Les partenariats entre ONG du Nord et du Sud sont souvent considérés comme étant des relationsasymétriques entre deux types d’organisations aux caractéristiques fortement contrastées. Pour réelleque soit la nature de ces rapports, le recours à l’histoire des relations entre pays développés et sousdéveloppéset, dans certains cas, entre ex-colonisateurs et colonisés comme seule grille de lecture favorise une interprétation en termes de domination. Ainsi, des décisions provenant des ONG du Nord seraient imposées aux organisations du Sud qui, pour continuer à bénéficier des financements nécessaires pour leurs actions, se verraient contraintes de s’y conformer. Il semblerait, cependant, que cette façon de lire les relations interorganisationnelles Nord-Sud, dans le champ de la solidarité internationale, soit plutôt limitative et ne rende que très partiellement compte de la réalité de ces rapports. En effet, en adoptant une posture théorique comme celle proposée par l’approche stratégique des acteurs où le pouvoir est considéré comme une relation négociée au regard des objectifs et contraintes des différentes parties, les comportements des ONGimpliquées dans les partenariats devraient pouvoir être lus comme relevant d’un ensemble de « jeux » visant l’acquisition ou le renforcement d’une certaine légitimité qui leur garantit l’accès aux ressources. Dans cette logique, le modèle basé sur le recrutement de cabinets de consultants comme tierce partie dans les relations, souvent dyadiques, entre ONG du Nord et du Sud, devra être interprété au-delà de la simple manifestation de la domination des premières sur les secondes. En s’appuyant sur le cas des partenariats de Brücke·Le pont (Suisse), EED et Pain pour le Monde (Allemagne) au Togo, cette thèse met l’accent sur les besoins pratiques auxquels répond ce modèle et montre l’écart entre les comportements prescrits et ceux réellement adoptés par les acteurs, reflet des stratégies des uns et des autres en fonction de leurs enjeux / Partnerships between northern and southern NGOs used to be considered as asymmetric relations between two different types of organizations with many contrasting characteristics. As real as it can be, referring to the traditional relations between developed and developing countries or countries linked by colonization relations as the one best way to explain the nature of those interorganizational relations may induct a wrong interpretation. Indeed, in that perspective, their relations can only be read such as signs of domination. However, this way of reading the North-South inter-organizational partnerships is a limited andpartial point of view. But using theoretical approaches such as those proposed by the actor’s strategy analysis where power is considered as a negotiated relationship according to the constraints and challenges of the different organizations, these relations can be differently read. For example they can be interpreted as a set of strategies which aim to acquire or strengthen legitimacy which is such a guarantee for their projects and organizations to be funded. In this way, the model which consist in recruiting consultants as a third party in the partnerships between northern and southern, NGOs has to be interpreted more than a simple sign of domination. Based on the case of study of three European NGO’s partners in Togo, this thesis focuses on thepractical needs met by this model and shows the difference between behaviours prescribed and those actually adopted by the actors, reflecting the strategies of each other according to their stakes.

Este artigo tem por objetivo utilizar uma abordagem descritiva histórica para analisar as relações comerciais entre a Nigéria e o Brasil, de 1960 a 2010, com o propósito de formar um quadro desse intercâmbio, assim como a constituição dele. Também objetiva analisar seus acordos. A finalidade disso é descobrir se o quadro das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e a Nigéria (um país emergente e um país em desenvolvimento) é uma reprodução de o das relações comerciais entre um país avançado e um país em desenvolvimento, assim como saber se o foco dos seus acordos está nas relações comerciais ou na cooperação técnica Sul-Sul já que o discurso político coloca muita ênfase no uso da cooperação técnica para alcançar um perfil industrial e reduzir a assimetria entre os eixos socioeconômicos do Norte-Norte e do Sul-Sul. Vale ressaltar que o quadro das relações Norte-Sul retrata as relações de dependência econômica dos países em desenvolvimento, com o mundo desenvolvido, uma vez que os últimos são, principalmente, exportadores de matérias-primas e importadores de produtos manufaturados. Segundo a nossa análise do intercâmbio Brasil-Nigéria, a Nigéria tem um saldo de superávit, porém, esse quadro já apresenta uma reprodução do quadro das relações comerciais entre um país do Norte e um país do Sul já que o principal produto das importações brasileiras é um produto básico, o óleo bruto, enquanto os principais produtos das suas exportações são os manufaturados. Isto por causa da sua crescente capacidade industrial. Ademais, a análise dos seus acordos demonstra maior concentração nas relações comerciais. Isto demonstra a importância de desdobramentos políticos em relação ao discurso político sobre a cooperação técnica Sul-Sul, e maior esforço por parte do governo nigeriano nas suas políticas domésticas e econômicas para alcançar desenvolvimento industrial. / This article aims at using a descriptive approach to analyze historical trade relations between Nigeria and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010, with the purpose of having a clear picture of its components and its pattern. It also aims to analyze their bilateral agreements. The purpose of this is to find out whether Brazil and Nigeria trade relations (trade relations between an emerging country and a developing country) is a reproduction of that between an advanced country and a developing country, as well as to know if the focus of their bilateral accords is on their trade relations, or on South-South technical cooperation. The political discourse places a lot of emphasis on the use of this kind of cooperation to gain industrial ability, as well as to reduce the asymmetry of the socioeconomic divide between the North-South and South-South. It is worth noting that the framework of North-South relations portrays the economic dependence of developing countries on the developed world, since these first are mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. According to our analysis of the Brazil-Nigeria trade relations, Nigeria has a surplus balance, however, this situation already shows a reproduction of the trade relations pattern between a developed country and a developing country, since Brazilian main import is a basic commodity, crude oil, while the its main exports are manufactured goods. This is as a result of its growing industrial strength. Furthermore, the analysis of their bilateral agreements demonstrates greater focus on their trade. This shows that more efforts and actions have to be put behind the political discourse about South-South technical cooperation in order to effectively realize it, and even greater efforts made by the Nigerian government through its domestic policies to achieve economic and industrial development.

Submitted by Gisely Teixeira (gisely.teixeira@uniceub.br) on 2016-11-29T17:40:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rayanne Silva (rayanne.silva@uniceub.br) on 2016-12-12T22:40:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-12T22:40:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / A presente dissertação explora o tema do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, com o objetivo de identificar as forças conflituosas que direcionam o rumo das negociações no âmbito da Organização Mundial de Comércio. Toma-se a dicotomia Norte-Sul como ponto de partida. Tendo em vista que o estudo se concentra na história, percebe-se que, aos menos nas primeiras cinco décadas de operação do GATT, outras conformações antagônicas detêm maior influência sobre o regime do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas. O embate entre Estados Unidos e Comunidade Européia na década de oitenta é fundamental para entender a sistemática do Acordo Agrícola em vigência. Com o aumento do interesse de países em desenvolvimento, o cenário muda nas negociações da Rodada Doha. O uso mais freqüente de elementos como tratamento preferencial, não reciprocidade e discriminação positiva em benefício de países de baixa renda torna o diálogo Norte-Sul mais relevante ao se analisar o regime do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas. No entanto, reconhece-se que a tensão entre economias centrais continua exercendo um papel fundamental nesse tocante.

本論文題為「台灣縱貫鐵道經營之研究－『滯貨事件』為中心(1895-924)」，除緒論、結論外，正文共分為四章。 第二章「修建縱貫鐵道的背景」，首先將日本領台前台灣的地理和交通狀況做一背景描述，強調台灣島上山高河多，交通工具唯有牛車與轎，又因無正式的道路系統，故東西連絡不易，南北交通亦困難重重。劉銘傳則基於國防、交通和產業的需要，試圖修建南北縱貫鐵路，雖中途而廢，但已為台灣鐵路的發展奠定初基。最後再以日本國鐵的發展為伏筆，來突顯新的縱貫鐵道的性格。 第三章「鐵道部的成立與發展」，主要交待南北縱貫鐵道的修建到198年全線通車的過程。文中將析論有關台灣鐵路「國營與民營」之爭及路線軍事或產業」孰重的問題，並且指出台鐵之得以順利通車的原因，和其○t成延長主義」的性格及對台灣人民的剝削大有關係。 第四章「貨物滯運事件與鐵道部」，首先以1917年以前鐵道運輸的穩定成長，營造暴風雨來臨前的寧靜，再以大量《台灣日日新報》上的報導具體呈現南北各地的滯運窘狀，以暴露縱貫鐵路前所未見的諸多弊端。然後再逐一分析滯運的遠、近因及探討社會輿論對於經年累月滯貨的不滿和鐵道部的應變的能力。 第五章「修建海線和人民的反對」，將探討鐵道部修建海線的原因和看法，和以台中巿民為主及彰化、南投各地的反對運動。海岸線完成後，因列車時間的變更，再度爆發台中巿民的不滿，和上一次一樣都是虎頭蛇尾，反對運動最後草草結束。但第二次解散乃因1923年「東宮行啟」之故，和總督府的壓制有關，別具意義。

Our dissertation tried to gain insight on the possible implications of the euro behavior and the EMU economic activity on the economies of typical Sub-Saharan African countries in a bipolar international monetary system. Chapter 1 has built a three country model in which an interdependent monetary policy game between two big economies, especially that of the United States and the EMU, has an impact on outcomes of a small country monetary policy. It was found that cooperation between big country monetary policymakers is beneficial for the small country whenever the shocks affecting big country economies imply changes in the euro-dollar exchange rate. Chapter 2 has dealt with the issue of the sustainability of pegging an African currency to the euro as EMU monetary authorities pursue a ``low inflation' policy and asymmetric shocks affect the anchor and the pegging country. Our model indicated that the key factor of this longevity is the virtual convertibility granted by the French Treasury to the CFA franc. Moreover, it appears that structural asymmetries are likely to make the currency peg to the euro more restraining. In Chapter 3, the relationships between EMU and Sub-Saharan Africa's countries are empirically investigated. This chapter showed that despite the appealing theoretical relations suggested by trade flows, the EMU business cycle and the European product prices have a limited impact on African country economies. But in the monetary area, the European Central Bank monetary policy leads significantly that of African countries according to the available data. African inflation performances follow that of EMU after some lags. This result confirms the ``operation account' mechanism effect which allows African countries to momentarily have a worse inflation performance without any devaluation. Chapter 4 empirically tackles the possible impact of euro-dollar exchange rate variations on Sub-Saharan Africa's country trade balances. After providing a theoretical model of a typical Sub-Saharan African country trade balance that suggests an inverted J-curve--like effect, it is found that only the trade balance of Benin among ten countries is affected by the movements of the euro-dollar exchange rate. The result also suggests that the inverted J-curve effect works at least partially for this country. / Notre recherche a essayé d'appréhender les possibles implications des variations de la valeur de l'euro et de l'activité économique au sein de la zone euro pour les pays de l'Afrique Sub-Saharienne. Ces implications sont considérées dans le contexte d'un système monétaire international bipolaire. Dans le premier chapitre, nous avons construit un modèle à trois pays dans lequel l'interdépendance des politiques monétaires des deux grandes économies, désignant celle de l'Union Monétaire Européenne (UME) et celle des Etats-Unis, a un impact sur la mise en œuvre de la politique monétaire d'un petit pays. Nous avons montré que la coopération entre les deux grandes économies est bénéfique pour le petit pays si les chocs auxquels les grandes économies sont confrontées entraînent des variations du taux de change de l'euro par rapport au dollar. Le deuxième chapitre a traité du caractère soutenable de l'ancrage d'une monnaie africaine à l'euro dans la mesure où, d'une part les autorités monétaires de l'UME poursuivent une politique très restrictive et, d'autre part, des asymétries structurelles affectent le pays ancre et les pays africains. Notre modèle a expliqué la longévité de la zone CFA essentiellement par la convertibilité virtuelle du franc CFA que confère le Trésor Français. Par ailleurs, il en est ressorti que sans le mécanisme du « compte d'opérations », le processus de désinflation qui a accompagné la formation de l'UME est susceptible d'avoir accru le niveau des contraintes de l'ancrage d'une monnaie à l'euro. Il est également apparu que l'environnement politique et économique défavorable en Afrique est un facteur de renforcement des contraintes liées à l'ancrage à l'euro. Une étude empirique des relations économiques entre l'UME et les pays de l'Afrique Sub-Saharienne a été menée dans le troisième chapitre. On y a découvert que, malgré les substantielles relations commerciales qui existent, le cycle économique de l'UME et les prix de gros européens n'ont qu'un impact limité sur les économies africaines. Néanmoins, sur le plan monétaire, la politique de la Banque Centrale Européenne influence significativement les politiques monétaires africaines. Le temps d'adaptation qui est constaté, avant que les performances en matière d'inflation ne se mettent au niveau des performances européennes, suggère que l'effet du compte des opérations est bien réel pour les pays de la zone CFA. Le quatrième chapitre a étudié l'éventuel impact des variations du taux de change de l'euro par rapport au dollar sur les balances commerciales des pays de l'Afrique Sub-Saharienne. Après avoir mis en exergue le cadre théorique suggérant un mécanisme similaire à celui d'une courbe en J inversée, l'étude trouve que seul la balance commerciale du Benin, parmi les dix pays de l'échantillon, est affectée par les mouvements du taux de change de l'euro par rapport au dollar. Selon ces résultats, l'effet de la courbe en J inversée fonctionne au moins partiellement pour ce pays.

No description available.

242f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-07-22T17:43:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Anamaria Morales.pdf: 1765753 bytes, checksum: cb73d991b216f25f1935d4341b2d70a2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-07-24T18:40:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Anamaria Morales.pdf: 1765753 bytes, checksum: cb73d991b216f25f1935d4341b2d70a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-24T18:40:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Anamaria Morales.pdf: 1765753 bytes, checksum: cb73d991b216f25f1935d4341b2d70a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CAPES / O presente estudo sobre a migração de europeus para a Bahia nas últimas décadas procura explicar um movimento migratório que, não se restringindo ao móvel econômico e ao modelo comunitário, é impulsionado por processos individualizantes e uma consciência de matiz cosmopolita. Tal movimento pode ser visto como resultante da atual globalização cultural, em que a multiplicação das conexões planetárias estimula a imaginação social e incita indivíduos de todas as partes a se desterritorializarem, fazendo da mobilidade um recurso integrado aos seus projetos de vida. Analisando a vinda desses indivíduos ao Nordeste brasileiro para residir, o estudo traz à discussão, por um lado, o imaginário sobre a globalização e a emergência de uma subjetividade contemporânea , e por outro, os imaginários sobre o “outro continente” na interação entre a Europa e a América Latina, que terminam por inserir o Brasil nos projetos de vida de migrantes europeus de perfil aventureiro e cosmopolita, que vivem “lá e cá”. Buscou-se também verificar como o país se construiu como destino para aqueles que optaram por viver sua vida no hemisfério sul, para em seguida contrastar a sua vivência concreta com a “vida imaginada” no sul global. Levando em conta as dimensões subjetivas e objetivas que trazem esses europeus ao Nordeste brasileiro, vemos entrar em operação o imaginário de um mundo interconectado em que alguns países e regiões emergem enquanto outros retrocedem, numa hierarquia das nações em transformação segundo critérios que hoje contemplam a qualidade de vida, a humanização das relações interpessoais e a ampliação do espaço de realização individual, que podemos depreender do discurso dos migrantes estudados. My research on the migration of Europeans to Bahia over the last decades seeks to clarify a migratory movement which , while not restricted to economic motivations or a community pattern , results from rather individualizing processes and a new “cosmopolitan consciousness”. Such movement can be seen as an outcome of present cultural globalization, whereby the multiple planetary connections stimulate social imagination and induce individuals all over the world to deterritorialize themselves making mobility part and parcel of their life projects. This study brings into discussion the imaginaries on globalization and the emergence, on the one hand, of a contemporary subjectivity, and, on the other hand, of new representations on “the other continent” in the interaction between Europe and Latin America, that have inserted Brazil in the plans of migrants with a relatively adventurous and cosmopolitan profile. It was a main purpose to see how the country was built as a destination for those who chose to live in the south hemisphere, for later to contrast their concrete experiences with their “imagined lives” in the global south. Taking into account both the objective and subjective dimensions that bring those Europeans to the Brazilian Northeast , one sees coming into operation the traditional narrative of our interconnected world , wherein some countries and regions emerge while others “submerge”. Such a hierarchy of nations apparently is now undergoing change on account of new subjective criteria that value aspects such as “quality of life”, the humanization of interpersonal relationships and the widening of self-accomplishment perspectives. All this can be drawn from the discourse of the migrants under study. / Salvador

Submitted by Gisely Teixeira (gisely.teixeira@uniceub.br) on 2016-11-29T17:40:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rayanne Silva (rayanne.silva@uniceub.br) on 2016-12-12T22:40:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-12T22:40:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / A presente dissertação explora o tema do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, com o objetivo de identificar as forças conflituosas que direcionam o rumo das negociações no âmbito da Organização Mundial de Comércio. Toma-se a dicotomia Norte-Sul como ponto de partida. Tendo em vista que o estudo se concentra na história, percebe-se que, aos menos nas primeiras cinco décadas de operação do GATT, outras conformações antagônicas detêm maior influência sobre o regime do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas. O embate entre Estados Unidos e Comunidade Européia na década de oitenta é fundamental para entender a sistemática do Acordo Agrícola em vigência. Com o aumento do interesse de países em desenvolvimento, o cenário muda nas negociações da Rodada Doha. O uso mais freqüente de elementos como tratamento preferencial, não reciprocidade e discriminação positiva em benefício de países de baixa renda torna o diálogo Norte-Sul mais relevante ao se analisar o regime do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas. No entanto, reconhece-se que a tensão entre economias centrais continua exercendo um papel fundamental nesse tocante.

Este artigo tem por objetivo utilizar uma abordagem descritiva histórica para analisar as relações comerciais entre a Nigéria e o Brasil, de 1960 a 2010, com o propósito de formar um quadro desse intercâmbio, assim como a constituição dele. Também objetiva analisar seus acordos. A finalidade disso é descobrir se o quadro das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e a Nigéria (um país emergente e um país em desenvolvimento) é uma reprodução de o das relações comerciais entre um país avançado e um país em desenvolvimento, assim como saber se o foco dos seus acordos está nas relações comerciais ou na cooperação técnica Sul-Sul já que o discurso político coloca muita ênfase no uso da cooperação técnica para alcançar um perfil industrial e reduzir a assimetria entre os eixos socioeconômicos do Norte-Norte e do Sul-Sul. Vale ressaltar que o quadro das relações Norte-Sul retrata as relações de dependência econômica dos países em desenvolvimento, com o mundo desenvolvido, uma vez que os últimos são, principalmente, exportadores de matérias-primas e importadores de produtos manufaturados. Segundo a nossa análise do intercâmbio Brasil-Nigéria, a Nigéria tem um saldo de superávit, porém, esse quadro já apresenta uma reprodução do quadro das relações comerciais entre um país do Norte e um país do Sul já que o principal produto das importações brasileiras é um produto básico, o óleo bruto, enquanto os principais produtos das suas exportações são os manufaturados. Isto por causa da sua crescente capacidade industrial. Ademais, a análise dos seus acordos demonstra maior concentração nas relações comerciais. Isto demonstra a importância de desdobramentos políticos em relação ao discurso político sobre a cooperação técnica Sul-Sul, e maior esforço por parte do governo nigeriano nas suas políticas domésticas e econômicas para alcançar desenvolvimento industrial. / This article aims at using a descriptive approach to analyze historical trade relations between Nigeria and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010, with the purpose of having a clear picture of its components and its pattern. It also aims to analyze their bilateral agreements. The purpose of this is to find out whether Brazil and Nigeria trade relations (trade relations between an emerging country and a developing country) is a reproduction of that between an advanced country and a developing country, as well as to know if the focus of their bilateral accords is on their trade relations, or on South-South technical cooperation. The political discourse places a lot of emphasis on the use of this kind of cooperation to gain industrial ability, as well as to reduce the asymmetry of the socioeconomic divide between the North-South and South-South. It is worth noting that the framework of North-South relations portrays the economic dependence of developing countries on the developed world, since these first are mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. According to our analysis of the Brazil-Nigeria trade relations, Nigeria has a surplus balance, however, this situation already shows a reproduction of the trade relations pattern between a developed country and a developing country, since Brazilian main import is a basic commodity, crude oil, while the its main exports are manufactured goods. This is as a result of its growing industrial strength. Furthermore, the analysis of their bilateral agreements demonstrates greater focus on their trade. This shows that more efforts and actions have to be put behind the political discourse about South-South technical cooperation in order to effectively realize it, and even greater efforts made by the Nigerian government through its domestic policies to achieve economic and industrial development.

Depuis le 19ème siècle et l'industrialisation puis l'expansion des industries extractives, l'accès aux ressources marines a évolué de globalement libre à un régime régulé par la Convention des Nations Unies sur le Droit de la Mer (CNUDM). Cette thèse porte sur les accords de pêche, des outils créés par les pays développés pour continuer à exploiter les stocks de poissons de pays ‘hôtes' en voie de développement. L'étude particulière des accords financés par le contribuable européen a permis de tester l'idée selon laquelle leurs clauses économiques, sociales, et environnementales se sont améliorées vis-à-vis des pays hôtes. A ce jour, peu d'études ont été publiées sur le sujet, et ce travail est donc d'importance primordiale pour les futures décisions des parties prenantes. Les chapitres 1 et 2 constituent une revue critique de la base légale de ces accords, à savoir la notion controversée de ‘surplus' devant être mis à disposition des autres pays selon la CNUDM. Les limites de leur estimation sont également discutées : dans la plupart des cas, ils sont difficiles à estimer correctement à cause de mauvaises estimations des captures réelles. Céder des surplus de stocks à des pays étrangers conduit à une diminution des captures locales difficile à justifier. Le chapitre 3 montre que depuis leur création, le niveau auquel ces accords ont été subventionnés est resté extrêmement haut (environ 75 %), et que le complément, payé par les opérateurs des flottes, a seulement représenté une fraction marginale de leurs revenus. Un déséquilibre flagrant de la distribution des bénéfices générés a donc été mis en évidence. Finalement, le chapitre 4 démontre qu'en dépit de progrès au niveau de certaines clauses sociales et environnementales, celle qui pourrait être considérée comme étant la plus importante, à savoir celle régissant l'embarquement d'observateurs à bord des bateaux, s'est continuellement dégradée. Ces résultats conduisent à l'inévitable question de la légitimité de tels accords. Bien qu'ils soient célébrés pour leur transparence, ils restent principalement bénéfiques aux intérêts européens et peu contrôlés. Aussi, compte tenu de l'expansion actuelle des flottes locales dans les pays hôtes et des réformes au niveau du commerce international, la question du futur de tels accords historiques du type ‘on paye, pêche, et part' est posée. / Since the 19th century, with the expansion and industrialization of extractive industries, maritime jurisdictions have shifted from chiefly open-access to a regime regulated by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). This thesis examines fishing access agreements, i.e., tools designed by developed countries to continue to exploit the fish stocks of developing 'host' countries. The emphasis is on the particular fisheries access agreements funded by EU-taxpayers, and the aim is to test the common belief that their economic, social, and environmental provisions have improved over time vis-à-vis the host countries. To date, only little has been published on this topic, and thus this examination of their provisions is of paramount importance for the policy realm. Chapters 1 and 2 challenge the legal ground of such agreements, which rests on the questionable notion of fisheries 'surplus' that must be made available to other countries according to UNCLOS. Flaws in the estimation of surplus are noted: in most cases, surpluses cannot be calculated due to inaccurate catch estimates, and ceding potential surpluses to foreign countries results in hard-to-justify decreases in domestic catches. Chapter 3 argues that since their inception, the level at which these agreements have been subsidized remained extremely high (around 75%); the remainder (paid by fleets' operators) represented only a small fraction of their turnover, highlighting a gross imbalance in allocation of benefits. Finally, Chapter 4 demonstrates that despite advances in most social and environmental provisions, the one regarding the supervision of foreign vessels by observers (arguably the most critical provision of all) has declined. These results beg the question: how legitimate are such access agreements? While they are lauded for their transparency, they appear to remain mostly beneficial to European interests and poorly monitored. Also, due to the fishing expansion occurring in host countries and ongoing international trade reforms, one can only wonder whether such historical 'pay-fish-and-go' agreements still ought to continue.