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海域執法儼然已成為全球化新興環境的核心議題，在面對周邊各國積極強化 海洋經營管理策略及戰略部署的同時，我國更應該思考如何強化海洋政策作為， 藉此與世界接軌，構建與各國間的等距平衡，從中獲得外交自主性，以確保國家 最大利益。 隨著聯合國海洋法公約的出現，為世界各國在海洋權益的維護上帶來全新的 依循規範，各國為因應此一趨勢，均積極採取因應作為，以求國家利益最大化。 兩岸同屬海岸線比例長的國家，且環境相似，加以兩岸文化相近，儘管在政治制 度上有差異，但面對當今海洋趨勢卻有諸多相同點，除海域執法機關演進之制度 走向相當外，與周邊國家海域爭端情形亦多相牽連。儘管兩岸現況仍處於複雜政 治關係，但就海域執法合作部分，雙方都希望可以藉助發展經驗相互交流，並在 對彼此都有利的情形之下展開合作，維護海洋權益，提升人民福祉。 中國大陸挾著其崛起的大國氣勢，明確提出「海洋強國」的戰略目標，具體 透過整合內部海上執法機關，展現維護國家海洋權益之決心，積極鞏固和擴大其 海洋的維權作為。面對中國大陸積極拓展海域執法力量的同時，臺灣應如何突破 政治困境，在維護國家尊嚴與人民福祉的前提下，尋求兩岸海域執法合作之互利 發展，已是現實環境所必須面臨的問題。 / With international communities’ awareness of marine development,the maritime law enforcement has become one of the core issues ofglobalized emergent environment. While the neighboring states havebeen actively promoting their strategies of marine management anddeploying tactically, Taiwan should consider the ways to promote itsmarine policy and conduction, to connect with the world and keepdiplomatic balance, and to ensure the nation’s interests. The announcement of the United Nations Convention on the Law ofthe Sea (UNCLOS) has established the guidelines for states to protecttheir rights and benefits. Hence, the states all actively adjust and modifytheir policies and regulations to seek nation’s interests. Mainland China and Taiwan both are countries with long coastlines and similarenvironments and culture. Although being different in political system,two sides have many viewpoints toward the trends of marine management in common. In addition to the similar institutionalization of maritime law enforcement, agencies of both sides are closely interconnected with the disputes of overlapping waters. Both sides express to protect their marine rights and benefits and the public’s interests by reciprocal exchange and experience sharing in regard to maritime law enforcement, both sides are still in the complicated political situation though. The strategic goal of the Mainland China is to become “marinepower”. The China shows the resolution to protect its marine rights and benefits by integrating domestic maritime law enforcement agencies. While facing the China’s actively strengthening its maritime law enforcement, Taiwan inevitably has to consider the possibilities and promotion of cross-straits cooperation on maritime law enforcement without compromising Taiwan’s dignity and the public’s interests.

台灣位居西太平洋第一島鏈中央地帶，地處遠東至北美航線的樞紐，扼控台灣海洋、巴士海峽及鄰近太平洋海域，為太平洋與印度洋之間聯絡要道，故其地理位置與戰略地位相當重要。由此特性來看，台灣的國家安全與海洋是密切相關的，其作為重要緩衝空間，是維護國家安全的屏障和門戶。 台灣擁有豐富的海洋資源，對於海洋資源的合理開發與相關海域的有效管理，關係著台灣的生存、安全與發展。尤其我國屬海洋國家，數十年來倚賴全球性的海上貿易，創造了蓬勃的經濟發展，並藉此擴大國際活動空間，與世界各國建立了實質的經貿關係；其中，進出口貨物絕大多數是透過海上的交通線來進行，因此海上的交通線堪稱「生命線」。不論是平時或戰時，維持這條生命線的暢通，不僅是保護我國的生存空間，同時也是維護全球經貿所必須。 有關海洋事務除海軍外，行政院海岸巡防署亦為一重要力量，海岸巡防署自2000年1月28日成立以來，以現有的人力約21,453人，各式巡防艦艇160餘艘，岸際雷達77座；平時除擔任海岸管制區之管制、防止滲透及槍毒走私、防疫等攸關國家安全事項，戰時則依據「國防法」及「行政院海岸巡防署組織法」規定，依行政命令納入國防軍事作戰體系；另自「911事件」後，為維護我國海域、海岸安全，依行政院反恐怖行動小組指示，協力執行反制海上及漁港船舶遭受劫持或破壞等恐怖攻擊事件。 2008年馬英九先生當選總統，在海洋政策領域中提出了「藍色革命、海洋興國」的口號與願景，欲成立海洋事務部，雖是根本解決之道，由於海洋事務範圍廣泛，涉及機關眾多，為避免現行各部會反彈，採循序漸進的可行方式，而先成立「海洋事務委員會」之協調規劃機關，共同與各相關部會推動海洋事務工作。期能匯集國力，維護海洋權益，加強海域防衛能量，以遏止海上威脅，確保國家安全。 / Geographically located at the central area of the first island chain of Western Pacific Ocean, Taiwan is regarded as the pivotal point of the navigation from Far East to Northern America as well as the channel linking the Pacific Ocean with Indian Ocean, holding the reins of Bashi Channel, the sea surrounding Taiwan and the neighboring Pacific Ocean, all of which manifest itself as one significant role geographically and strategically. Viewed from this perspective, the development of marine affairs in Taiwan not only has a close correlation with the maritime law enforcement, but serves as a valve to the national security also. The appropriate advances of marine resources and efficient management of neighboring sea areas has proven very important for the security and development of Taiwan, a country blessed with rich and diverse marine resources. Over the past decades, Taiwan’s economy has relied heavily on international marine commerce, creating prosperous economic developments and thereby expanding its space on the international arena through the economic and financial links with other countries. Most of these exports and imports have transported through sea, hence the marine transportation should be seen as the line of life and should be kept workable at the period of peace as well as at wartime, in order to protect the status of Taiwan and maintain the economic and financial pulses all over the globe. Apart from the Navy, Coast Guard Administration, Executive Yuan (shortened as Coast Guard) has been an essential source of power in addressing marine affairs. Founded on January 28, 2000, Coast Guard is currently staffed with 21,453 persons, equipped with more than 160 patrol frigates and 77 coastal radars. Coast Guard takes charge of coastal-area regulation tasks and national safety matters including preventing the smuggling of guns、 drugs and curbing epidemic spread in the time of peace. During the period of war, Coast Guard shall be integrated into the military defense system according to the decrees from the National Defense Law and the Institutional Regulations of Coast Guard Administration. After the 911 incident, Coast Guard has cooperated in counterattacking the terror attacks such as hijacking or destruction of boats or vessels at sea or near fishing ports in accordance with the anti-terror team of Executive Yuan, so as to protect the national security of our coast and sea areas. As Ma Ying-jeou was elected as President in 2008, he proposed a vision with the campaign slogan of “Blue Revolution, Ocean Nation”, promising to establish Maritime Affairs Ministry. Although such ministry might be the solution for creating an ocean country, but due to the diversity of marine affairs, which involve a wide range of government institutions and agencies; what is more, probable protests may arise from existing government offices. Therefore, in order to conduct such relevant maritime affairs, the establishment of “Maritime Affairs Committee” is to act as ccoordinated institution across departments and offices. We hope to maintain our marine rights, strengthen marine defense capabilities and gather our national momentum so that marine threats can be contained while national security can be preserved.

本研究的主旨目的，即在探究我國海岸巡防機關間跨域治理與透過個案分析的方式，使讀者能透過實務與理論的結合，面對困難而能解決問題俾提供依據，在輔以臨近各國美、中、日就海岸巡防機關的現況分析；使讀者能進一步，面對先進各國海巡機關的背景有所了解。首先敘述研究背景與動機、研究目的與問題、研究範圍與限制、研究方法與流程，各章節分別說明 透過前述的研究動機，本次研究宗旨在對於我國海岸巡防機關間跨域治理的實際情形，實務上面對災情、服務民眾或必要採取緊急應變措施提供探討，進而解決問題。從研究目的而言，有下列等事項： 一、研究目的 （一）海岸巡防機關與跨域治理在實務上面對的問題與解決的方式。 （二）行政院海洋委員會成立後，如何在理論與實務上將機關能量充分發揮。 二、研究問題 （一）他山之石可以攻錯利用美、中、日的海域巡防機關找出值得借鏡的模式。 （二）我國海域治理和海岸巡防的概念意涵及核心工作的差異。 （三）跨域治理的實務運作分別以海洋汙染、海難救助、海域執法所產生的困擾。 （四）依據個案與學術研究提出海岸巡防機關間，跨域治理面對行政院海洋委員會成立後的建議。

回顧中共海權及海軍的發展及21世紀現行海權發展目標、作為、法令依據等。其海軍力量的發展如同其經濟成長情形一樣快速起飛，很自然成為西方矚目焦點，特別是建立遠洋艦隊的企圖，更引起外界高度關注。依中共海軍規劃，希望在2050年具備並達到遂行遠洋作戰的能力和目標。 進入21世紀， 2003年至2011年，即便是在國際金融危機的衝擊下，中國經濟仍達到了10.7%的平均增速。2011年，中共經濟總量超越日本，成為世界第二大經濟體，也意味著中共海權的發展伴隨著經濟正高速的發展，期與世界大國站立於同一水平。1982年4月聯合國通過了「聯合國海洋法公約」，於1994年11月正式生效，此法的公佈使得海洋權再分配進入了新階段，不僅確立了12海浬領海制度、200海浬專屬經濟區制度、大陸架制度及國際海底區域與資源是全人類共同繼承的財產和公海管理制度等。「聯合國海洋法公約」的生效，對中共而言不僅是提供近300萬平方公里海洋國土的法律依據，使中共站在維護國家基本利益與主權的角度上有理有據的發展海權作為。在此時空環境下，中共積極地將海軍戰略調整為更具主動性的「近海防禦」之區域性戰略，逐步擴大到太平洋「第二島鏈」的遠洋海軍。藉由經濟發展支撐海權，透過海權的維護來牽引經濟發展加快實現國防現代化，尤其海上武裝力量的建設，使其能確保海上行動自由，保障海上交通運輸和海洋安全。 在中共挾其綜合國力快速增長的同時，可預見的中共逐漸發展的海權及海軍戰略，勢必影響區域間各國的緊張及美、日等國的約制與挑戰。一場軍備競賽正開始中，中共海軍已逐漸由區域性海軍向全球性遠洋海軍發展與布局，進而發展成為海陸複合的強國。 / The purpose of this study is to retrospect the development of China's Navy and maritime right as well as its goals, operations and related laws. Its maritime power improves rapidly in coordinate with its economic growth. Obviously, Beijing attempts to establish the deep waters fleet capability which is also so-called "Blue Sea", resulting in the attention of western powers. Therefore, PRC (People's Republic of China) is going to have the deep waters military capabilities in 2050 according to China's force building schedule. At first, China's economy growth rate reaches 10.7 percentages on average from 2003 to 2011. In 2011, its economic trade overpasses Japan to be the 2nd largest country all over the world, indicating that its economic achievement already reach the level of advanced nations. Secondly, the United Nations passed "United Nations Maritime Convention" in April, 1982 and took in effect in November, 1994. This pact not only redistribute the maritime right into new phase by clarifying 12 nautical miles of territorial waters, 200 nautical miles of economic waters and the continental shelf, but also state that all the maritime resources belong to all the human beings. Moreover, the Act facilitates China's gaining maritime territory for 3 million square meters and provides the judicial basis to maintain its national interests and sovereignty. Through this specific phenomenon, Beijing actively adjusts its naval strategy from coastal waters to deep waters reaching the field of 2nd Island Chain. The maritime right facilitates economic development and modernizes its national defense abilities, especially on setting up the armed maritime power to safeguard the maritime transportation and sea lane security. Lastly, with the combined power development, China's maritime right and naval strategy will cause unrest in the region as well as the constraints and challenges from US and Japan. As predicted, there will have an armament race when Beijing develops its naval strategy from coastal waters to deep waters. China will gradually transform into a super power.

釣魚臺列嶼爭端是影響東海區域和平穩定的主要因素，該海域除蘊藏豐富生物及非生物資源外，更因其具有重大的地緣戰略利益，對亞太區域安全有深遠之影響。惟歷經歷史時局的演變，主權歸屬問題涉及中共、日本與臺灣等國，基於特殊歷史背景與國際間一中政策制約，使我國僅有海洋國家之名，同時影響我對於上述島嶼之主權主張。 中共挾著新崛起的大國氣勢，明確提出「海洋強國」之戰略目標，透過整合內部海上執法機關，展現維護國家海洋權益之決心，進而鞏固和擴大海洋維權成果。然囿於其海域被島鏈封鎖，戰略迴旋空間有限，為實踐其海洋戰略利益，面對周遭潛在的軍事威脅和海洋爭端，中共目前正積極拓展海上力量。臺灣應如何突破外交困境，並於維護國家尊嚴與人民福祉之間，尋求解決釣魚臺海域爭端之最佳途徑，作為在現今國際劣勢下，發展國家海洋戰略事務之借鏡，以達知彼知己，百戰不殆之效。 海上安全儼然已成為全球化新興環境的核心議題，在面對中共積極強化東海經營管理策略及戰略部署的同時，我國更應該思考如何強化海洋政策作為，藉此與世界接軌，構建與各大國間的等距平衡交往戰略，從中獲得外交自主性，以確保國家最大利益。 / The territorial disputes of Diao-Yu-Tai Islands are the decisive factors to the stability of the East China Sea (ECS). ECS has not only rich living and non-living resources, but also profound effects on the security of Asia-Pacific area due to the significant geo-strategic interests thereof. According to the evolution of historical events, the Islands’ sovereignty disputes among the neighboring countries of China, Japan and Taiwan. Based on the special historic background and constraints of the international realism of one China policy, Taiwan is merely a marine country and has a difficulty to claim the sovereignty right of the Islands. China, the rising power, specifically set out the strategy of establishing itself as a “marine power” by integrating the internal maritime law enforcement agencies to demonstrate the determination of maintaining its maritime rights and interests so as to consolidate and expand the outcome of safeguarded rights. However, blocked by the Island chain of Asian Pacific that leads to insufficient defense and response space, China actively reinforces the maritime power to fulfill its ocean strategic interests and manage the potential military threats and maritime disputes. Taiwan shall break through the diplomatic bottleneck to seek for the best solution on the disputes of the Diao-Yu-Tai Islands to assert the national rights and people welfare under the international adverse situation. The maritime security is the core issue of the Globalization development. Facing to the strengthened stewardship strategy and military arrangement in the ECS of China, Taiwan should think over the marine policy to synchronize with the world and seek for the balance among the neighboring countries. As a result, it is beneficial for Taiwan to win the independent authority in diplomacy to ensure national best interests.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第18554号 / 工博第3915号 / 新制||工||1601(附属図書館) / 31454 / 京都大学大学院工学研究科社会基盤工学専攻 / (主査)教授 間瀬 肇, 教授 中北 英一, 准教授 森 信人 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

傳統海洋戰略的角度來看，長久以來中共因國情、經濟及科技等因素被島鏈封鎖，中共海軍僅有近海防衛的能力，為突破此一困境，在中共未來的海洋戰略任務便是取得500浬的絕對制海權。對於中共海軍急欲衝出美、日封鎖的第一島鏈，控制沿岸500浬絕對制海權的海洋戰略，對中共來說是一個「有道理的戰略」，但這個夢想「不會一蹴可幾，需要很多訓練、模索和實踐操作，會是一個很長的過程，但是勢在必行」；逐步調整內陸發展政策與大陸戰略為海洋戰略的決心。都將使得我們必須非常關注中共未來海洋戰略的發展動向，因為這個發展將會衝擊台灣整體戰略的構想與亞太局勢。中共如何利用軍事戰略之觀點來支持建構這樣的國家戰略，深值吾人關注。 水下兵力的立建立的附加價值最主要在於對戰略的貢獻，甚至向上發展成國家安全政策議題，因為昂貴性的裝備將涉及國家之軍備發展方向一個武器的研發和是否會受到軍隊的廣泛應用，關鍵在於一個國家的軍力發展政策，而像潛艦水下作戰這種昂貴的兵力，發展與否更是展現了一個國家的戰略規劃。為建構未來在亞太之戰略安全環境，中共積極擴建海軍軍力，在中共海軍的戰略中，水下兵力的潛艦部隊占有舉足輕重的地位。長期以來中共都在尋求建設一支強大的潛艦部隊，此一發展趨勢成為美國、日本及我國等亞洲國家之最大威脅。本文以中共水下兵力為縮影觀之中共未來的海洋戰略成形與發展運用，中共的水下兵力一直是中共展示重大科技能力的另一個領域，在中共遠洋戰略的逐漸成形下，美國在亞太環境的戰略佈署直接影響到中共沿海鄰近國家的安全條件；是以在這樣的背景下，深入了解中共潛艦的作戰概念可由此窺知中共發展遠洋戰略的企圖。 關鍵詞：海洋戰略、水下兵力、潛艦、反潛作戰

2000年3月18日台灣的總統選舉，在多組競選人當中，民進黨的陳水扁得到了最高票，也終結了國民黨自1949年以來長期執政的現況，更是台灣民主發展過程中的關鍵時刻，就在這一天，台灣人民用選票，決定了台灣政治邁向政黨輪替的里程碑，國民黨結束在台灣的長期執政，將中央政府的執政權交給民進黨。 2000-2008年期間，兩岸政府由於意識形態的僵持，對立氣氛升高，雙方互信不足，使得政府間交流與合作機制幾近停擺。2008年政黨再次輪換，國民黨的馬英九順利當選中華民國第十二任總統，對兩岸關係立即採「擱置爭議」、秉持「以台灣為主，對人民有利」的原則，並在「不統、不獨、不武」、「維持現狀」的前提下，積極改善兩岸關係，維護台海的和平穩定，為區域的共榮發展創造條件。展現出國民黨沉浸八年脫胎換骨另人耳目一新的多項政策，除與大陸展開定期會談外，並簽定了多項攸關兩岸迫切需解決的協議，使台灣在世界性經濟風暴的環境中，漸漸恢復元氣，更使得世界各國正視我台灣的存在價值。 馬英九總統在其競選時亦強調，21世紀的海洋，是機會也是責任，是風險的來源也是新經濟的資產，他主張台灣應發展「海洋戰略」，跳脫「重陸輕海」的大陸思維，重申我國對於南海、東海的固有領域與傳統漁場之主權和權益，確認「沒有主權就沒有漁權」之原則。當2008年520馬總統就任後，又提出「藍色革命、海洋興國」的政策主張，包括成立海洋專責機關、提升國民海洋意識、加強海洋科技研發、明智利用海洋資源及永績發展海洋產業等。 我國海域執法機關-行政院海岸巡防署，也是自2000年1月合併了當時的警政署水上警察局、國防部海岸巡防司令部及財政部關稅總局緝私艦艇等執行海巡任務單位。海岸巡防署在人員方面，由軍人、警察、關務及一般公務人員四類人員組成；在裝備方面，係多由原機關一併移撥；在勤務遂行方面，亦以納編前原機關執勤方式遂行任務。迄今海巡署已成立9年多，無論是人員、裝備、任務遂行，甚至國際情勢，都在在顯示極需要改革。而且近年來隨著國人日益重視休閒活動，親水性的休閱遊憩方式亦是大多數人的最愛，因此各項海域活動也正蓬勃發展之中，而海洋也逐漸成為觀光旅遊或育樂活動的主要場所。展望兩岸人民交流愈來愈密切，以及兩岸加入WTO後勢必擴大雙方人民的互訪往來，特別是開放大陸地區人民來台觀光後，由於大幅開放大陸人民不限事由得申請來台，勢必衝擊現行多項機制，影響層面尚不得而知。 海岸巡防署面對上述種種問題，因應未來日趨複雜且多元化的任務導向，除積極評估、規劃各類海巡艦艇的整體需求，朝向船型種類精簡化、船舶噸位大型化與船舶功能多元化的方向，籌建新一代的海巡艦艇外，在維護國家整體海洋權益的角色上，應不再侷限於維護治安及國家安全，面對全球環境變遷，漁民權益保護，海上救生救難，海洋資源開發與環境保護，及國人對海洋的親近，海岸巡防署應以新的思維，除應強化各項海巡編裝外，更應利用現階段兩岸和平共處時機，主動積極與大陸協商，簽訂相關共同維護海域治安、開發海洋資源協議，建立兩岸海洋事務互信機制。 / On Mar. 18th, 2000, the people of Taiwan selected Chen Shui-bian of Democratic Progressive Party, who won the most votes among the several presidential candidates, to be the new President of Taiwan. Also, the election ended the long ruling power of Kuomintang (KMT) since 1949. This is a fateful moment in the progress of Taiwan democracy. On the date, the citizens of Republic of China used their vote to push the shift of political power. This is a milestone of party alternation in power. DPP won the presidential election and became the governing party, while Kuomintang (KMT) lost the battle and was downgraded to an opposition party. From 2000 to 2008, the communication and political activities between Taiwan Government and China Government almost were stopped and deferred because their opposing political opinions cause the conflicting and suspicious relationship. In 2008, again, DPP shifted their political power to KMT. Ma Ying-jeou won his presidency to be the 12th President of Taiwan. He handles the relationship between Taiwan and China with the principles—“deferral of conflicts,” “putting Taiwan first for the benefit of the people,” “No unification, No independence, and No military confrontation,” and “Maintain the Status Quo”—and is struggling for improving the relationship between Taiwan and China, maintaining the peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, creating a circumstance for the region’s prosperity. The eight years’ improvement and reformation have turned KMT into a new and vigorous party. These can be seen from its policies on China relationship and communication with China. They have recovered their regular meetings and contracted several urgent and vital agreements about Taiwan’s and China’s business interests. The new government is leading Taiwan to go through and recover from the world financial crisis, meanwhile, displaying the spirit of Taiwan in the world. President Ma emphasized during the presidential election that the ocean in the 21st century is an opportunity but a responsibility, is a cause of risk but a new business resource. He insists that Taiwan should develop the “Ocean strategy” and change business central from the island to the sea. We should recognize the thought “The sovereignty of the sea is the key to get fishing right” and perform powerfully our sovereignty and fishing right in the south sea and east sea which belong to Taiwan. After his inauguration, President Ma advocated “Blue Revolution, Prosperity with Ocean”. The policy emphasize to establish the authority for marine affair, improve marine cognition, strengthen marine technologies and researches, use marine resources friendly and run marine business sustainably. In Jan. 2000, the national coastal low enforcement organization—the Coast guard Administration integrated the personnel from Maritime Police Bureau of National Police Agency of the Ministry of the Interior, the Coastal Guard Command of the Ministry of National Defense, and the Directorate General of Customs of the Ministry of Finance. The Administration contains four respective categories of public servants as the military, police, customs, and regular civil services. All equipment from those organizations before integration is combined into the Administration. Their original duties are not changed after integration. After nine years running of the Administration since that, there are lots of internal sections needed to improvement and upgrade, such as personnel section, equipment, task performance, and international tendency. In resent years, the people of Taiwan are more and more concerned about recreation activities, and water activity is one of most popular. This trend flourishes many ocean amusement businesses and attracts many people in the coastal areas. To deal with the mentioned problems and increasing complex and diverse tasks, the Administration is attempting to estimate and consider the needs of all kinds of coastal guard vessels. The reduction of vessel amount and types is inevitable. The future coastal guard vessel should satisfy huge tonnage and multiple functions. Otherwise, the administration should take more responsibilities than its original role of protecting the order and security of Taiwan and its marine sovereignty. It should build new strategies and strengthen its accoutrements to cope with global environment change, protect our fishing right, perform marine rescues, develop and maintain marine resources, and maintain a safe environment for water amusements. Meanwhile, the Administration should take the time push communication with China and contract agreement and treaties to protect together the peace and order in the Taiwan Strait, develop marine resources, and establish a Confidence－building Mechanism in the marine field.

中共為保障其龐大之海洋利益，對海岸開發、海砂抽取、沿海養殖、捕撈漁業，與石油、天然氣等海底資源礦產探勘挖取等活動，雖設有國家海洋局海監總隊、農業部漁政局、海關總署海上緝私局、公安邊防海警、交通部海事局等多個海上維權執法單位進行專業化管理與維護，然因為採分散制方式各自執法，且各單位以中央、地方進行塊狀管理，事責未有中央機關統一，導致各單位任務及管轄區域彼此犬牙交錯，組織、人員重疊配置，事責分配不均，巡邏艦船裝備重覆採購等問題日漸嚴重，使中國大陸民眾笑稱渠等涉海單位形成「五龍治海」之窘境，影響中共海上執法效率與管理成本。 中共在遭遇美國「無暇號」事件與日本、菲律賓島爭等事件後，為強化其海洋管理及權益維護，為滿足其海上維權執法需求，2013年中共於「十八大」提出按照「大部制」改革方案及「國務院機構改革和職能轉變方案」，除交通部海事局外，將原漁業部漁政局、公安部邊防海警、海關總署海上緝私警察等單位，併入國家海洋局內，與海監總隊整合成立中國海警局，將各單位所轄裝備與人員，全部歸於「中國海警指揮中心」總一指揮。 此一舉措改變中共海上執法與管理分散局面，將海上執法權責統一。該局近年積極研造大型海警船，並接裝長程巡邏機與無人機，已大幅提升其執法監管範圍、能量與彈性。對其發揮維護海洋權益，發展「海洋強國」具有重要極大助力及意義，並為實現其海洋戰略奠定基礎。