Diploma thesis 'US-China Relationship in the Field of Naval Security - Cooperation or Conflict' focuses on the current phenomenon of Chinese naval rise and its implications for the relationship between China and today's leading naval power United States both in the Asia Pacific and Indian Ocean region. Using the comparative analysis, both the strategies as well as naval capacities of China and the US in both aforementioned regions are compared in order to assess the future character of their naval relationship. This thesis addresses also the evolution of Chinese navy and Chinese naval modernization on its own as well as its motives and those ideational and material factors which have a considerable impact on this modernization.

Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy. The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die ontstaan van vlootmagte het state vlote as buitelandse beleidsinstrumente aangewend. Die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het tot ʼn evolusie in die land se buitelandse beleid aanleiding gegee, wat ook gevolge vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot (SAV) ingehou het. Tradisioneel het vlote drie hooffunksies, naamlik ʼn militêre, ʼn polisiëring en ʼn diplomatieke funksie. Hierdie studie fokus slegs op die diplomatieke funksie van die vloot, waarna verwys word as vlootdiplomasie, en die SAV se rol as die ‘bewaarder’ van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na die aard en omvang van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie sedert 1994 en dit aan die hand van relevante teoretiese beginsels te beoordeel. Hieruit voortspruitend is twee doelwitte: eerstens om die wesenskenmerke van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid na 1994 as raamwerk vir vlootdiplomasie te gebruik; en tweedens om die wyse waarop vlootdiplomasie ter ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte aangewend is, te beskryf en te ontleed met spesifieke verwysing na maritieme dwang, samewerking tussen vlootmagte, internasionale maritieme hulpverlening, en internasionale konflikresolusie. Die navorsingsmetodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe beskrywende ontleding, gegrond op 'n literatuurstudie, feitlike bronne, en onderhoude. Beide primêre en sekondêre bronne is in die proses geraadpleeg. Hierdie studie is 'n oorspronklike bydrae om die leemte in die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie aan te spreek. Na die onlangse aanskaffing van nuwe skepe en duikbote, het die SAV se diplomatieke vermoëns aansienlik verbeter. Die gevolg is dat die SAV tans ʼn wesenlike bydrae met betrekking tot maritieme dwang in die streek speel, veral wat teen-seerowery en ander maritieme veiligheidsbedreigings betref. Die SAV is ook baie betrokke in maritieme samewerking. Wat internasionale maritieme hulp betref, het die SAV ander lande met soek en reddingsoperasies bygestaan en ook bemagtig. Die SAV lewer ook ‘n groeiende bydrae tot internasionale konflikresolusie en bestuur. Maar die SAV staar ook verskeie uitdagings in die gesig wat die volgende insluit: verouderde toerusting en skepe (soos aanvalsvaartuie en die hidrografiese opmetingskip); 'n gebrek aan patrollievaartuie en 'n see-verplasingsvermoë; verlies van opgeleide personeel, en verskeie ander uitdagings.

This dissertation explores the growing field of study around Maritime Security. While an increasingly common sub-heading in American naval strategy documents, maritime security operations are largely framed around individual threats (i.e. counter-piracy, counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics). Here, we endeavor to explore how a seemingly disparate set of transnational issues fit into a more coherent framework to give greater theoretical substance to the notion of Maritime Security as a distinct concept. In particular, we examine, as our research question, whether the Broken Windows theory, a criminological construct of social disorganization, provides the lens through which to theorize maritime security in the littorals. By extrapolating from criminology, this dissertation engages with a small but growing impulse in studies on insurgencies, terrorism, and piracy to look beyond classic theories of security to better understand phenomena of political violence. To evaluate our research question, we begin by identifying two critical components of the Broken Windows theory, multidimensionality and context specificity. Multidimensionality refers to the web of interrelated individuals, organizations, and infrastructure upon which crime operates. Context specificity refers to the powerful influence of an individual or community's environment on behavior. These two themes, as explored in this dissertation, are brought into stark relief through an application of the Broken Windows theory. Leveraging this understanding of the theory, we explore our research question by employing process-tracing and detailed descriptions across three case studies (one primary and two illustrative)—the Caribbean Basin, the Gulf of Guinea, and the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. In so doing, we demonstrate how applying the lens that Broken Windows provides yields new and interesting perspectives on maritime security. As a consequence, this dissertation offers an example of a theoretical framework that provides greater continuity to the missions or threats frequently binned under the heading of maritime security, but infrequently associated with one another in the literature.

La composition, l’organisation et le fonctionnement de la marine de guerre vénitienne ont fait l’objet de nombreuses études pour l’époque médiévale et le XVIe siècle, mais les historiens ont largement négligé le XVIIe siècle. Pourtant, cette période joue un rôle crucial dans l’histoire maritime de la Sérénissime. Alors qu’à l’orée du XVIIe siècle, la marine vénitienne était exclusivement composée de galères, elle comprend cent ans plus tard une majorité de vaisseaux de ligne, tandis que les trirèmes vénitiennes, qui sont toujours utilisées en période de paix pour assurer la police de l’Adriatique et de la mer Ionienne, ne servent plus que de force d’appoint dans les moments de guerre.Le présent travail considère cette évolution, sous l'aspect soit opérationnel qui gestionnaire et d'organisation. À ce but, il a été réparti en deux tranches. En la première, on a parcouru les événements qui ont intéressé la marine vénitienne dans la période qui va de 1572 au 1699. Ici, jusqu'à 1635 environ, les principaux adversaires ne furent plus les Turcs, mais les force des Habsbourg, dans leur double déclinaison italique-espagnole et autrichienne, et seulement après le 1645 allèrent recommencer les conflits avec l'Empire Ottoman. Dans la seconde tranche du travail on a analysées les structures sur lesquels s’articulaient la marine vénitienne et ses hommes. En particulier on a distinguées les forces ordinaires de celles extraordinaires, en opérant une séparation nette entre les deux composants de la flotte et les correspondantes organisations. / The composition, the organization and the functioning of the Venetian Navy have been the subject of numerous studies for the medieval time and the XVIth century, but the historians have disregarded the XVIIth century. Yet, this period plays a crucial role in the maritime history of the Serenissima. Whereas to the verge of the XVIIth century, the Venetian Navy was composed exclusively of galleys, a hundred years later it consisted of a majority of ships-of-the-line, while the Venetian triremes, which were always used in period of peace to assure the police of the Adriatic and the sea Ionian, acted only by balancing force in the wars. The present work considers this evolution, under the aspect either operational then of administration and organization. To this purpose, it has been distributed in two sections. The first part looks at the events that interested the Venetian Navy in the period that go from 1572 to 1699. Here, until about 1635, the main adversaries were not anymore the Turks, but the Hapsburg forces, in their double Spanish-Italic and Austrian declination, and only after the 1645 the conflicts with the Ottoman empire were going to restart. The second part of the work analyses the structures on which were articulated the Venetian Navy and her tools and men. In particular it has distinguished the ordinary forces from those extraordinary, operating a clean separation between the two components of the fleet and the respective organizations.

In the Indian Ocean Region, China's economic and strategic interests are converging as many of its investments lie along the vital ocean routes needed to literally and figuratively fuel its growing economy. The rollout of Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative, against the backdrop of, and in line with this convergence, has raised concerns about the military-strategic utility of various infrastructure projects. The increased economic connectivity that drives the Belt and Road has inherent strategic consequences, but the degree to which geostrategic factors drive investments divides analysts. Some believe that certain ports have been purposefully selected as future bases for China's navy. To address the difficulty of comprehending China's foreign policy decisions, this thesis draws on a neoclassical realist interpretation of international relations, and uses geographical location, collective memory, strategic culture, and domestic politics to develop a better understanding of Chinese policymakers' perceptions of their international security environment. This study develops methodology to evaluate the strategic value of a site in context to different basing strategies. The work sheds light on how China views its future position in the world by deciphering intentions behind Chines investments in ports...

Denna uppsats undersöker Sveriges marinstrategi i händelse av krig med Tyskland respektive Sovjeteunionen våren 1941 utifrån Chefen för Marinens instruktioner för krigsfall I respektive II. / This paper explores Swedish naval strategy during the Second World War (1939-1945), an area that has not seen significant research. This paper focuses on how Swedish maritime forces were to be used in case of war with Germany (War Plan I; Krigsfall I), and with the Soviet Union (War plan II; Krigsfall II). This paper focuses on Swedish planning during the spring of 1941. The period after the fall of France (June 1940) and before the German invasion of the Soviet Union (June 1941) was a period where both Germany and the Soviet Union possessed what could be described as strategic freedom of action. This means large parts of their armed forces could have been used for operations against Sweden. The basis for each potential conflict was different: Germany occupied Norway and Denmark and could launch a ground invasion of Sweden directly; meanwhile Sweden and the Soviet Union were still separated by Finland and the Baltic Sea. Maritime forces would therefore play very different roles in the two War Plans. No official plans in case of war with the western Allies existed at the time, and hence this has not been explored here. The conclusion of this paper is that Swedish naval strategy at the time was somewhat offensive and focused on gaining sea control, at least in the Baltic Sea and Gulf of Bothnia, to maintain freedom of action to be able to conduct troop movements along the Swedish coast, to the island of Gotland, and to Finland.

本論文旨在探討中共海洋戰略發展之相關條件、環境、具體措施，以及對周邊國家所產生的影響。後冷戰時期國際情勢緩和，發生大規模戰爭的可能性已大幅降低，地區爭端和衝突反而浮現出來。因地緣政治環境的改變，台海、南海地區已成為區域衝突的引爆點。中共研析波灣戰爭之經驗，放棄「早打、大打、打核戰」時時臨戰之觀念，強調「質量建軍打贏高科技局部戰爭」之策略，故調整戰略方向由陸上走向海洋，以保障其國家利益、國防安全及完成統一中國之企圖。就整體國力言，中共自1978年實施經濟改革後．，經濟成長快速，國家競爭力上升，無庸置疑，已經成為亞太地區經濟大國。而蘇聯解體後，中共來自北方威脅降低，有利其海洋之發展。又因沿海海洋爭奪及領土紛爭問題亟待解決，更全力擴展其海軍武力。中共在 1998年就制定了「中國二十一世紀海洋議程」，提出中國海洋事業永續發展政策。同年中共國務院在國際海洋年會中提出《中國海洋事業發展白皮書》，其中明文主張「中國是發展中沿海大國」。中共大力發展海洋戰略，已為亞太地區安全投下一個變數，亞太各國均深感不安。加上區域內互信機制不夠健全，中共時時對台灣文攻武嚇，更增加地區衝突之危險性。故未來台海、南海問題最後是以和平方式或兵戎相見收場，中共的戰略作為就顯得十分重要。 關鍵字：亞太戰略；國家戰略；海洋戰略；海軍戰略；海軍現代化；海權；積極防禦；近海防禦；局部戰爭；太平洋島鏈；兵力展示，有生戰力；聯合國海洋法公約；戰區飛彈防禦系統；遏制點阻滯；海洋經濟；指管通情系統；亞太經合會；東協區域論壇；東南亞國家協會。