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In the world of Web 2.0, the evolution of the static web towards an interactive, collaborative digital world, we are subjected to many social platforms and applications on which we can represent our-selves. These applications enable us to present ourselves accordingly for an applications’ social con-text. However, the application alone does not determine our entire representation of self. No, rather, in addition to the social setting, our peers on such platforms greatly determine our representation. Adolescents in particular are very vulnerable to meeting the norms of peers and audiences in a specific social setting. They are in the midst of discovering who they are and where they belong. Earlier, ado-lescents would undergo this development in social settings that were part of one of three domains: family, neighbourhood and school. Now, in the era of Web 2.0 and its endless possibilities in discover-ing online social environments and other people with whom adolescents can interact, the internet is considered to be a fourth domain where adolescents develop themselves. Instagram is one of these platforms on Web 2.0 where one can choose to represent oneself. This thesis tried to discover how adolescents represent themselves on Instagram, why and with what consequences according to them. The sample was focused on adolescents between the ages of 15 to 18 in Alphen aan den Rijn, the Netherlands. The Netherlands is a strong individualized culture and its population are heavy users of Web 2.0 applications and Instagram. Since the internet is considered to be such an important domain in self-development in adolescence, it was interesting to discover what behaviours adolescents show on Instagram and what effects these behaviours have. It is not new that adjustments of the self, also referred to as the altered self, take place in different social settings. As far back as 1902, adjustments of the self in a specific social setting have been acknowledged. Throughout the years it has been concluded multiple times that our imagined peers and audiences and their judgements of us, stimulate us to represent ourselves in a way that stimulates posi-tive feedback from others. Web 2.0 social settings, such as Instagram, are still subjected to this point of view where we consider our peers and audiences on Instagram to have ‘power’ over how we should represent ourselves. These interactions are considered to be part of our outer self-esteem, where we feel good or bad about ourselves depending on the engagements we have with our peers. For Instagram specifically, the way we represent ourselves is, as mentioned above, mostly determined by others. Adolescents, who are particularly sensitive to the opinions of their peers, voiced the im-portance of others in this research for their engagement with Instagram. Furthermore, they sometimes try to be popular, but not necessarily, document life events and aim to be creative. They do not tend to share negative feelings on the platform, but solely aim to come across as cool and positive as possible. What both respondents and literature have acknowledged is that there are several consequences of self-representation on Instagram. Respondents in this research mostly saw people presenting them-selves better than they are in offline social settings. It makes the respondents feel insecure and stimu-lates them to also alter their ‘selves’ on Instagram to be able to compete with others. This might be related to social media-driven narcissism, where one becomes increasingly insecure because of all their peers whom appear to be living better lives than they are and in return, urges them to alter their own self on Instagram. This self-made standard of determining whether someone is good enough or not, to my peers, seems to be the biggest danger of self-representations on Instagram. It has also been acknowledged in literature that focusing the self too much on fictional aspects, can cause identity problems which, especially in adolescence, can undermine one’s self-development.

This dissertation investigates enduring forms of Jewish “presence” in Tunisia, but a presence in the near-absence of Jewish communities. French colonialism, Zionism, and Arab nationalism led to the mid-twentieth century immigration of Tunisia's Jewish population to France and Israel-Palestine. Minor Differences examines the century-long de-nativization process by which the Jews of Tunisia went from being seen as Tunisian or Ottoman subjects, to a minority of “nonnative” outsiders. If the historical Jew indexes a past “Golden Age” in Tunisia, then the contemporary Jew is a subject of curiosity––and hostility through her association with the Israeli state. Through the prism of Jewish absence, I examine social relations among the few Jews who stayed in Tunisia, as well as between Jews and Muslims. I draw on a wide array of historical and literary sources as well as two years of fieldwork in a variety of sites, some intuitive and some unexpected: a boxing gym, a Hebrew class, a photography studio, a cemetery, and a synagogue; all of which inform my research, three of which I explicitly discuss in this dissertation. In these cultural sites, my research revealed a phenomenon I call “minor differences”: a paradigmatic instance of this anthropological pattern is the common distinction made between two nearly identical dishes, the “Muslim” madfouna and the “Jewish” bkaila. The “narcissism of minor differences” is a phrase used by Freud to describe an inclination toward aggression that facilitates cohesion between members of a family, or community. Provoked by Freud’s limited theorization of this peculiar form of narcissism, my research develops and applies it to understand the small ways people construct Otherness in everyday life—even, and perhaps especially, the Otherness of an absent cultural presence; and my fieldwork illustrates how it is through these “minor differences” that Jews and Muslims in Tunisia define themselves historically and contemporaneously. I show how minor differences are used to divide people and treated as proof of their essential cultural difference but also how these same “differences” can be used to foster connection, smooth out bumps in social relationships, and argue for broader solidarities. Ultimately, minor differences form the basis of major distinctions in inherited and ascribed forms of social belonging.

Thesis advisor: Donald Cox / Does a CEO’s narcissism influence the company’s stock? Would it matter if it is a media company? The Efficient Market Hypothesis claims that it matters little given market efficiency, as narcissism has been priced in stock based on the Capital Asset Pricing Model. Existing literature is divided on whether CEO narcissism influences corporate efficiency. This paper refines assumptions on asset pricing by indicating when market inefficiency occurs through panel studies, which the Adaptative Market Hypothesis overlooks. A case study on Elon Musk suggests that the CEO’s narcissism with media involvement creates temporary market inefficiency. This paper innovatively combines an event study of Elon Musk's Twitter activities on Tesla and Twitter with a panel analysis of 17 S&P 500 CEOs. The finding shows that younger and female CEOs, who derive narcissism supply and lead media companies, are more inclined to take risks on stock returns. This result suggests re-evaluating stock market efficiency to include CEO demographics and personality, which extends beyond traditional CAPM models. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2024. / Submitted to: Boston College. Morrissey School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Economics. / Discipline: Departmental Honors.

Dark triad är en kombination av mörka personlighetsdrag som består av subklinisk psykopati, subklinisk narcissism och machiavellism (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). Jones och Paulhus (2013), utvecklade Short Dark Triad (SD3), ett test som mäter dark triads personlighetsdrag. Den föreliggande studiens syfte var att validera en svensk version av SD3. Respondenterna svarade på nio enkäter som ingick i ett forskningsprojekt varav tre användes till denna studie. Respondenterna (N = 103) var mellan 19 och 64 år, och alla var aktiva i arbetslivet. Konvergent validering gjordes genom korrelationsanalyser som kontrollerade sambanden mellan de delar, i beprövade instrument, som mäter personlighetsdrag relaterade till begreppen subklinisk psykopati, subklinisk narcissism och machiavellism. Sambandsanalyserna gjordes mellan SD3 och IPIP-120 som mäter femfaktormodellens dimensioner, samt Swedish universities Scales of Personality (SSP) som grundar sig på biologiska markörer för olika psykiatriska tillstånd. Resultaten gick i huvudsak i linje med tidigare forskning (Furnham, Richards, Rangel, & Jones, 2014) med avseende på sambanden mellan femfaktormodellens dimensioner och SD3. En gemensam kärna i de tre personlighetsdragen i dark triad var ovänlighet, och ett viktigt resultat var de signifikanta negativa sambanden med femfaktordimensionen vänlighet. Den Svenska versionen av SD3 anses validerad. / Dark triad is a group of three dark personality scales consisting of subclinical psychopathy, subclinical narcissism and Machiavellianism (Paulhus & Williams. 2002). The Short Dark Triad (SD3), is the measuring tool and was developed by Jones and Paulhus (2013). The purpose of this thesis was to validate a Swedish translation of the SD3. This was done within an existing research project and included 103 respondents, aged 19-64 years, all being employed. They were assigned to respond to nine different surveys, three of them measuring psychopathy, narcissism and Machiavellianism-related scales. Convergent validation was done by correlation analysis with IPIP-120, measuring the personality of five factor model and Swedish universities Scales of Personality (SSP), measuring personality traits based on biological markers, and how well they measure the SD3. Our results generally confirm earlier research on studies between five factor models personality scales and SD3 (Furnham, Richards, Rangel, & Jones, 2014). One result of particular importance was the negative correlation with the Agreeableness Scale since it is a core for the dark triad personalities. Furthermore, our results followed the expected patterns in the correlations between dark triad personalities and the five factor model. The result of our thesis concludes that the Swedish translation of thPSKe SD3 test is to be considered valid.

Different theoretical approaches and interpretations offer diverse delineations and clusters of Enneagram type in terms of Horney’s interpersonal trends of moving toward, moving against and moving away from people. The present study reports the results of an empirical investigation into the relationship between Enneagram type and Horney’s interpersonal trends. A sample of 2 3 participants completed the Test of Object Relations (TOR) and 125 of these participants completed the Horney-Coolidge Tridimensional Inventory (HCTI). Two one-way, between-groups multivariate analyses of variance revealed differences between Enneagram types for each of the HCTI interpersonal trends of compliance, aggression and detachment and the TOR dimensions of separation anxiety, symbiotic merging, narcissism, egocentricity, social isolation and fear of engulfment. For each trend, an Enneagram type could be identified as a unique marker or benchmark of the trend. However, the empirical result does not offer clear support for one theoretical approach or viewpoint rather than another. / Psychology / M. A, (Psychology)

Résumé Le premier article de la thèse se veut une revue systématique des données empiriques mettant en lumière les antécédents à la base de l’émergence du leadership narcissique dans les organisations, ses composantes psychologiques ainsi que ses incidences tant pour les organisations que pour leurs membres. Conséquemment, cette étude brosse initialement une recension détaillée des principaux facteurs idiosyncrasiques, culturels, environnementaux et structurels participant à la manifestation du leadership narcissique dans les organisations. Par la suite, elle en sonde la teneur en isolant l’existence de cinq composantes psychologiques, soit le charisme, l’influence intéressée, la motivation fallacieuse, l’inhibition intellectuelle et la considération simulée. Enfin, elle souligne les conséquences négatives de son actualisation dont les principales sont : la production de prises de décisions volatiles et risquées; la création d’un climat organisationnel toxique; la destruction de la confiance des subordonnés; la détérioration de l’efficacité organisationnelle; l’émergence d’une gestion dysfonctionnelle; et la manifestation de comportements non-éthiques. Le deuxième article s’avère une analyse comparative de deux types de leadership se révélant, de prime abord, trompeusement analogues. Ces deux types sont le leadership transformationnel et le leadership narcissique. Quoique se situant aux antipodes en matière de satisfaction de besoins (influence idéalisée versus influence intéressée), de promotion de visions (motivation inspirationnelle versus motivation fallacieuse), de réceptivité à la rétroaction d’autrui (stimulation intellectuelle versus inhibition intellectuelle) et de traitement des relations interpersonnelles (considération individualisée versus considération simulée), les leaderships transformationnel et narcissique partagent entre eux un élément commun : le charisme du leader. C’est précisément cette dernière caractéristique, conférant à son détenteur un puissant halo magnétisant, qui se révèle le creuset de la spéciosité du leadership narcissique opérant essentiellement lors des tout premiers contacts avec le leader. En fait, le charisme du leader narcissique sert en quelque sorte de fard, composé de charme et de fascination, masquant une décevante réalité psychologique et dont les propriétés captieuses s’étiolent rapidement. Le troisième article de la thèse est une étude conceptuelle examinant la structuration idiosyncrasique des criminels en col blanc ayant commis des fraudes financières se chiffrant à plusieurs dizaines de millions de dollars. Exploitant le croisement des deux dimensions fondamentales de l’agression, soit sa fonction (proactive ou réactive) et sa forme (directe ou indirecte), cette étude propose une taxonomie archétypique de différents types de psychopathie susceptible de mieux cerner la psychologie du criminel en col blanc d’envergure. L’agression est dite proactive lorsqu’elle est motivée par des impératifs de prédation indépendants de l’état émotionnel de l’individu. L’action de l’individu prédateur est intentionnelle et instrumentale. Elle vise l’atteinte d’objectifs préétablis avant l’actualisation de l’agression. Par contre, elle est considérée réactive lorsque la préservation de l’intégrité physique ou psychologique de l’individu est l’objet d’une menace émergeant de son environnement externe immédiat. Dans ce cas, la réaction agressive de l’individu est émotionnellement conditionnée. Par ailleurs, nonobstant la nature de sa fonction, l’agression peut s’exprimer directement ou indirectement. Elle est considérée directe lorsqu’elle a pour cible l’agressé en tant que tel. La forme physique d’agression peut être physique (sévices corporels) ou verbale (menaces et insultes). Par contre, lorsqu’elle emprunte des modes d’expression plus subtils, tels les rumeurs, l’humour malicieux et la tromperie, l’agression est dite indirecte. Le pairage des deux dimensions fondamentales de l’agression permet la construction d’un modèle d’analyse bidimensionnelle englobant quatre types de psychopathie, à savoir les psychopathies parasitique (préservation indirecte), colérique (préservation directe), cynégétique (prédation directe) et sympathique (prédation indirecte). C’est précisément cette dernière forme de psychopathie, le type sympathique caractérisé par un étaiement idiosyncrasique narcissico-machiavélique, qui traduit le mieux la psychologie des criminels en col blanc d’envergure. Enfin, le quatrième et dernier article de la présente thèse se propose d’explorer une problématique de recherche n’ayant reçu que très peu d’attention de la part des membres de la communauté scientifique, à savoir l’examen de l’adéquation d’un modèle dimensionnel du narcissisme pathologique inspiré du modèle développé par Roche, Pincus, Lukowitsky, Ménard et Conroy (2013). Au moyen d’une étude de cas exploratoire, il a été possible d’associer la vulnérabilité narcissique au segment décompensatoire (échec des stratégies inadaptées d’agrandissement de soi) du modèle théorique inspiré de celui de Roche et al. (2013) et ce, conformément à ses prescriptions. En effet, la comparaison des résultats de l’un des deux participants de l’étude, madame H, obtenus lors des deux saisies de données espacées d’un intervalle d’une année, indique une diminution de la vulnérabilité narcissique lors de la période de re-compensation. En outre, cette diminution est accompagnée de celle de la grandiosité narcissique. En somme, la relation positive entre les deux dimensions du narcissisme pathologique se révèle, sur un plan longitudinal, constante dans les deux segments – compensatoire (recours à des stratégies inadaptées d’agrandissement de soi) et décompensatoire – du modèle théorique inspiré de celui de Roche et al. (2013). Par ailleurs, les résultats obtenus auprès des deux participants à l’étude de cas, monsieur B et de madame H, s’avèrent éclairants eu égard à la prépondérance respective de chacune des dimensions (grandiosité et vulnérabilité) narcissiques en fonction des segments compensatoire et décompensatoire du modèle théorique inspiré de celui de Roche et al. (2013). Se trouvant en mode de compensation narcissique lors des deux saisies de données, monsieur B affiche une grandiosité narcissique supérieure à sa vulnérabilité narcissique. Cette constatation respecte en tous points les prescriptions théoriques du modèle. Quant à madame H, qu’elle soit en mode de compensation ou de décompensation narcissique (postulat non démontré eu égard aux prescriptions du modèle théorique utilisé), sa vulnérabilité narcissique demeure constamment plus élevée que sa grandiosité narcissique. Théoriquement, selon les prescriptions du modèle, la prépondérance devrait être observée chez la dimension « grandiosité narcissique » en période de compensation. De toute évidence, les données obtenues auprès de madame H s’écartent de ces prescriptions. / The first article of the thesis offers a systematic review of the empirical data highlighting the precursors to the emergence of narcissistic leadership in organizations, its psychological components, as well as its impact on both organizations and their members. Accordingly, this study begins by compiling a detailed list of the main idiosyncratic, cultural, environmental and structural factors at play in the manifestation of narcissistic leadership in organizations. It then explores their nature by identifying the existence of five psychological components: charisma, self-interested influence, deceptive motivation, intellectual inhibition and simulated consideration. Finally, it underscores the negative consequences of the emergence of narcissistic leadership, including, notably: the production of volatile and risky decision making; the creation of a toxic organizational climate; the destruction of subordinates’ trust; the degradation of organizational effectiveness; the emergence of dysfunctional management; and the manifestation of unethical behaviour. The second article proposes a comparative analysis of two types of leadership that appear at first glance to be deceptively similar. These two types of leadership are transformational leadership and narcissistic leadership. Although diametrically opposed in terms of the satisfaction of needs (idealized influence versus self-interested influence), the promotion of visions (inspirational motivation versus deceptive motivation), the receptiveness to feedback (intellectual stimulation versus intellectual inhibition) and the treatment of interpersonal relations (individualized consideration versus simulated consideration), transformational and narcissistic leadership share a common element: the charisma of the leader. This charisma places a powerful, magnetic halo on the head of the leader and it is precisely this characteristic that is the crucible of the deceptive attractiveness of narcissistic leadership that is felt upon the very first contact with the leader. In fact, the narcissistic leader’s charisma serves as a sort of mask that combines charm and fascination to conceal a disappointing psychological reality and whose attractive qualities quickly fall away. The third article of the thesis is a conceptual study of the idiosyncratic patterns of white-collar criminals who have committed fraud in the tens of millions of dollars. Based on the intersection of the two basic dimensions of aggression – i.e., its function (proactive or reactive) and its form (direct or indirect), this study proposes an archetypal taxonomy of the different types of psychopathy with a view to gaining a better understanding of the psychology of large-scale white-collar criminals. Aggression is said to be proactive when it is motivated by predatory imperatives that are independent of the individual’s emotional state. The action taken by the predatory individual is intentional and instrumental. Its aim is to meet predetermined objectives prior to the actualization of the aggressive behaviour. On the other hand, it is considered reactive when the preservation of the individual’s physical or psychological integrity is threatened by the immediate, external environment. In this case, the individual’s aggressive reaction is emotionally conditioned. Moreover, notwithstanding the nature of its function, aggression can be expressed directly or indirectly. It is considered direct when it targets the victim specifically. The form of the aggression can be physical (bodily injury) or verbal (threats and insults). On the other hand, when it is expressed in more subtle forms, such as rumours, malicious jokes and deception, the aggression is said to be indirect. Pairing the two main dimensions of aggression allows for the construction of a two-dimensional model of analysis encompassing four types of psychopathy, namely: parasitic psychopathy (indirect preservation), choleric psychopathy (direct preservation), cynegetic psychopathy (direct predation) and sympathetic psychopathy (indirect predation). It is precisely this last form of psychopathy – the sympathetic form characterized by a narcissistic and Machiavellian underpinnings idiosyncratic – that best reflects the psychology of large-scale white-collar criminals. Finally, the fourth and last article of this thesis proposes to explore a research problem that has received very little attention from members of the scientific community, namely how adequate is a dimensional model of pathological narcissism based on the model developed by Roche, Pincus, Lukowitsky, Ménard and Conroy (2013). On the basis of exploratory case study, it was possible to link narcissistic vulnerability to decompensatory segment (failure of maladaptive self-enhancement strategies) of this model. This linkage conforms to the hypothesis of the model. Indeed, the results of one of two study participants, Ms. H, indicate a decrease of narcissistic vulnerability in the re-compensatory period. Furthermore, this decrease is accompanied by a decrease of narcissistic grandiosity. In others words, on a one year longitudinal plane, the positive relationship between the two dimensions (narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability) of pathological narcissism is found to be constant in two segments – compensation (use of maladaptive self-enhancement strategies) and decompensation – of the theoretical model based on the model of Roche et al. (2013). Moreover, the results for two study participants, Mr. B and Ms. H, prove to be enlightening according to respective preponderance of each narcissistic dimension of theoretical model based on the model developed by of Roche et al. (2013). In tests in 2012 and in 2013, Mr. B displays greater narcissistic grandiosity greater than narcissistic vulnerability, and was deemed to be in compensatory mode. This observation conforms to the hypothesis of the model. As for Ms. H, her narcissistic vulnerability remains consistently much higher than her narcissistic grandiosity. Theoretically, whether she is in narcissistic compensatory or decompensatory mode (unproven assumption in view of the theoretical model used), narcissistic vulnerability should only be dominant in the period of decompensation. Obviously, the results of Ms. H do not conform to the model.