This thesis traces the development of Anglo-American naval relations throughout the Chamberlain premiership and the various attempts that were made during this period to extend and broaden the existing level of cooperation in the hope that it might be used for politico-strategic purposes. It deals in some depth with the background to and course of Eden's various initiatives to the Roosevelt Administration in the six months following the July 7th incident of 1937 and explains why his attempts to construct some form of naval partnership with the United States evoked such opposition from within the ranks of the British Government. In this connection, Chamberlain's rather ambivalent role in Anglo-American relations and the contrast between Eden and himself in their use of different methods, style and policy is closely examined in the first half of the thesis. After Eden's resignation and until appeasement became discredited, Anglo-American naval cooperation continued to be a mainly technical rather than strategic nature. In the last few months of peace, however, the British again looked to the Americans for strategic assistance and tried unsuccessfully to encourage them to deploy their fleet in the Western Pacific in order to counter the threat of the Japanese in the Far East. The thesis goes on to explore the changing naval relationship between Britain and the United States after the outbreak of the Second World War and how it led to greater involvement between them on detailed day-to-day technical matters related to the war in Europe. Although predominantly a study in the formation of British policy, the thesis has also drawn extensively on the official American records in an attempt to establish that a close link existed between naval strategy and foreign policy in Anglo-American relations during this period.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2006. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references: leaf 296-320.

Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2008. / "December 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 92-97). Also available online.

In 1890, the American naval officer and scholar Alfred Thayer Mahan formulated as a theory that seapower brings prosperity. This thesis in War Science tests whether Mahan’s theory remains valid in the modern day. A multi-disciplinary approach is taken, wherein a financial event study method is employed for hypothesis testing. Prosperity is the product of many factors that interact in complex systems. Consequently, isolating the positive contribution of seapower is difficult. Its influence is therefore inferred from its absence, in the form of failure to protect shipment of a key commodity. By the logic of the operationalisation, insufficient seapower results in attacks on shipping. Information of attacks is promptly reflected in asset prices on intensively traded financial markets. A negative change in a stock market index represents a reduction in the value of the traded assets. This in turn implies a negative contribution to national prosperity. Specifically, attacks on supertankers are used as empirical data. The ensuing impact is measured in first order effects on oil prices and second order effects on stock market returns. A strong correlation is found between attacks on supertankers and oil price shocks. A sufficiently strong impact is found on stock market returns to allow for arguing that Mahan’s theory retains validity. Given recent developments in major power relations, Mahanian postulates may be more in fashion now than in the previous century. The findings complement previous research on the benefits from seapower, naval presence and maritime security. In addition to general policy implications from exhibiting the significance of seapower, an elaboration on the current security situation’s ramifications for small states. Thereby it situates seapower in its grand strategic context.

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I USA:s nya maritima strategi anges kravet att kunna uppträda med marina enheter i farvatten från havet intill kusten. För att kontrollera det kustnära havsområdet krävs effektivitet inom krigföring på och under ytan.  Den nya maritima strategin har lyft fram minkrigföringens roll. Minvapnet framställs dels som ett hot men också som en möjlighet att utnyttja i offensiva och defensiva syften. Med de nya strategiska kraven har amerikanska marinen vidtagit åtgärder för att förbättra kapaciteten inom minkrigföringen. En historisk jämförelse mellan USA som enda kvarvarande supermakt och Sverige som en småstat belägen vid ett innanhav idealiskt för minkrigföring kan ge intressanta aspekter på minkrigföringens strategiska roll.Denna studie fokuserar på USA:s och Sveriges syn på minkrigföringens strategiska roll under 100 år, 1900 – 2000. Under denna period fick minkrigföringen sitt absoluta genombrott i sjökriget. Studien ger en översikt hur synen på minkrigföringen påverkas av erfarenheter från olika konflikter, krig och den tekniska utvecklingen. / The post world war period demands new maritime strategies for the New Century. U.S. military will play an essential role in building coalitions and shaping the international environment through means such as the forward stationing or deployment of forces. This requires significant forward presence involving naval forces in crisis-prone regions. Forward presence and engagement require capability to manoeuvre naval forces from the sea into the littoral waters. With the shift in focus by naval forces from the open ocean strategies of the Cold War to the littoral regions, the potential for mines to frustrate naval plans has increased. Naval forces must have an effective MCM capability to operate in littoral waters. A comparative historic study between U.S. and Sweden can give new prospects in the strategic importance of mine warfare.    This study focuses on U.S. and Swedish reflections on the strategic importance of mine warfare. During the 20 th century mine warfare made a definite breakthrough in sea warfare. This study attempts to give an outline of how attitudes of naval strategy are influenced by conflicts, war and technical development. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

The theme of this work is an Allied Arctic convoy PQ 16 and its connection to history within the military, but political and military history of everyday life. For this voyage and its associated naval battle took place at the end of May 1942. In the seven chapters deals with both sailing alone group PQ 16, as well as the Allied naval strategy and tactics applied on the Arctic battlefield of World War II. In the context of interpreting the meaning convoys in terms of material assistance to the Soviet Union, the text includes a broader discussion of research on this issue globally, especially in connection with the frequent ideological load previous research on both sides of the warring blocks. Work is mainly based on unpublished archival sources from the UK, while also dealing with the possibilities of their analysis and interpretation in the context of research nautical history of the Second World War. The conclusion concerning the appraisal výzamu convoy PQ 16 as a major naval victory of the Allies. KEYWORDS World War II, naval war, allied arctic convoys, naval strategy

回顧中共海權及海軍的發展及21世紀現行海權發展目標、作為、法令依據等。其海軍力量的發展如同其經濟成長情形一樣快速起飛，很自然成為西方矚目焦點，特別是建立遠洋艦隊的企圖，更引起外界高度關注。依中共海軍規劃，希望在2050年具備並達到遂行遠洋作戰的能力和目標。 進入21世紀， 2003年至2011年，即便是在國際金融危機的衝擊下，中國經濟仍達到了10.7%的平均增速。2011年，中共經濟總量超越日本，成為世界第二大經濟體，也意味著中共海權的發展伴隨著經濟正高速的發展，期與世界大國站立於同一水平。1982年4月聯合國通過了「聯合國海洋法公約」，於1994年11月正式生效，此法的公佈使得海洋權再分配進入了新階段，不僅確立了12海浬領海制度、200海浬專屬經濟區制度、大陸架制度及國際海底區域與資源是全人類共同繼承的財產和公海管理制度等。「聯合國海洋法公約」的生效，對中共而言不僅是提供近300萬平方公里海洋國土的法律依據，使中共站在維護國家基本利益與主權的角度上有理有據的發展海權作為。在此時空環境下，中共積極地將海軍戰略調整為更具主動性的「近海防禦」之區域性戰略，逐步擴大到太平洋「第二島鏈」的遠洋海軍。藉由經濟發展支撐海權，透過海權的維護來牽引經濟發展加快實現國防現代化，尤其海上武裝力量的建設，使其能確保海上行動自由，保障海上交通運輸和海洋安全。 在中共挾其綜合國力快速增長的同時，可預見的中共逐漸發展的海權及海軍戰略，勢必影響區域間各國的緊張及美、日等國的約制與挑戰。一場軍備競賽正開始中，中共海軍已逐漸由區域性海軍向全球性遠洋海軍發展與布局，進而發展成為海陸複合的強國。 / The purpose of this study is to retrospect the development of China's Navy and maritime right as well as its goals, operations and related laws. Its maritime power improves rapidly in coordinate with its economic growth. Obviously, Beijing attempts to establish the deep waters fleet capability which is also so-called "Blue Sea", resulting in the attention of western powers. Therefore, PRC (People's Republic of China) is going to have the deep waters military capabilities in 2050 according to China's force building schedule. At first, China's economy growth rate reaches 10.7 percentages on average from 2003 to 2011. In 2011, its economic trade overpasses Japan to be the 2nd largest country all over the world, indicating that its economic achievement already reach the level of advanced nations. Secondly, the United Nations passed "United Nations Maritime Convention" in April, 1982 and took in effect in November, 1994. This pact not only redistribute the maritime right into new phase by clarifying 12 nautical miles of territorial waters, 200 nautical miles of economic waters and the continental shelf, but also state that all the maritime resources belong to all the human beings. Moreover, the Act facilitates China's gaining maritime territory for 3 million square meters and provides the judicial basis to maintain its national interests and sovereignty. Through this specific phenomenon, Beijing actively adjusts its naval strategy from coastal waters to deep waters reaching the field of 2nd Island Chain. The maritime right facilitates economic development and modernizes its national defense abilities, especially on setting up the armed maritime power to safeguard the maritime transportation and sea lane security. Lastly, with the combined power development, China's maritime right and naval strategy will cause unrest in the region as well as the constraints and challenges from US and Japan. As predicted, there will have an armament race when Beijing develops its naval strategy from coastal waters to deep waters. China will gradually transform into a super power.

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Diploma thesis 'US-China Relationship in the Field of Naval Security - Cooperation or Conflict' focuses on the current phenomenon of Chinese naval rise and its implications for the relationship between China and today's leading naval power United States both in the Asia Pacific and Indian Ocean region. Using the comparative analysis, both the strategies as well as naval capacities of China and the US in both aforementioned regions are compared in order to assess the future character of their naval relationship. This thesis addresses also the evolution of Chinese navy and Chinese naval modernization on its own as well as its motives and those ideational and material factors which have a considerable impact on this modernization.