Submitted by Cristina Sydow (cris.sydow@gmail.com) on 2012-04-20T21:30:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisado.docx: 3696270 bytes, checksum: 64ce0f555331df37b8dc095a06bfc984 (MD5) / Rejected by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br), reason: Prezada Cristina, Favor postar o arquivo em pdf. Att, Secretaria de Registro on 2012-04-23T13:06:28Z (GMT) / Submitted by Cristina Sydow (cris.sydow@gmail.com) on 2012-06-04T22:16:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisadox.pdf: 3129536 bytes, checksum: 6898614d7b279856c8f621772646906e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br) on 2012-06-05T13:09:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisadox.pdf: 3129536 bytes, checksum: 6898614d7b279856c8f621772646906e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-05T13:49:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisadox.pdf: 3129536 bytes, checksum: 6898614d7b279856c8f621772646906e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-16 / One of the big issues of the Brazilian Federalism is the role of the states in the field of public policies. If, on the one hand, this role in welfare-State systems is still facing a lack of definitions and the literature on aspects such as participation in the design and execution of policies in the fields of health, education, social assistance and housing is quite restricted, the current scene seems to be, on the other, quite different in regard to the policies of economic development, as the states count with a significant advantage vis-à-vis the municipalities and the federal government. This thesis is an attempt to show that the role of the states has expanded and has become more specialized in the functions connected to infrastructure and regional development. Through the works of analysis and planning, and with their capacity of linking through several actors of their development agencies and secretariats of economic development, the states can display a privileged view of their particularities and similarities in the productive and logistical activities, and of their specific needs. States are also taking up a variety of actions in the design, execution and implementation of policies that involve linkages with the other members of the Federation, with the private sector and the civil society, and they are furthering new socio-institutional architectures in the creation, development and maintenance of support instruments. Such institutional environment enables the study of the mechanisms of territorial associationism, and, particularly, the Local Productive Arrangements, which have been increasingly used as instruments of regional development by the states, with the support of the federal government. The Local Productive Arrangements have an associationist and voluntary nature, and they are instruments that can be employed and improved by the states, as the territorial basis on which they find themselves have a pre-existing productive vocation, and as the interventions towards stimulating, building capacities and professional training are among the possibilities of action by the states. From this premise, the present work analyzes the role that has been played by the states in the design, execution and articulation of policies for Local Productive Arrangements. Based on the assumption that the states do count with a better institutional structure than the municipalities and the federal government for specific policies that favor the Local Productive Arrangements, it seeks to understand how the three analyzed states – Pernambuco, Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul – have dealt with the issue. / Uma das grandes questões do federalismo brasileiro é o papel dos estados no campo das políticas públicas. Se por um lado o papel dos estados nas políticas públicas para sistemas de welfare state ainda passa por indefinições e a literatura que discute seu papel na participação da formulação e execução de políticas nas áreas de saúde, educação, assistência social e habitação é bastante restrita, o cenário aparenta ser bastante distinto no que tange às políticas de desenvolvimento econômico, por possuir significativa vantagem frente aos municípios e governo federal. A presente tese busca mostrar que o papel dos estados têm ampliado e se especializado mais em funções relativas à infraestrutura e ao desenvolvimento regional. Por meio do trabalho de análise, planejamento e capacidade de articulação com vários atores das agências de desenvolvimento estaduais e secretarias de desenvolvimento econômico, os estados podem visualizar de forma privilegiada suas particularidades e semelhanças nas atividades produtivas, de logística e de necessidades específicas, e assumem uma gama de ações de formulação, execução e implementação de políticas que envolvem articulação com os demais entes da federação, setor privado e sociedade civil e novas arquiteturas socioinstitucionais para a criação, desenvolvimento e manutenção de instrumentos de apoio. Neste ambiente institucional advém o estudo de mecanismos de associativismo territorial, notadamente os Arranjos Produtivos Locais, crescentemente utilizados como instrumentos de desenvolvimento regional pelos estados, com o apoio do governo federal. De natureza associativista e voluntária, os Arranjos Produtivos Locais são instrumentos que podem ser aproveitados e incrementados pelos estados, uma vez que a territorialidade na qual estão inseridos possuem vocação produtiva pré-existente, e intervenções em direção ao incentivo, capacitação e profissionalização são algumas das possibilidades de ação dos estados. A partir de tal premissa que o presente trabalho busca analisar o papel que os estados têm assumido na formulação, execução e articulação de políticas públicas para Arranjos Produtivos Locais. Ao assumir que os estados são melhor dotados de estrutura institucional do que os municípios e o governo federal para políticas específicas para Arranjos Produtivos Locais, busca-se compreender como três estados selecionados Pernambuco, Minas Gerais e Rio Grande do Sul têm tratado o tema.

Submitted by Larissa Haddad Souza Vieira (larissahaddad@gmail.com) on 2016-03-21T19:03:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Larissa Haddad Final.pdf: 1452009 bytes, checksum: 9caa471e071cb739351caa4a6d6288cc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-03-21T19:04:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Larissa Haddad Final.pdf: 1452009 bytes, checksum: 9caa471e071cb739351caa4a6d6288cc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-21T19:58:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Larissa Haddad Final.pdf: 1452009 bytes, checksum: 9caa471e071cb739351caa4a6d6288cc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-22 / The study of productive agglomerations points the State as the protagonist in supporting inter-institutional cooperation in terms of increased competitiveness of companies in various sectors, promoting regional development through public policies. This research analyzed the design of Local Productive Arrangements (LPAs) in the state of Espírito Santo (ES) as instruments of public policy for local development, according to the perception of strategic actors about decision-making processes present throughout the implementation of the National Policy support to LPAs, from the analysis of LPAs of Agro Tourism, Metal-Mechanic and Ornamental Stones. The case of Cluster Quesero de Villa María complements the analysis, highlighting similarities and differences between productive agglomerations supported by public policies in Brazil and Argentina. The study used as a theoretical basis Decision-making Process and Veto groups acting in public policies, the incremental approach and multilevel governance, and the reference on LPAs. The research, qualitative, used interviews to capture the perceptions of relevant actors to the implementation of policies in ES and Villa María about the decision-making process, its members and relations. Bibliographic and documentary data sources were also used, and the information went through Content Analysis. The results indicate incremental characteristics throughout the operative chain formed by several different decision processes. There were identified a few effects of the National Policy in its implementation in ES, and a decline in the use of LPAs approach in the state. All productive agglomerations were organized by top-down initiatives; however, two of them developed bottom-up characteristics due to the appropriation of its members on the proposals in development. Productive agglomerations were analyzed as features such as: Performance of Governance; Heterogeneity of Decision Maker Group; LPA Organization flow; Relationship with Government; Existence of Workers Groups Participation Channels and Local Community. The study identifies the asymmetrical relations between the actors in decision-making processes, both in the Brazilian and the in Argentinean cases, derived asymmetries as to information, access to participation and decision-making by groups related to its development. Business, government and supporting institutions groups are protagonists in these decision-making processes, while social and labor representations, even though relevant to LPAs, do not participate in them. The inclusion of different actors with diverse interests in decision-making processes, on the one hand, can generate conflicts and decision-making slow, but, in contrast, tends to generate decisions, changes and more integrated actions to local realities, according to different points of view and, therefore, more effective and intelligent. Moreover, the purpose of local development, by encouraging the LPAs, can be achieved to the extent that these actors are included in decision-making, because only so, it would be possible to achieve development in its perspective association between economic dynamism and improve the population's quality of life with a view to sustainability. / O estudo de aglomerações produtivas aponta o Estado como protagonista no apoio à cooperação interinstitucional em função do aumento da competitividade de empresas dos mais diversos setores, favorecendo o desenvolvimento regional por meio de políticas públicas. Esta pesquisa objetivou analisar o desenho dos Arranjos Produtivos Locais (APLs) no estado do Espírito Santo (ES) como instrumentos de política pública para o desenvolvimento local, segundo a percepção de atores estratégicos sobre processos decisórios presentes na implementação da Política Nacional de Apoio a APLs, a partir da análise dos APLs de Agroturismo, Metalmecânico e de Rochas Ornamentais. O caso do Cluster Quesero de Villa María complementa as análises, evidenciando semelhanças e diferenças entre aglomerações produtivas apoiadas por políticas públicas no Brasil e na Argentina. O estudo utilizou como base teórica o processo decisório e grupos de veto em políticas públicas, a abordagem incremental e de governança multinível, e o referencial sobre APLs. A pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, utilizou entrevistas para captar as percepções de atores relevantes à implementação das políticas no ES e em Villa María acerca dos processos decisórios, seus membros e relações; fontes de dados bibliográficos e documentais também foram utilizadas, e as informações passaram por Análise de Conteúdo. Os resultados indicam características incrementais em toda a cadeia decisória, formada por vários processos de decisão diferentes. Foram identificados poucos efeitos da Política Nacional em sua implementação no ES, além de uma decadência do uso da abordagem de APLs no estado. As aglomerações produtivas foram organizadas mediante iniciativas top-down; mas duas desenvolveram características bottom-up, dada a apropriação de seus membros quanto às propostas em desenvolvimento. As aglomerações foram analisadas conforme características como: Atuação da Governança; Heterogeneidade do Grupo Decisor; Fluxo de Organização do APL; Relação com Governos; Existência de Canais de Participação de Grupos de Trabalhadores e da Comunidade Local. São identificadas relações assimétricas entre os atores em processos decisórios, nos casos brasileiros e no argentino, derivadas de assimetrias quanto a informações, acesso à participação e poder decisório por parte de grupos relacionados ao seu desenvolvimento. Grupos empresariais, governamentais e de instituições de apoio são protagonistas nesses processos decisórios, enquanto representações sociais e trabalhistas, mesmo relevantes aos APLs, não participam dos mesmos. A inclusão de diferentes atores com interesses diversos nos processos decisórios, por um lado, pode gerar conflitos e morosidade decisória; em contrapartida, tende a gerar decisões, mudanças e ações mais integradas às realidades locais, segundo variados pontos de vista, e, portanto, mais efetivas e inteligentes. Além disso, o desenvolvimento local, mediante incentivo a APLs, poderá ser alcançado na medida em que esses atores sejam incluídos nas tomadas de decisão, pois o consideraria sob sua perspectiva de associação entre dinamismo econômico e melhoria da qualidade de vida da população, tendo em vista sua sustentabilidade.

Abstract   D Level Essay in Political Science, Spring Semester 2010 by Sangrid von Zedtwitz-Liebenstein. Tutor: Malin Stegmann McCallion. “Democratic Accountability in Networks”   The aim of this study is to highlight the problem of the democratic deficit in the private-public partnerships in Sweden. This is a comparative case study with four ideal types. To enhance understanding of networking and public private partnerships, the paper has a descriptive approach where the aim is to put the working method of networks and partnerships into a wider context. The network's and partnership's social structural dependencies and the different actors involved, are discussed with reference to Multi Level Governance theory. The discussion in this study is based on the government's bill for economic growth and vitality throughout the country, En politik för tillväxt och livskraft i hela landet (Regeringen, 2001). The research question that the paper answers is: How does Västra Götaland County Council try to solve the problems with accountability in their private-public partnerships? To answer the question, the two theoretical approaches Network Evaluation Theory and Policy Network Analysis are used[Okänd för1] . The empirical material, on which the analysis is based, consist of  The Västra Götaland County Council's guidelines [Okänd för2] for evaluating private public partnerships, Modell för lärande uppföljning och utvärdering (Västra Götalandsregionen, 2009). The Government Bill and the Regulation of the regional growth policy in the country show that a MLG system is being developed in Sweden, and how Sweden through it becomes embedded in the larger MLG system of EU within[Okänd för3]  the policy area. The conclusion drawn from the study of Västra Götaland's guidelines is that the private public partnerships in Västra Götaland region Council are controlled with objectives and results these are continuously monitored for discrepancies and adjustments. The public-private partnerships often also have participation from the Västra Götaland Region Council.

Le contrôle des parlements nationaux envers les affaires européennes a récemment reçu beaucoup d’attention autant des institutions de l’Union européenne (UE) que des auteurs participant à la littérature sur le déficit démocratique. Pour autant, si plusieurs travaux ont démontré comment ce contrôle pouvait contribuer à améliorer la médiatisation des enjeux européens ou encore la transposition des directives, son rôle sur les attitudes des citoyens tient souvent du postulat et n’a jusqu’à présent fait l’objet d’aucune recherche. En mobilisant les données issues du projet Observatory of National Parliaments after Lisbon (OPAL) récoltées entre 2010 et 2012, cette étude adopte une méthodologie quantitative avec pour ambition de mesurer l’influence que le contrôle parlementaire des affaires européennes pourrait avoir dans la formation des attitudes envers l’UE. Étant donné que les attitudes envers le niveau national et européen sont étroitement reliées, nous avons en premier lieu démontré que le contrôle parlementaire participait à renforcer la confiance envers le parlement national. En ce qui concerne le niveau européen, nos résultats indiquent que le contrôle parlementaire semble avoir un effet antagoniste sur la confiance envers l’UE avec d’une part la capacité institutionnelle des parlements ayant un effet positif, et d’autre part l’activité parlementaire ayant un effet négatif. Cette recherche, bien qu’exploratoire et donc perfectible, pose ainsi les bases d’une meilleure compréhension du rôle que pourraient jouer les parlements nationaux dans la formation des attitudes envers l’UE. / The oversight of national parliaments over European affairs has recently received a great deal of attention, both from institutions of the European Union (EU) and from authors contributing to the literature on the democratic deficit. However, while several studies have shown how this control could contribute positively to the media coverage of European issues or to the transposition of directives, its role on citizens' attitudes is often postulated and has so far not been demonstrated. By mobilizing data from the Observatory of National Parliaments after Lisbon (OPAL) project collected between 2010 and 2012, this study adopts a quantitative methodology with the ambition of measuring the influence that parliamentary oversight over European affairs could have in shaping attitudes towards the EU. Since attitudes towards the national and European level are closely linked, I first demonstrated that parliamentary oversight helps to build confidence in the national parliament. Regarding the European level, the results indicate that parliamentary control seems to have an antagonistic effect on trust in the EU; on the one hand, the institutional capacity of parliaments have a positive effect, and on the other hand, the parliamentary activity has a negative effect. This research, although exploratory and therefore preliminary, thus lays the foundations for a better understanding of the role that national parliaments could potentially play in shaping attitudes towards the EU.

This thesis examines the applicability of the theoretical concept of Multilevel governance through a case study of the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy, more specifically a case study of the reform of the Common Market Organisation for Wine. The study focuses on the creation of the French national position regarding this reform. The primary aim is to determine whether the behaviour of the actors involved in the negotiation process corresponds conforms to the principles of the MLG concept. A secondary aim of the study is to identify the national particularities that could have an impact on certain aspects of the MLG concept. Since several of these aspects have not been proved in France because of the strong influence of national particularities, supplementary research has been done in the Czech Republic. In this country also, some aspects of the MLG concept were not applied. The thesis reaches the conclusion that the concept of MLG is applicable in the case of the negotiation process for the reform of the CMO for Wine even though some principles of MLG were not confirmed. This lack of applicability was caused by the influence of certain particularities of the country which are not engaged in the theoretical framework of the MLG concept. It is recommended that the possible influence of national...

In March of 2017, Northvolt announced at a press conference in Skellefteå that they had received the green light on their factory Northvolt Ett, a lithium-ion battery factory running on 100 per cent renewable energy. The industrial establishment has meant a great increase in population and a consequent increase in demand for housing and services. Skellefteå kommun (municipality), located along the Baltic Sea coast, has had a long history of population- and demographic decline. Northvolt is the first among many similar industrial strides in Northern Sweden (Norrland) promoted by the provincial government, the state, and the European Union. The establishment of Northvolt is part of a larger vision for the entirety of Norrland, a move towards reindustrialisation and urbanisation - all in the name of sustainable development. This thesis aims to examine the role of spatial visions in policy within the multilevel governance system in the matter of urbanisation and green industrialisation. A study into the prevailing discourse into the development in Norrland and Skellefteå in light of historical and realistic conditions through a thorough theoretical- and empirical investigation into what the establishment of a large employer entails for the local community. Through a qualitative content analysis of seven policy documents from all levels of governance; transnational, state, region, and municipality, accompanied by a set of four interviews with local municipal politicians this thesis will test the two hypotheses formulated to be accepted or rejected: I. Policy documents on supra-municipal level are not in line with local, realistic-, and historical conditions for Norrland, II. The current discourse does not highlight the contingent risks the large-scale industrial investment means for the local community The performed study shows that the green reindustrialisation in Norrland, as promoted by the Swedish government and the European Union, is one of the most ambitious visions for the future in modern day. The conclusion is that there is a disconnect between visions on municipal and supra-municipal level, in addition there is no sense of risk in the development at hand. / I mars 2017 meddelade Northvolt vid en presskonferens i Skellefteå att de fått grönt ljus på sin fabrik Northvolt Ett, en toppmodern litiumjonbatteri-fabrik som drivs på 100 procent förnybar energi. Industrietableringen har inneburit en stor befolkningsökning och en därav ökad efterfrågan på bostäder och tjänster. Skellefteå kommun har en lång historia av befolknings- och demografisk nedgång. Etableringen av Northvolt är den första av många liknande industriella framsteg i Norrland som främjas av regionen, staten och EU. Northvolt är en del av en större vision för hela Norrland, ett steg mot återindustrialisering och urbanisering – allt i hållbar utvecklings tecken. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur geografiska visioner ger sig tillkänna i policy inom flernivåstyrningssystemet i fråga om urbanisering och grön industrialisering. Genom en studie av den rådande diskursen kring utvecklingen i Norrland och Skellefteå i ljuset av historiska och realistiska förhållanden genom en grundlig teoretisk- och empirisk undersökning av vad etableringen av en stor arbetsgivare innebär för lokalsamhället. Genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av sju policydokument från alla styrelsenivåer; transnationella, staten, regionen och kommunen tillsammans med fyra intervjuer med politiker på kommunal nivå kommer denna uppsats att testa de två hypoteser som formulerats att antingen accepteras eller förkastas: I. Policydokument på överkommunal nivå är inte i linje med lokala, realistiska och historiska förutsättningar för Norrland, II. Den aktuella diskursen belyser inte de betingade riskerna de storskaliga industriella investeringarna innebär för lokalsamhället. Den genomförda studien visar att den gröna återindustrialiseringen av landsbygden i norra Sverige, som främjas av den svenska regeringen och EU, är en av de mest ambitiösa framtidsvisionerna i modern tid. Slutsatsen är att det råder en viss skillnad mellan visionen på kommunal- och överkommunal nivå, dessutom finns det ingen risk medvetenhet i den aktuella utvecklingen.

This thesis explores perceptions and preferences on regional action in EU-related frameworks among regional actors in Western Sweden. Building upon the literature on Europeanisation and the Fusion approach, three dimensions of Europeanisation are clarified and explored– download, upload and crossload – and together with a set of five variables that constitute the Micro Fusion Framework; a comprehensive analytical tool is developed. The thesis analyses the intense debate among the members of West Sweden that took place from 2011 to 2013 that focused on how to functionally organise the regional office in Brussels in order to meet future challenges. Surprisingly, the members eventually decided to terminate their cooperation and close the jointly owned office in Brussels in spite of the fact that it has been widely regarded as successful and effective. Diverging perceptions and preferences is understood in terms of three positions on regional action; a download-, upload- and a coherent oriented position. Finally, the thesis presents the empirical findings and discusses in relation to three fusion scenarios, infusion, defusion and clustered fusion. In terms of Micro Fusion Framework, the dynamics shaping why West Sweden was finally regarded as a dysfunctional arena for regional action are explained by a shift of attention and action among regional actors in Western Sweden that led to pressure for further institutional adaptation in order to meet the demand of how ‘to get the best out of the EU’. Further, this redefinition of how to handle EU-affairs within the upload-oriented position was accompanied by positive attitudes towards the potential to bypass the state and thereby pursue regional priorities directly in Brussels given the compound nature of the EU. In contrast, those regional actors that are found to be more download-oriented often question the benefits of uploading activities in practice and advocate close relations to the state. A coherent oriented position recognises the importance of activities related to both of the vertical dimensions of Europeanisation. / I avhandlingen studeras regionala aktörers uppfattningar och attityder till regionalt handlande i EU-relaterade frågor. För att hantera EU-frågor etableras ofta regionala representationskontor i Bryssel. Ett av de största och framgångsrikaste regionala kontoren i Bryssel var West Sweden som representerade västsvenska kommuner och regioners intressen i EU. År 2011 inleds en intern diskussion bland dess medlemmar om hur kontoret bör utvecklas för att möta nya utmaningar i en föränderlig omvärld. Diskussionerna är intensiva, och något överraskande beslutar dess medlemmar att lägga ned verksamheten ett par år senare. I avhandlingen analyseras diskussionen utifrån ett europeiseringsperspektiv. Med hjälp av en analysram som definierar tre dimensioner av europeiseringsprocesser identifieras tre olika positioner i diskussionen; en download-, upload- respektive sammanhållen position. Det kan vara frestande att förstå West Swedens nedläggning som ett uttryck för att subnationella aktörer ”drar sig tillbaka” och föredrar aktiviteter inom nationalstatens domäner. Avhandlingen argumenterar för att så är inte fallet. Nedläggningen av West Sweden förstås som en konsekvens av ökade spänningar mellan regionala aktörer som anammar ett download- respektive upload-orienterat förhållningssätt.

L'ordre juridique international appréhende une collectivité infra-étatique comme un organe de l'État souverain. Cette logique classique d'assimilation, guidée par une lecture étatiste des rapports internationaux, y conditionne les opérations d'identification d'un engagement en raison d'un acte juridique, d'imputation d'un fait illicite et d'établissement d'une capacité à ester en justice. Dans ce contexte, une collectivité infra-étatique ne dispose pas d'une personnalité juridique propre, réserve faite du cas particulier des collectivités fédérées. Originellement internationaux, les ordres juridiques de l'Union européenne (U.E.) et du Conseil de l'Europe conservent une part de cet héritage. Toutefois, l'incorporation des collectivités infra-étatiques à cet édifice juridique régional, certes encore dominé par les États, les hisse progressivement au rang d'actrices singulières. L'autonomisation des deux ordres juridiques européens à l'égard de ces mécanismes internationaux classiques et la réalisation du principe d'immédiateté amènent alors à reconsidérer la pertinence d'une assimilation systématique des collectivités infra-étatiques à la figure de l'État et à prendre plus régulièrement en compte leur personnalité juridique distincte, telle que consacrée en droit interne. Cette logique nouvelle de personnification, qui trouve à s'exprimer dans une dimension verticale (i.e. dans les rapports entre les ordres juridiques internes et européens) et horizontale (i.e. dans les rapports entre les ordres juridiques internes des États) reste encore imparfaite. / The international legal system perceives a sub-state collectivity as a sovereign State's organ. This classical logic of assimilation, led by a statist perception of international relations, conducts the operations of identification of a commitment due to a juridical act, attribution of a wrongful act and acceptance of standing. In this context, a sub-state collectivity is not considered as a juridical person, subject to the particular situation of federated collectivities. Originally international, European Union's (E.U.) and Council of Europe's legal systems retain a measure of this heritage. However, the incorporation of sub-state collectivities in this regional legal system, admittedly still dominated by States, raises them gradually to the rank of singular actresses. The empowerment of both European legal systems from these classical international mechanisms and the realization of the principle of immediacy bring to reconsider the relevance of a systematic assimilation of the sub-state collectivities as insignificant parts of State and take account of their own juridical personality, such as established by domestic law. This new logic of personification, which develops vertical (i.e. relations between European and domestic legal systems) and horizontal dimensions (i.e. relations between domestic legal systems) is still imperfect. When they're not considered as State's organs, sub-state collectivities are sometimes perceived as individuals, who try to satisfy their own interests without any reference to general interest.

Depuis le Conseil européen de Lisbonne en 2000, l’Union européenne s’active à devenir une société de la connaissance leader dans l’hypercompétition mondiale. Elle s’attache à enrichir et structurer ses ressources de diversité et de créativité en restructurant sa méthode d’intégration suivant une approche plus ascendante. Elle pousse aussi au décloisonnement de tous les secteurs socio-économiques afin d’en libérer les potentiels d’innovation. Une société en réseau se tisse ainsi grâce au développement des acteurs locaux et d’une connivence public-privé. Toutefois, ces mutations juridiques exigent l’adhésion active des citoyens. Dès lors, à côté des politiques d’éducation, de recherche et d’innovation, l’Union favorise les synergies avec les domaines de l’emploi, de la jeunesse et de la culture. Tous ces changements entraînent une quête effrénée de cohérence globale nécessaire à la compétitivité et à la durabilité du modèle européen de société de la connaissance. Pour atteindre ces objectifs, le droit européen va puiser sa cohérence dans l’articulation des concepts d’Etat social actif, de méritocratie et de démocratisation. / Since the European Council of Lisbon in 2000, the European Union tends to become a knowledge society leader in the world competition. It enriches and structures its ressources of diversity and creativity by generating a renewal of its integration method around a bottom-up approach. It stimulates too a decompartmentalization of all the socio-economic sectors to free all the innovation potentials. So, a network society appears thanks to the development of regional actors and a public-private connivance. But, the legal evolutions need to get the adhesion of the citizens. That’s why, in addition to the policies of education, research and innovation, the European Union fosters synergies with the domains of employment, youth and culture. All these transitions trigger a search of global coherence to guarantee the competitiveness and the sustainability of the European model of knowledge society. To reach these goals, the European law finds its coherence by articulating the notions of active welfare State, meritocracy and democratization.

This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.