establish the non liquet , this body ends up being taken to an activism that needs to be revised and the society must show their own strength, otherwise Brazil , which has suffered from stateship , it will have risked its freedom, democracy, fundamental values that Montesquieu identifies in the republican form of government, establishing, finally, the true empire of laws. / Um dos problemas mais recorrentes da atualidade é a atuação cada vez mais proativa do órgão Judiciário, que praticamente, máxime a partir da Constituição de 1988, vem instaurando uma verdadeira judicialização da vida cotidiana, daí tal fenômeno passar a ser nominado de ativismo judicial, como uma espécie de graduação em relação ao judicialismo em termos de atuação judicial. É nesse cenário que se revisita o pensamento de Montesquieu, especialmente o sistema de freios e contrapesos cunhado pelo referido filósofo e partindo esta dissertação da premissa segundo a qual o povo é o verdadeiro detentor da última palavra. Ora, reconhecendo que as questões mais caras à sociedade acabam nas mãos do órgão Judiciário, a quem é vedado estabelecer o non liquet, este acaba sendo levado a um ativismo que precisa ser revisto e o povo deve mostrar a própria força, sob pena de o Brasil, que já sofreu com estadania, ter comprometida a liberdade, a democracia, valores fundamentais que Montesquieu identifica na forma de governo republicana, instaurando-se, enfim, o verdadeiro império das leis.

Cette analyse littéraire examine les parallèles entre les deux romans Lettres persanes de Montesquieu (1721) et Lettres d'une Péruvienne de Françoise de Graffigny (1747) en se concentrant sur le sort des femmes et leur rébellion contre la claustration. Leurs révoltes transformatrices révèlent une volonté qui refuse et puis transcende les barreaux de leur captivité pour vivre librement. La philosophie de Simone de Beauvoir (1908-1986) personnifie leurs luttes pour devenir et exister, ce qui se traduit par leur capacité de dévoiler leur vraie nature. Elles se battent contre le néant de leurs existences où elles ne peuvent que succomber aux contraintes imposées. Elles se battent pour se définir et pour devenir. Cependant, c'est Graffigny qui nous offre une réponse plus proto-féministe dépassant les paramètres masculins de la société. Son livre répond directement aux Lettres persanes pour créer une nouvelle femme iconoclaste qui transcende les barrières de la société pour se réinventer.

Na história do pensamento geográfico há um grande equívoco na maneira pela qual é concebida a teoria do determinismo geográfico/ambiental. Isso significa que o tema tem sido tratado sob estereotipada roupagem, empobrecendo a Geografia e difamando e subestimando inúmeros geógrafos, bem como suas obras e idéias. O primeiro grande objetivo é o de demonstrar a importância histórica, científica e filosófica da idéia das influências ambientais que subjaz ao determinismo ambiental, a inevitabilidade de sua existência enquanto hipótese básica, e a impossibilidade epistemológica de se negá-la como uma hipóteses básica da Geografia, com ênfase em alguns autores rotulados de deterministas, como Hipócrates, Montesquieu, Semple e Huntington. O segundo grande objetivo é realizar uma crítica da crítica, minando algumas generalizações e equívocos dentre tantos que historicamente têm permeado o temário geográfico, e explicar o emaranhado semântico, filosófico, conceitual e epistemológico do tema das influências ambientais sobre a esfera humana, com ênfase na falsa dualidade determinismo/possibilismo. Assim, deve ser concebida como não mais que um mero prolegômeno, essencial, todavia, ao estudo da relação homem-ambiente, e em particular, ao estudo da história do pensamento geográfico, da idéia das influências ambientais e do determinismo ambiental. Ao final da pesquisa foi possível demonstrar a insustentabilidade da suposta dicotomia entre a escola determinista e a escola possibilista; a confusão conceitual, semântica e filosófica dos textos que comentam os autores deterministas; a impertinência, a leviandade e imprecisão da crítica ao determinismo, baseada mais no rótulo criado do que nas idéias em si; a riqueza de idéias de autores como Huntington e Semple, o pioneirismo possibilista de Hipócrates e Montesquieu e outros autores; a importância do modelo de modos de narrativa e dos estratagemas erísticos de Schopenhauer para a análise textual dos autores deterministas e de seus críticos, culminando com a elaboração de vinte e dois problemas essenciais de pesquisa, lançados como propostas metodológicas e epistemológicas iniciais ao estudo da história da Geografia e de suas idéias / Environmental determinism has been a controversial theme within human sciences and geography. There has been much misunderstanding and understatement concerning this fundamental explanatory hypothesis. A varied assortment of geographical works and authors have been incorrectly labeled and suffered from biased criticism and general misconceptions. The long-standing debate around environmental determinism is marked by a chaotic semantic tangle which shades its real and proper meaning. The first objective is to show the historical, philosophical and scientific importance of environmental determinism in terms of its underlying principle and hypothesis, called the idea of the environmental influences and point to its relevance as a craddle of modern geography and as valid approach to the man-milieu relationships.The second objective is to lauch a counter-criticism on those who irresponsibly dismissed environmental determinism without recognizing its underlying and unavoidable basic hypothesis and who did not read the labeled works in full. Criticism has been frequently incomplete, biased, crude, distorted, unscientific, politically oriented or naïve. The third objective is to disentangle the semantic, epistemologic and philosophic traps that threaten any attempt of covering the theme in full perspective and detail. The fourth objective is to analyse some environmentalists, such as Semple and Huntington, in order to deny the wrong labels attached to them. The fifth objective was to deconstruct the false determinism/possibilism dualism and to present a new way of interpreting this issue. The last objective was to bring a preliminary discussion of the literature of the theme, a short history of environmental ideas from the Greeks to the modern geography in the United States. After a careful analysis some myths were proven incorrect, or misleading and inaccurate at best, and as a final evaluation, twenty-one epistemological and methodological devices were listed as a contribution to the research in history of geography.

Na história do pensamento geográfico há um grande equívoco na maneira pela qual é concebida a teoria do determinismo geográfico/ambiental. Isso significa que o tema tem sido tratado sob estereotipada roupagem, empobrecendo a Geografia e difamando e subestimando inúmeros geógrafos, bem como suas obras e idéias. O primeiro grande objetivo é o de demonstrar a importância histórica, científica e filosófica da idéia das influências ambientais que subjaz ao determinismo ambiental, a inevitabilidade de sua existência enquanto hipótese básica, e a impossibilidade epistemológica de se negá-la como uma hipóteses básica da Geografia, com ênfase em alguns autores rotulados de deterministas, como Hipócrates, Montesquieu, Semple e Huntington. O segundo grande objetivo é realizar uma crítica da crítica, minando algumas generalizações e equívocos dentre tantos que historicamente têm permeado o temário geográfico, e explicar o emaranhado semântico, filosófico, conceitual e epistemológico do tema das influências ambientais sobre a esfera humana, com ênfase na falsa dualidade determinismo/possibilismo. Assim, deve ser concebida como não mais que um mero prolegômeno, essencial, todavia, ao estudo da relação homem-ambiente, e em particular, ao estudo da história do pensamento geográfico, da idéia das influências ambientais e do determinismo ambiental. Ao final da pesquisa foi possível demonstrar a insustentabilidade da suposta dicotomia entre a escola determinista e a escola possibilista; a confusão conceitual, semântica e filosófica dos textos que comentam os autores deterministas; a impertinência, a leviandade e imprecisão da crítica ao determinismo, baseada mais no rótulo criado do que nas idéias em si; a riqueza de idéias de autores como Huntington e Semple, o pioneirismo possibilista de Hipócrates e Montesquieu e outros autores; a importância do modelo de modos de narrativa e dos estratagemas erísticos de Schopenhauer para a análise textual dos autores deterministas e de seus críticos, culminando com a elaboração de vinte e dois problemas essenciais de pesquisa, lançados como propostas metodológicas e epistemológicas iniciais ao estudo da história da Geografia e de suas idéias / Environmental determinism has been a controversial theme within human sciences and geography. There has been much misunderstanding and understatement concerning this fundamental explanatory hypothesis. A varied assortment of geographical works and authors have been incorrectly labeled and suffered from biased criticism and general misconceptions. The long-standing debate around environmental determinism is marked by a chaotic semantic tangle which shades its real and proper meaning. The first objective is to show the historical, philosophical and scientific importance of environmental determinism in terms of its underlying principle and hypothesis, called the idea of the environmental influences and point to its relevance as a craddle of modern geography and as valid approach to the man-milieu relationships.The second objective is to lauch a counter-criticism on those who irresponsibly dismissed environmental determinism without recognizing its underlying and unavoidable basic hypothesis and who did not read the labeled works in full. Criticism has been frequently incomplete, biased, crude, distorted, unscientific, politically oriented or naïve. The third objective is to disentangle the semantic, epistemologic and philosophic traps that threaten any attempt of covering the theme in full perspective and detail. The fourth objective is to analyse some environmentalists, such as Semple and Huntington, in order to deny the wrong labels attached to them. The fifth objective was to deconstruct the false determinism/possibilism dualism and to present a new way of interpreting this issue. The last objective was to bring a preliminary discussion of the literature of the theme, a short history of environmental ideas from the Greeks to the modern geography in the United States. After a careful analysis some myths were proven incorrect, or misleading and inaccurate at best, and as a final evaluation, twenty-one epistemological and methodological devices were listed as a contribution to the research in history of geography.

Le présent document propose un dépouillement portant sur les œuvres imprimées de l'abbé GREGOIRE, aussi bien que sur ses inédits, et il fait preuve également d'une bonne connaissance de la littérature abondante consacrée à l'évêque constitutionnel de Blois.<br />Le plan de la thèse traite des activités politiques, religieuses et philanthropiques de GREGOIRE de 1775 à 1831.<br />En matière politique, l'auteur montre l'influence indéniable exercée tant par Montesquieu que par Rousseau sur le curé d'Emberménil, mais aussi la volonté de GREGOIRE de faire passer dans les institutions et dans les faits les idées des philosophes; témoignant ainsi qu'il appartient à la génération dite des «secondes lumières».<br />Son talent oratoire ainsi que son courage personnel ont permis à GREGOI RE de jouer un rôle non négligeable dans les assemblées révolutionnaires, encore qu'il n'ait pas eu l'envergure politique d'un SIEYES ou d'un MIRABEAU.<br />Sur le plan ecclésiastique, GREGOIRE, dont la vocation sacerdotale solide traversera intacte la tourmente révolutionnaire et dont la dignité de vie sera reconnue par tous - est un gallican convaincu qui accepte sans difficultés la Constitution civile du clergé et qui croit sincèrement à l'avenir de l'Eglise constitutionnelle. Il est un des piliers de celle-ci et adoptera lors des graves difficultés qui l'assailliront une attitude des plus courageuses.<br />Partisan d'abord d'une Eglise d'Etat, GREGOIRE, dont la pensée ecclésiastique n'est pas exempte de quelques flottements, est un adversaire résolu et irréductible du Concordat pour des motifs plus nobles d'ailleurs que TAYLLERAND et FOUCHE.<br />GREGOIRE, nomme politique, homme d'Eglise, historien à la plume infatigable, est enfin, et je dirai peut-être surtout, un philanthrope convaincu qui se dévouera inlassablement en faveur de certains individus qu'il considère comme exclus de la société de son temps: les juifs et les hommes de couleur.

O presente trabalho pretende estudar o fenômeno do federalismo pela perspectiva tridimensional do Direito. Primeiramente, esboçar-se-á o federalismo de uma perspectiva fática, a primeira e mais natural associação humana. Depois, analisaremos a valoração do federalismo, ou seja, a intervenção de um processo racional no curso associativo natural do federalismo. Exemplificamos a valoração do federalismo a partir da teoria contratual de Montesquieu, o qual desenvolve um verdadeiro esqueleto organizacional da extensão territorial dos Estados, conformando as grandes monarquias às pequenas repúblicas: república federativa. Por fim, colocaremos em prática o federalismo fático, associado aos valores, no campo normativo dos clássicos modelos do Direito Constitucional: o federalismo Norte- Americano e o federalismo Alemão. / The present work intends to study the phenomenon of federalism from the tridimensional perspective of Law. Firstly, a picture of federalism from a factful perspective shall be drawn, as the first and most natural form of association. Later, the perceived value of federalism, which is, the intervention of a rational process in the course of federalism’s natural association, shall be analyzed. The perceived value of federalism is exemplified from Montesquieu’s contractual theory, which develops a real organizational scheme for the territorial extension of the States, applicable to both large monarchies and small republics: federative republic. At last, the model of factful federalism shall be put to practice, associating its values to the normative field of the classic constitutional law models: the American and the German federalism.

O presente trabalho pretende estudar o fenômeno do federalismo pela perspectiva tridimensional do Direito. Primeiramente, esboçar-se-á o federalismo de uma perspectiva fática, a primeira e mais natural associação humana. Depois, analisaremos a valoração do federalismo, ou seja, a intervenção de um processo racional no curso associativo natural do federalismo. Exemplificamos a valoração do federalismo a partir da teoria contratual de Montesquieu, o qual desenvolve um verdadeiro esqueleto organizacional da extensão territorial dos Estados, conformando as grandes monarquias às pequenas repúblicas: república federativa. Por fim, colocaremos em prática o federalismo fático, associado aos valores, no campo normativo dos clássicos modelos do Direito Constitucional: o federalismo Norte- Americano e o federalismo Alemão. / The present work intends to study the phenomenon of federalism from the tridimensional perspective of Law. Firstly, a picture of federalism from a factful perspective shall be drawn, as the first and most natural form of association. Later, the perceived value of federalism, which is, the intervention of a rational process in the course of federalism’s natural association, shall be analyzed. The perceived value of federalism is exemplified from Montesquieu’s contractual theory, which develops a real organizational scheme for the territorial extension of the States, applicable to both large monarchies and small republics: federative republic. At last, the model of factful federalism shall be put to practice, associating its values to the normative field of the classic constitutional law models: the American and the German federalism.