Thèse (M.E.R.) -- Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, avec l'Université du Québec à Hull, 1995. / Page 99 manquante. CaQCU Bibliogr.: f. 209-216. Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

Cette recherche doctorale aborde le travail de sept organisations de mémoire et de droits humains de Santiago, au Chili, et les luttes dans lesquelles elles sont engagées. Le passé et sa représentation dans l'espace public sont une source de conflit depuis la fin du régime Pinochet. D'allure spectrale, ces sujets réapparaissent dans le présent sous plusieurs formes alors que les organisations de mémoire et de droits humains entrent en lutte relativement aux sens et à l'importance que doit prendre ce passé, de même qu’à la légitimité devant être accordée aux acteurs mobilisant ce passé dans l'arène publique. Or, ces luttes et conflits se produisent dans des dynamiques sociopolitiques particulières et engagent une multitude d'acteurs ayant des représentations différenciées du passé. Cet état de fait appelle à une reformulation de la conceptualisation du rôle des acteurs collectifs afin de mettre en exergue ces différences dans la manière de représenter le passé, certes, mais également dans les stratégies analogues et opposées de le faire. Cette thèse entreprend, de manière diachronique, la reconstruction des principaux débats s'étant produits autour des questions de l'impunité, de la vérité et de la mémoire. Couvrant la période de 1998 à 2018, elle débute avec la détention d'Augusto Pinochet à Londres et se termine avec la fin du second mandat de la première femme présidente, Michelle Bachelet. Les sept organisations étudiées vont de regroupements de familles et de survivants à des sites de mémoire et de conscience. Par le biais des discours produits par ces organisations, j'examine des périodes historiques particulières en me concentrant sur des moments forts de ces conjonctures afin de mettre en évidence les luttes de sens et les conflits de légitimité relatifs à ces époques. De manière concrète, une attention particulière est portée à l'analyse des principaux sujets de contentieux, la façon dont les acteurs se mobilisent, leurs objectifs et comment le passé est évoqué dans l'espace public. L'une des fins de cette thèse est de mettre en exergue la relation conflictuelle entre les organisations et les administrations post-dictature. Cette dimension permet ainsi de comprendre le malaise des représentations politiques transparaissant en filigrane des interventions publiques des porteurs de mémoire. À partir d'un cadre théorique original fondé à la fois dans la sociologie de la mémoire, la sociologie des mouvements sociaux et l'analyse de discours, cette thèse qualitative met à profit un corpus de documents diversifié, notamment des journaux nationaux, des déclarations publiques, de même que des textes provenant de la plate-forme web des organisations étudiées. Ces documents sont examinés et analysés afin de mettre en évidence les représentations et les dynamiques qui les soulignent. S'inspirant de la méthode employée par Passy et Giugni (2005 : 903), ce travail étudie le corpus de documents recueillis afin de faire la lumière sur « qui intervient (les acteurs), comment (les répertoires d'action) et dans quel but (contenu des revendications) » (Passy & Giugni, 2005: 903). Cette technique permet de retracer les acteurs, leur répertoire d'action, leurs représentations du passé, la terminologie qu'ils utilisent et les traces de leurs interactions avec les autres organisations ou représentations opposées du passé.

La présente thèse étudie l'interaction entre structure et agence dans le contexte d'une institutionnalisation sur plusieurs niveaux. Les institutions interagissent de manière complexe sur le terrain et aux niveaux national et transnational. Cette dynamique complexe conditionne tant les interprétations et les convictions générées par les acteurs que leur mobilisation du sens pour mettre en pratique interprétations et convictions en pratique dans le cas d'exigences multiples. Les deux études empiriques l'étudient de manière détaillée.La première porte sur le rôle joué par les institutions nationales dans la réglementation transnationale des fonds souverains ; la seconde, sur le rôle des acteurs et des institutions dans l'évolution des cadres d'interprétation appliqués aux investissements socialement responsables. Ces deux études se basent sur des méthodes de recherche qualitative qui s'appuient sur différentes sources de données, dont l'observation de participants, des entretiens plus de nombreuses sources documentaires et sources secondaires. Ces études ont donné lieu à trois articles de recherche, deux empiriques et un conceptuel. Les deux articles empiriques, Fonds souverains, fonds monétaire international et transparence et Du dieu aux marchés, répondent à des questions théoriques sur le rôle des acteurs et des institutions aux différents niveaux du champ, la société et l’espace transnational dans la constitution interprétative et sémantique. Ces deux articles font référence à d'autres cadres théoriques et les enrichissent en retour, notamment dans les domaines de la transparence, de l'étude interprétative de la comptabilité, de la gouvernance transnationale, des mouvements sociaux et du droit mou. Le troisième article, La responsabilité sociale des entreprises et le « karma du marché », propose un cadre conceptuel pour les mécanismes supposés traduire le comportement social des entreprises en performances financières. Cela introduit différentes caractéristiques relatives à l'entreprise ainsi que des facteurs institutionnels impactant ce lien. La thèse dans son ensemble éclaire la façon dont des institutions en compétition conditionnent le comportement des acteurs et comment ces derniers se mobilisent de manière sélective des cadres et apports sémantiques des institutions. / This dissertation explores the interaction between structure and agency in the context of multi-level institutionalization. Institutions interplay in complex ways across the field, national and transnational levels. Those complex dynamics condition both the interpretations and convictions that actors produce and the ways they mobilize meanings in order to “enact” their interpretations and convictions under competing demands. These dynamics are explored in-depth through two empirical studies. The first looks at the role national institutions play in the transnational regulation of sovereign wealth funds. The second examines the role of actors and institutions in evolution of frames used for socially responsible investments.Both the empirical studies utilize qualitative research methods drawing upon multiple sources of data including participant observation, interviews and a wide range of documentary evidence and secondary material. These studies yielded three research papers, two of which are empirical and the third one is conceptual. The two empirical papers named respectively “Sovereign wealth funds, the IMF and transparency” and “From God to markets” attempt to answer theoretical questions around the role of institutions at multiple levels of transnational, national and field, and actors in constitution of interpretations and meanings. In addition, these papers mobilize and contribute to other theoretical frameworks including transparency, interpretive accounting, transnational governance, social movements and soft laws. The third paper named “social responsibility and karma of market”, provides a conceptual framework for all the mechanisms claimed to translate the social behavior of firms to financial performance. It then sets out the firm attributes and institutional factors at multiple levels that mediate this link. Overall, this dissertation attempts to provide a better understanding of how competing institutions at different levels condition the actors’ behavior and how actors selectively mobilize and edit the institutional frames and meanings.

La thèse s'attache à restituer les technologies de réparation du malheur social et de représentation des griefs au Sénégal. Elle démontre que la contestation, la mobilisation et la protestation ne s'équivalent pas toujours et plaide pour que leurs frontières analytiques soient précisées. S'appuyant sur les critiques du tournant culturel et celles des études féministes adressées aux théories de l'action collective, la thèse souligne les postulats et les points aveugles du concept de mouvement social. Historiquement situé, ce concept ne permet pas de saisir certaines des formes d'action collective sur des terrains non-occidentaux. A partir d'une enquête qualitative et quantitative menée, entre 2007 et 2012, principalement auprès d'une association de mères de migrants, la thèse montre qu'il existe, au Sénégal, une option qui consiste à mobiliser sans protester. Cette expression signifie que des acteurs sociaux peuvent employer un répertoire organisationnel hybride (association revendicative, self-help, mutuelle d'épargne, coopérative de travail) - qui vise autant l'État qu'il s'en dispense - ainsi que des modes d'action non-confrontatifs aux autorités publiques (témoignages dans les médias, participation à des meetings politiques ou conférences internationales). Sans recourir à l'action protestataire, les discours et les pratiques de ces mobilisations non-protestataires n'en sont pas moins politisées. La thèse montre en particulier comment le monde de l'aide et du développement s'est saisi de techniques genrées et d'entrepreneures de mobilisation propres au champ politique sénégalais afin de mener ses propres missions. / The thesis focuses on the technologies of solving social problems and of expressing grievance in Senegal. lt demonstrates that dissent, mobilization and protest are not always equivalent and argues for their analytical boundaries to be specified. Drawing on criticisms of the cultural turn and those of feminist studies addressed to the theories of collective action, the thesis stresses the postulates and blind spots of the concept of social movement. Historically located, this concept does not capture some of the forms of mobilization on non-Western areas. Based on a qualitative and quantitative survey, carried out between 2007 and 2012, mainly of an association of migrants' mothers, the thesis shows that in Senegal there is an option that may consist of mobilizing without protest. This expression means that social actors can use a hybrid organizational repertoire (advocacy association, self-help, mutual savings, work cooperative) - which targets the State as much as it does not - as well as modes of non-confrontational action to public authorities (testimonies in the media, participation in political meetings or international conferences). Without resorting to protest action, the discourses and practices of these non-protest mobilizations are nonetheless politicized. The thesis shows in particular how the industry of aid has seized gendered techniques of mobilization and entrepreneurs specific to the Senegalese political field in order to carry out its own missions.

Cette recherche est consacrée à l’analyse de la pratique sociale de la Commission Pastorale de la Terre Nordeste 2 (CPT NE 2), une organisation laïque de l’Église catholique, dans la région Nordeste. Au service des travailleurs agricoles et des paysans sans terre, dans la lutte pour la réforme agraire, l’organisation opère dans la partie septentrionale de la zone de la canne à sucre de l’État du Pernambouc (Brésil). L’étude porte sur la période qui court entre 1988, année de sa naissance, et le début des années 2000, moment où diminue sa participation aux conflits fonciers et dans les mouvements d’occupation de terres. La principale problématique interroge les actions de la CPT en milieu rural afin de comprendre si elle incarne une forme inédite d’engagement social ou, selon les termes de ses acteurs, “une nouvelle manière d’être Église”. Pour ce faire, nous l’analysons, dans un premier temps, en regard des organisations catholiques antérieures, nées au début des années 1960, dans le cadre de l’Action Catholique Rurale. Entre ces JAC, MEB, SORPE, ACR, MER et autres PR NE 2 et la CPT, quelle est la part des continuités et des ruptures ? Ensuite, l’organisation est abordée à l’aune de son engagement dans la lutte pour la réforme agraire, des mobilisations sociales auxquelles elle participe et de ses rapports aux autres acteurs sociaux : MST, STRs, FETAPE, monde politique et autorités publiques, afin d’identifier ses formes d’action et définir leur originalité. En dernier lieu, sa pratique est analysée à partir du milieu social, des matrices socio-religieuses d’où sont issus ses acteurs et les médiateurs qui transmettent la mémoire sociale d’Église dans la région.Enfin, la recherche vise aussi à définir en quoi et jusqu’où les modes d’action et les acteurs de la CPT NE 2 relèvent des formes de mobilisation des Nouveaux Mouvements Sociaux (NMS) qui agissent en Amérique Latine et, notamment, au Brésil, à partir des années 1980. / This research analizes the social practice of the Northeast’s Pastoral Land Commission (CPT NE 2), a lay organization of the Catholic Church, in the Northeast region. Serving rural workers and landless people, in the struggle for agrarian reform, the organization operates in the septentrional part of the sugar-cane zone of the state of Pernambuco (Brazil). The analysis covers the period from 1988, the year of its foundation, and early 2000s, when its participation in land conflicts and occupancy movements decreases. The central issue is intended to question the actions of CPT in rural areas to understand whether it is an unprecedented form of social engagement or, as their own actors state, "a new way of being Church." In order to do so, we analyze, at first, from the standpoint of former Catholic organizations, created in the early 1960s, in the context of Rural Catholic Action. Comparing between JAC, MEB, SORPE, ACR, MER, on one side, and PR NE 2 and CPT, on another, which is the portion of continuities and disruptions? Then, the organization is discussed in terms of its engagement in the struggle for the agrarian reform, the social movements it participates and its relationship with other social actors: MST, STRs, FETAPE, the political sphere and public authorities, to identify its performance and define its originality. Finally, its practice is examined from the social environment, the socio-religious matrixes from which its actors and mediators who transmit the social memory of the Church in the region. At last, the research also aims to define how and to what extent the performance and the actors of CPT NE 2 result from the mobilization strategies of the New Social Movements (NMS) that operate in Latin America and, especially in Brazil, as of the 1980s. / Esta pesquisa procura analisar a prática social da Comissão Pastoral da Terra Nordeste 2 (CPT NE 2), uma organização leiga da Igreja católica, na região Nordeste. A serviço dos trabalhadores rurais e sem terra, na luta pela reforma agrária, a organização atua na parte setentrional da zona canavieira do Estado de Pernambuco (Brasil). A análise abrange o período compreendido entre 1988, ano de sua fundação, e o início dos anos 2000, momento em que a sua participação nos conflitos de terra e nos movimentos de ocupação diminui. A problemática principal visa a interrogar as ações da CPT nomeio rural a fim de compreender se ela constitui uma forma inédita de engajamento social ou, segundo afirmam os seus próprios atores, “uma nova maneira de ser Igreja”. Para tanto, nós a analisamos, num primeiro momento, do ponto de vista das organizações católicas anteriores, nascidas no início dos anos 1960, no contexto da Ação Católica Rural. Entre, de um lado, JAC, MEB, SORPE, ACR, MER e, de outro, PR NE 2 e CPT, qual a parcela de continuidades e de rupturas ? Emseguida, a organização é abordada do ponto de vista do seu engajamento na luta pela reforma agrária, das mobilizações sociais das quais ela participa e da sua relação com os outros atores sociais: MST, STRs, FETAPE, esfera política e autoridades públicas, a fim de identificar as suas formas de atuação e de definir a sua originalidade. Em último lugar, a sua prática é analisada a partir do meio social, das matrizes socio-religiosas de onde provêm os seus atores e dos mediadores que transmitem a memória social da Igreja na região. Por fim, a pesquisa visa também a definir de que forma e até que ponto as formas de atuação e os atores da CPT NE 2 resultam das estratégias de mobilização dos Novos Movimentos Sociais (NMS) que atuam na América Latina e, especialmente no Brasil, a partir dos anos 1980.

The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

En 2013, dans le parc Gezi d’Istanbul, plus d’un million de personnes ont spontanément déclenché le plus grand mouvement protestataire que la Turquie a connu. Les supporters des trois clubs de football les plus populaires d’Istanbul y ont joué un rôle inédit tant par la forme de leur engagement que par leur mode d’action. Le terrain d’expression de cette contestation était essentiellement constitué par les réseaux sociaux en ligne. La thèse propose de comprendre les raisons de l’implication des supporters et interroge la forme politique de cette mobilisation. Au-delà du football, cet engagement est étroitement dépendant d’un ensemble de conditions historiques et sociales, et de représentations liées à une « doxa républicaine ». L’analyse cyber-ethnographique sur Twitter (qui englobe les messages des supporters) nous a permis de repérer les traces de l’identité urbaine, laïque et « moderne » de ces participants de Gezi, leur rapport au politique et leur adhésion aux valeurs républicaines. / In 2013, at Gezi Park of Istanbul, over a million people spontaneously started the largest protest movement in the history of Turkey. The fans of Istanbul’s three popular football clubs had an unprecedented engagement in these protests. Online social networks were one of the major channels where dissident expressions took place. This thesis aims to understand supporters’ reasons to participate in these protests and the political forms of their mobilization. Beyond football, this engagement is closely associated with a bundle of historical and social conditions and representations, linked with the “republican doxa.” A cyber-ethnography on Twitter that covers football supporters’ messages helps us trace the urban, secular and “modern” identity of these participants of Gezi, their relationship with politics and their allegiance to republican values.

Alors que la Colombie traverse une période de violence intense au début des années 1990, une forme de média en apparence nouvelle se diffuse dans tout le territoire et est légalisée par l’Etat: celle des radios communautaires. Associées à de multiples fonctions, elles sont censées être politiquement neutres, donner la voix aux sans voix, pacifier, reconstruire le tissu social déchiré… Comment expliquer la diffusion et l'institutionnalisation d'un média marginal dans un contexte aussi difficile ? A partir d'une démarche généalogique et comparative sur cinq régions colombiennes, cette thèse montre que la radio communautaire peut être comprise comme une forme d’action collective dont les origines remontent à la fin des années 1940. Retracer l’histoire de la catégorie met en évidence l’existence de groupes militants aux intérêts multiples qui luttent pour la « cause des médias ». Loin de l’image du média petit, pur et isolé, les radios communautaires se sont développées dans un espace médiactiviste multisectoriel, à l’intersection de plusieurs sphères d’activité. Si les radios communautaires ont été légalisées en Colombie, c’est parce que ces militants multi-positionnés, acteurs intermédiaires entre ces sphères, cadrent l’objet en des termes compatibles avec l’action de l’Etat. Le média est alors redéfini et donne lieu à des appropriations diversifiées sur les territoires, en fonction des configurations d’acteurs à différentes échelles. Loin de leur image « apolitique », les radios communautaires peuvent être comprises comme des lieux de renégociation des frontières de la « communauté imaginée » dans un pays habituellement décrit comme un territoire fragmenté. / While Colombia was experiencing a period of intense violence at the beginning of the 1990s, an apparently new media form, the community radio, spread throughout the entire territory, and was legalized by the state. Designated with multiple functionalities, community radios are constructed as politically neutral, giving voice to those who are marginalised, pacifying, and rebuilding broken social tissues... How can we explain the diffusion and institutionalization of what is considered a marginal media in such a hard context? Through a genealogic and comparative analysis of five Colombian regions, this thesis shows that the community radio can be understood as a collective means of action whose origins can be tracked to the late 1940s. An analysis of the history of the category draws attention to the existence of militant groups with multiples interests who fight for « the media cause ». Far from the image of what is considered a small media, pure and isolated, community radios were developed in a “mediactivized” multisectorial space, at the crossroads of several spheres of activity. That the Ccommunity radios were legalized in Colombia , is because its multi-positioned militants, acting as intermediaries between different spheres, adapted them on compatible terms with the state activities. The media wasis then redefined and give accorded a place withto in a diversified appropriation of the territories, according to actors at different geographical scales. Far from their « apolitical » figure, the community radios can be understood as a place site of renegotiation of the frontiers of the « imagined community » in a country usually described as a fragmented territory.

Cette thèse étudie comment les politiques publiques d’industrialisation, les investissements étrangers et la gouvernance transnationale des entreprises altèrent l’espace public en Inde. Tout d’abord, nous analysons les interactions entre la population, l’état et l’entreprise multinationale Michelin dans l’établissement d’un nouveau parc industriel sur les terrains communaux d’un village au Tamil Nadu. Ensuite, nous démontrons que si les mouvements sociaux transnationaux et les mécanismes extraterritoriaux de résolution de conflit appellent les entreprises multinationales à respecter les droits de l’homme, ces derniers restent insuffisants pour répondre à la violence structurelle et à l’injustice sociale à l’œuvre dans le développement industriel contemporain de l’Inde. / This thesis studies how public policies of industrialization, foreign investments and transnational corporate governance alter social space in India. Firstly, we analyze the interactions between the population, the state and the French multinational corporation Michelin in the set-up of a new industrial park on the common lands of a village in rural Tamil Nadu. Then, we contend that while transnational social movements and extraterritorial grievance mechanisms call on multinational corporations to respect human rights, they remain insufficient to address the structural violence and the social injustice experienced in India’s contemporary industrial development

Cette thèse se penche sur l’impact social et politique des mouvements autochtones latino-américains. Elle élabore un cadre d’analyse rendant compte de la politisation des enjeux autochtones au Mexique et en Équateur dans la période postérieure à 1990. Le caractère instituant des luttes pour le sens se jouant entre les discours des mouvements autochtones et les discours gouvernementaux autour de la place et la représentation des « indios » sur la scène politique y est examiné. Pour y arriver, les discours de deux organisations autochtones, l’Armée de libération nationale zapatiste (EZLN) et la Confédération des nationalités indigènes de l’Équateur (CONAIE), et des discours présidentiels des deux pays sont analysés et mis en dialogue afin de restituer la complexité des relations interdiscursives. Cette méthode permet d’esquisser un tableau des positionnements adverses et des différentes opérations discursives menant à la transformation du champ politique et à la constitution d’un sujet politique autochtone.