Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-12-06T18:30:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Carvalho de Abreu Lima.pdf: 5595939 bytes, checksum: e79cfe30c913399a99094dec03e69e01 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-06T18:30:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Carvalho de Abreu Lima.pdf: 5595939 bytes, checksum: e79cfe30c913399a99094dec03e69e01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-21 / The goal of this research is to analyze whether the World Trade Organization regulates the design, adoption and the effects of private standards on international trade, established with the aim at achieving environmental, sanitary and phytosanitary purposes, or if this agenda is purely private and falls outside the rules of the multilateral trading system. With the surge of different private standards, usually created by industries, banks, NGOs, producers, supermarkets, academy and including, in some cases, WTO Members, the developing countries and least developed countries raise concerns about possible trade barriers, which is becoming a common agenda for the Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade, the Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures and the Committee on Trade and Environment. Assess whether the WTO regulates the private standards, or how it contemplates the discussions around reducing greenhouse gas emissions, biodiversity conservation and water use, becomes essential considering that the environmental agenda gains strength and entails the adoption of measures that may affect international trade. This research considers the evolution of environmental issues in the GATT-WTO system as a way to set parameters of the multilateral trading rules related to those issues. In addition, it will detail the different models of private standards and organizations that encourage standardization as a means to achieve environmental objectives or related food safety goals. Finally, the case law of the GATT-WTO will be considered, in order to assess if the WTO has jurisdiction or not over private standards. Hence, the main objective of the thesis is to question the WTO's ability to regulate the adoption of private standards and, in addition, discuss how this debate can evolve under the TBT and the SPS Agreements, or even in the Committee on Trade and Environment / O objeto da presente pesquisa é analisar se a Organização Mundial do Comércio regula a criação, adoção e efeitos de padrões privados ao comércio que visam atingir fins ambientais, sanitários e fitossanitários, ou se essa agenda é exclusivamente privada e fica fora das regras do comércio internacional. Com o surgimento de inúmeros modelos de padrões privados, normalmente criados por indústrias, bancos, ONGs, produtores, redes de supermercados, academia, incluindo, em certos casos, Membros da OMC, a preocupação de países em desenvolvimento e países de menor desenvolvimento relativo quanto ao surgimento de barreiras ao comércio se torna marcante no âmbito do Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade, do Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures e do Committee on Trade and Environment. Avaliar se a OMC regula esses padrões, ou de que maneira contempla a discussão de temas como redução de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, conservação da biodiversidade e uso da água torna-se essencial na medida em que a agenda ambiental ganha força e enseja a adoção de medidas que podem afetar o comércio internacional. A pesquisa considera a evolução dos temas ambientais no sistema GATT-OMC, como forma de estabelecer os parâmetros da regulamentação do comércio multilateral no tocante a questões ambientais. Além disso, detalha os diferentes modelos de padrões privados e organizações que incentivam a padronização como meio para se atingir objetivos ambientais ou relacionados a segurança dos alimentos. Por fim, a jurisprudência do GATT-OMC será analisada como forma de comprovar ou não que a OMC regula os padrões privados. O maior objetivo da tese é questionar a capacidade da OMC de regular a adoção dos padrões privados e, paralelamente, debater de que forma essa discussão pode evoluir no âmbito dos Acordos TBT e SPS, ou mesmo no Committee on Trade and Environment

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marina Amaral Egydio de Carvalho.pdf: 2338211 bytes, checksum: 7f8ff1b67d179ab37fbeef8b2359b658 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-17 / preferential trade agreements negotiated by South Africa, Brazil/Mercosur, China, U.S.A, India, Russia and the European Union. Such an analysis is relevant mostly because, after the creation of the WTO and of the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), several preferential trade agreements were negotiated, thus, extending or creating new rules on technical barriers its signatory countries. This study suggests some conclusions on how Brazil could negotiate this subject in future preferential trade agreements. Additionally, it suggests patterns and standards that may followed in future negotiations with the abovementioned countries. One of the scope of the work was to analyze how preferential trade agreements are related to the TBT Agreement, which are the similarities between the group of agreements analyzed, which were the new topics regulated in the trade agreements when compared to the WTO, which are the preferred policies of the subject countries and how Brazil could take advantage of this empirical analysis in future negotiations. The main purpose of this work is to encourage Brazil to develop a trade policy for negotiation of this specific topic, which may be actually followed and that, unless this is the actual trade objective of the negotiation, is not translated as a mere repetition of rules already in place / Esse trabalho analisa as regras sobre barreiras técnicas ao comércio constantes nos acordos preferenciais de comércio celebrados por África do Sul, Brasil/Mercosul, China, EUA, Índia, Rússia e União Europeia. Essa analise é relevante porque, após a criação da OMC e do Acordo sobre Barreiras Técnicas (TBT), diversos acordos preferenciais foram concebidos, estendendo ou aplicando novas regras sobre barreiras técnicas aos países partes dos acordos. Esse estudo sugere ponderações sobre como o Brasil pode negociar este tema em futuros acordos preferenciais de comércio. Principalmente, sugere padrões e similitudes que poderão ser observadas em negociações com os países acima mencionados. Durante esse trabalho analisou-se como os acordos preferenciais de comércio se relacionam com o Acordo TBT, quais as semelhanças entre os grupos de acordos analisados, quais os avanços regulatórios se comparados com as políticas previstas no acordo da OMC, quais as políticas preferidas dos países objeto do trabalho e como o Brasil pode aproveitar dessa análise empírica para se beneficiar em negociações futuras. O maior propósito desse trabalho é incentivar o Brasil a conceber uma política comercial de negociação, especifica para o tema de barreiras técnicas ao comércio, que possa ser aproveitada e que não se traduza pela mera repetição de normas já vigentes, a menos que este seja o efetivo objetivo comercial proposto

Orientador: Luiz Antonio Soares Hentz / Banca: Marcos Paulo de Almeida Salles / Banca: Aclibes Bulgarelli / Resumo: O processo de globalização intensificou as relações comerciais entre os países no final do Século XX, tornando mais freqüentes práticas empresariais desleais como o dumping e a respectiva utilização da legislação pertinente pelos países participantes do comércio internacional. A aplicação de medidas antidumping para neutralizar os efeitos da prática desleal protege a concorrência em benefício dos empresários do país importador, entretanto, se essas medidas forem aplicadas com finalidade protecionista, prejudicam a livre concorrência, impedindo a entrada de produtos estrangeiros em condições de concorrência com os produtos nacionais. As análises realizadas demonstraram que a legislação brasileira antidumping, de forma genérica, encontra-se em consonância com as normas da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), que direcionam a aplicação de medidas antidumping no âmbito mundial. Apesar da evolução verificada na Rodada Uruguai, o estudo demonstrou a necessidade de algumas alterações na legislação antidumping da OMC para impedir a possibilidade de diferentes interpretações às normas antidumping pelos Países-Membros. As alterações devem proporcionar maior precisão a alguns conceitos presentes na legislação, como os referentes ao valor normal e à comprovação de dano, devendo também impor a aplicação de direitos antidumping em valores suficientes apenas para neutralizar os efeitos da prática desleal. A revisão da legislação antidumping mostra-se fundamental para a consolidação das normas antidumping no âmbito mundial e, sobretudo, para assegurar sua finalidade de proteger a concorrência em benefício dos empresários locais, sem causar prejuízos à concorrência internacional. / Abstract: The globalization process increased commercial relations among the countries at the end of the twentieth century, making more frequent disloyal enterprise practice like dumping and the respective utilization of apt legislation towards countries of the international trade. The aplication of antidumping measurement to neutralize the effects of disloyal practice protects the competition in the businessmenþs benefit of importer country, howerver, if these measures were applied with protecting goals they would damage the free competition, holding back the entry of foreign products in terms of competition, holding back the entry of foreign products in terms of competition with the national products. The analysis made, show that antidumping brazilian legislation, in general, is along with the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), that take control of the aplication of antidumping measures in the world. In spite of the evolution checked in the Uruguay Round, the study showed the necessity of some alteration in the antidumping legislation of the WTO to avoid the possibility of different interpretations at antidumping rules from member countries. The alterations have to bring bigger precision in some concepts that are present in the legislation, like the referent to the normal value and the damage checking that must impose the application of antidumping dues in enough values only to neutralise the disloyal practice effects. The review of antidumping legislation shows itself essential to the antidumping rules consolidation in the world and, above all, to assure its purpose to protect the competition into the benefit of local businessmen, without causing impairments to the international competition. / Mestre

O objetivo desta dissertação consiste em analisar a atuação da coalizão G-20, no âmbito da Rodada Doha, da OMC, tendo como foco principal o entendimento das posições brasileiras na coalizão. Procuramos compreender a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas, no caso da atuação do país, no G-20, bem como a influência dos atores domésticos, governamentais e não governamentais, no processo de formulação e de implementação da estratégia brasileira na coalizão. Argumentaremos que a forma como o Brasil atua, no G-20, relaciona-se, tanto com o processo interno de construção da posição negociadora do país, quanto com os limites que a própria lógica das negociações estabelece. A unidade de decisão que estrutura a posição brasileira é uma variável importante para o entendimento da postura do país e para manutenção da coalizão. / The objective of this text is to analyze the performance of the G-20 at Doha Round in the WTO, having as main focus the brazilian position in the coalition. We will try to comprehend the receptiveness of the brazilian foreign policy to the domestic pressures considering the countries positions in the coalition. We argue that the brazilian positions, in the G-20, are related to the domestic decision making structure, as well as to the limits of the negotiations logic. The decision unit that structures the country position is an important variable to understand brazilian positions and the maintenance of the coalition.

Os recursos energéticos naturais não estão distribuídos uniformemente pelo globo terrestre, e são raros os países que os têm na quantidade e na qualidade que necessitam para atender as suas necessidades. Ante a essa realidade, o comércio de energéticos tem sido a forma principal de acesso dos países que não os dispõem em relação as suas necessidades. Esse comércio, que muitas vezes é regido por tratados ou acordos firmados entre países ou blocos econômicos regionais, diversificou-se, traspassou fronteiras e, atualmente, tornou-se um item significativo nas pautas de exportações de vários países. A evolução desse comércio tem a favor a alternativa de integração por meio de interconexões estratégicas de redes e da constituição de mercados comuns, que viabilizam a exploração do potencial de complementariedade energética de forma mais racional. Diante desse contexto, esta dissertação apresenta um estudo exploratório que avalia o estado da arte da integração energética sul-americana e faz análises dos modelos técnicos, das regulamentações, das regulações regionais e multilaterais estabelecidas pelos blocos econômicos sul-americanos e pela Organização Mundial do Comércio. De forma complementar, o estudo verifica e apresenta os fatores que podem comprometer o avanço e a instituição de um futuro mercado comum de energia no continente, conclui pela viabilidade do prosseguimento de ações em prol da ampliação da integração da indústria de energia elétrica na América do Sul e tece recomendações. Os resultados e as recomendações deste trabalho oferecem um embasamento procedimental para a gestão e a atuação institucional dos envolvidos no processo de integração energética da indústria de energia elétrica da região sul americana. / Natural energy resources are not evenly distributed across the globe and few countries have them in quantity and quality they require to meet their needs. According to this reality, countries that do not have those resources use the energy trade as the main way to have access them in order to fulfill their needs. This trade, which is often governed by treaties or agreements between countries or regional economic blocs, has diversified, surpassed borders and today has become a significant item on the agendas of exports from several countries. This trade evolution is in favor of the alternative of integration through strategic interconnection of networks and the creation of common markets, which enables the exploitation of the energy potential complementarity in a more rational way. In this context, this paper presents an exploratory study that assesses the state of the art of the South American energy integration and analyzes technical models, regulations, regional and multilateral regulations established by the South American economic blocs and the World Trade Organization. In addition, the study verifies and displays the factors that can undermine the progress and the establishment of a future common energy market in the continent and completes the feasibility of further actions towards the expansion of the power industry integration in South America and gives recommendations. The results and recommendations of this study offer a procedural basis for management and institutional performance of the energy involved entities in the integration process of the power industry of the South American region.

Pendant la dernière décennie du 20ème siècle, l'économie globale a été témoin de changements importants. Les années 90 ont été témoin: (1) d'une transformation importante dans la structure et la taille des flux de capitaux internationaux. L'Investissement Direct Etranger (IDE) s'est développé de façon significative en comparaison à d'autres formes de flux financiers internationaux; (2) d'une explosion du nombre des Accords Internationaux d´Investissement (AII); (3) depuis la fin des années 1980, les quatre pays de l'Europe Centrale (CEC4) – République Tchèque, Slovaquie, Hongrie et Pologne - ont fait des efforts prodigieux pour s'intégrer dans l'économie globale. L'intégration financière du CEC4 se reflète dans la conclusion de nombreux traités bilatéraux d'investissement, dans l'adhésion à des institutions internationales tels que l'OCDE, FMI et OMC, et dans les flux impressionnants d'IDE que ces pays ont attirés. En dépit de la prolifération des AII et des IDE pendant les années 90, les effets des AII sur le IDE constituent un thème qui n'a pas encore été exploré. L'objet de cette thèse est d'examiner empiriquement l'impact des AII sur le IDE à travers les mouvements de capitaux du CEC4. Pour estimer l'impact des AII sur le IDE du CEC4, l'étude utilise un modèle de données de panel sur les IDE en provenance de 22 pays d'OCDE vers le CEC4 pour la période 1992-2003. Les résultats empiriques démontrent que TIB exercent un impact significatif et positif sur le IDE. Parmi les autres AII, l'adhésion à l'OMC a un effet significatif et positif sur le IDE, alors que l'adhésion à l'OCDE et au FMI n'a pas d'effet significatif.

Ce travail poursuit deux objectifs principaux: un objectif juridique et un objectif d'ordre épistémologique. Il s'agit tout d'abord de rendre compte d'un point de vue juridique et empirique les implications du passage des Conventions de Lomé à l'Accord de Cotonou. Nous examinons les implications de la redéfinition des accords de coopération sur les politiques de développement des Etats ACP, et plus précisément l'évolution des obligations à la charge des deux groupes de pays dans les domaines du commerce international et des droits humains. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la non réciprocité des obligations commerciales entre les deux groupes de pays qui caractérisait les Conventions de Lomé est définitivement écartée au profit d'obligations réciproques et identiques pour les deux groupes de pays en conformité des dispositions de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce. Le principe de l'inégalité compensatrice est abandonné au profit de la libéralisation commerciale. Le traitement spécial et différencié, pourtant consacré dans l'Accord instituant l'OMC, apparaît ainsi dépourvu d'une grande partie de son intérêt. Dans un deuxième temps, ce sont les obligations relatives au respect des droits humains qui retiennent notre attention. L'élargissement du champ de la coopération à des questions considérées depuis l'indépendance comme des questions relevant de la compétence interne des Etats, se traduit par une remise en cause de la souveraineté des Etats ACP. Le principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures, héritage de la décolonisation, est ainsi remis en question. Mais surtout, nous établissons que tous les droits humains ne sont pas concernés par cet élargissement. Le deuxième objectif de ce travail est d'ordre épistémologique. Il VIse à démontrer le caractère heuristique d'une analyse constructiviste du droit pour la compréhension de notre objet mais aussi l'intérêt de ce type d'approche au regard des débats qui structurent le champ disciplinaire sur les rapports entre les droits humains et le droit du commerce international. A travers l'étude de l'Accord de Cotonou, nous tentons de mettre en lumière le fait que les droits humains et règles de l'OMC n'évoluent ni de manière complémentaire ni séparément et qu'il ne suffit pas de raisonner en termes de «rattrapage» et de correctifs ponctuels afin d'harmoniser ces deux champs de règles. En conclusion nous constatons que cinq ans ont suffi aux institutions européennes pour réaliser un véritable «exploit» politique. Elles ont réussi à renverser l'ensemble des obligations économiques qui étaient à la charge des deux groupes de pays, à supprimer les protocoles produits en faveur des ACP, à faire adopter un programme de libéralisation commercial qui va au-delà de tout ce qui a été négocié jusqu'ici au niveau multilatéral et ce, sous couvert de mise en conformité avec les dispositions de l'ÜMC. Enfin, l'DE a fragilisé le Groupe ACP en le morcelant en six régions, dont certaines n'ont aucune existence institutionnelle, avec lesquelles elle négocie actuellement un vaste programme de libéralisation commerciale. En ce qui a trait au respect des droits humains on constate qu'à la différence des normes de l'OMC qui font l'objet de négociations permanentes et structurent le cadre institutionnel et le fond de la coopération, le respect des droits humains ne fait pas ou peu l'objet de négociations entre les deux groupes de pays. De plus, s'ils occupent désormais une place centrale dans le discours des institutions communautaires en charge du développement, le seul mécanisme mis en oeuvre pour sanctionner leurs violations est utilisé d'une manière partiale et sélective. Seule l'DE peut l'utiliser et elle ne choisit de le faire que quand la sanction infligée à un pays ACP ne met pas en péril ses propres intérêts. Bref, l'intégration des droits humains dans le cadre de la coopération contribue davantage aujourd'hui à une remise en cause de l'égalité souveraine des Etats qu'à la promotion des Pactes de 1966, au respect des normes de l'OIT ou du droit des réfugiés. / This work pursues two aims. The first one is to seek to understand and to explain the stakes and the implications of the transformation of the Lomé convention into the Cotonou agreement, from a constructive approach of law. It is then a question of contributing to the legal thought concerning the degree of complimentary and coherence between the two fields of the internationallaw, human rights and international trade law. The second aim led us to look into the question of the real integration, which proved to be selective, of the standards coming from these two fields of law into the Cotonou Agreement. In the cooperation, the breach of human rights, as the OMC standards, is appreciated in a subjective and unilateral way by the E.U. Far from contributing to a complementary approach, the cooperation reinforces the dichotomy between these two fields of internationallaw, by treating them on a hierarchical basis. / "Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l'Université de Montréal en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en Droit (LL.D.) Et à A la faculté de droit Jean Monnet en vue de l'obtention du doctorat en Sciences Juridiques"

Ce mémoire analyse l'impact du droit commercial international sur les politiques et pratiques commerciales en matière de boissons alcooliques au Québec. Plus spécifiquement, il examine leur conformité aux obligations contenues au GATT et aux autres accords commerciaux. Le premier chapitre présente le régime juridique applicable au commerce de l'alcool, dans le contexte particulier du partage constitutionnel canadien et de la délégation du pouvoir provincial à la Société des alcools du Québec (« SAQ »). Le second chapitre retrace l'évolution historique du marché québécois de l'alcool et étudie sa structure actuelle, divisée entre un monopole d'État (vins, spiritueux et bières importées) et l'industrie privée (bières domestiques). Le troisième chapitre traite des pratiques de la SAQ jugées incompatibles avec le GATT, soit les majorations de prix discriminatoires, les procédures d'inscription et de radiation des produits au catalogue et les restrictions d'accès aux points de vente. Cette partie aborde les accords bilatéraux subséquemment négociés par le gouvernement fédéral et acceptés par les monopoles provinciaux pour résoudre ces conflits. Le dernier chapitre discute de la compatibilité des pratiques actuelles de la SAQ, en particulier sa méthode de fixation de prix par rapport à l'article II:4 du GATT (monopoles d'importation) et son nouveau concept de gestion par catégorie en regard de l'article XVII (entreprises commerciales d'État) et de l'article XI (restrictions quantitatives). / This thesis analyses the impact of international trade law on Quebec's commercial policies and practices relating to alcoholic beverages. More specifically, it examines their conformity with GATT's obligations and other bilateral agreements. The first chapter presents the legal framework pertaining to alcohol trade in the context of the constitutional powers prevailing in Canada and the delegation of Quebec's authority to its liquor board, Société des alcools du Québec. The second chapter reviews the historical evolution of Quebec's a1cohol market and studies its actual structure, which is divided between a state monopoly on one side (wine, spirits and imported beer) and the private sector on the other side (domestic beer). The third chapter outlines how SAQ's practices were declared inconsistent with GATT, namely discriminatory mark-ups, listing and delisting procedures and restrictions on access to points of sale. This section also covers the bilateral agreements subsequently negotiated by the federal govemment and accepted by the provincial monopolies to resolve these conflicts. The final chapter examines the compliance of today's SAQ's policies with GATT's requirements. Particularly, it looks at its practice ofpricing method with respect to Article II:4 (import monopoly) and at its new concept of category management in relation with Article XVII (state trading) and Article XI (quantitative restrictions). / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en Droit (LL.M.)"

La libéralisation des échanges a fait augmenter les richesses, mais en réalité, elles se sont concentrées dans les pays développés. La question de la distribution plus équitable des richesses s'est rapidement posée. Le système GATT/OMC a joué un rôle décisif dans la libéralisation des échanges et dans l'articulation des rapports entre les pays développés et les pays en développement (PED). L'émergence et l'incarnation juridique dans le système GATT/OMC d'un principe de justice distributive passe par l'évolution du traitement spécial et différencié (TSD). Sous le GATT, le TSD s'est d'abord manifesté par l'article XVIII et la Partie IV du GATT de 1947, la Clause d'habilitation et le Système de préférences de 1971. Le TSD ainsi proposé appartenait essentiellement à la sof law et a échoué dans sa tentative d'intégrer les PED au système SCM. Sous l'OMC, le TSD a changé de paradigme et de mandat. Le TSD est passé d'un outil voué à mettre au développement des PED à un mécanisme employé à aider les PED à mettre en œuvre les nouvelles politiques de libéralisation découlant des accords de l'OMC. Les dispositions TSD seront alors dispersées dans l'ensemble des accords de l'OMC, mais sans jamais transcender la forme «soft law» qui les caractérisait sous le GATT. L'échec de la Conférence de Seattle, en 1999, engendrera le «Programme de Doha pour le développement», en 2001. La Déclaration de Doha était alors perçue comme l'incarnation de la transformation de l'OMC en organisation qui se préoccupe désormais de justice distributive. En observant de près le texte de la Déclaration de Doha et en analysant sa valeur juridique, on ne constate pas de progrès significatifs. Encore une fois, les mesures proposées le sont sous forme de déclarations d'intention et de promesses, voire d'engagement à négocier. Actuellement, le Cycle de Doha tarde à aboutir et tout nous porte à croire que l'avènement de l'OMC n'a pas concrétisé la volonté des PED d'une répartition plus équitable des richesses. / Developed Countries are the main beneficiaries of Economic liberalism and reductions of tariffs. The GATT/WTO System played a key role in the global economic growth and in the re1ationship between Deve10ping Countries and Developed Countries. In the GATT/WOT System, the legal translation of Distributive Justice is represented by Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) in favour of Developing Countries. During the GATT (1947-1994), the most important SDT provisions were Article XVIII and Part IV of the 1947 GATT, the Enabling Clause and the Generalized Preferential System of 1971. Notwithstanding the GATT'S efforts, the STD was not efficient enough to he1p the situation of Developing Countries and was mostly considered as Soft Law. Under the WTO, the STD evolved and his mandate was modified. In fact, the STD became a tool to he1p Deve10ping Countries adopted the new WTO obligations, rather than being a tool for deve1opment. It is true that STD Measures during the Uruguay Round were spread through all of the Uruguay Round's Acts, but they never succeeded in coming out of the Soft Law stage. Following the Seattle Conference held in 1999, the WTO Members adopted the Doha Declaration and named the new Round of negotiation the «Doha Deve10pment Round». Initially, the Doha Declaration was perceived as a transformation of the WTO in a Distributive Organization. Rapidly, after studying the Round's Texts, it became obvious that, although the WTO had shown some openness towards Developing Countries' preoccupations and Distributive Justice, the Doha Declaration was in the direct continuity of the GATT. The SDT dispositions at Doha were still part of Soft Law and were mostly undertakings to negotiate in the future. At the present time, the Doha Program for Development is indefinite1y suspended. So far, the Doha Round did not meet the Deve10ping Countries' Expectations.

Parmi les critiques visant l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), il est souvent reproché à celle-ci d’accorder trop peu d’importance aux préoccupations non commerciales des consommateurs et des États, reflet de leurs valeurs sociétales ou culturelles, sous prétexte de lutter contre les entraves au commerce international. Pourtant, dans le domaine du commerce des marchandises, l’article XX du GATT prévoit certaines exceptions générales, permettant éventuellement aux États de justifier une mesure restrictive pour le commerce, notamment pour des raisons de protection de la moralité publique. Or, cette « exception de moralité publique », rarement invoquée à ce jour, est au cœur du différend commercial opposant actuellement le Canada à l’Union européenne, après l’embargo adopté en 2009 par celle-ci sur les produits issus de la chasse au phoque, considérée comme cruelle par de nombreux Européens. Dans ce mémoire, nous avons tenté d’envisager l’issue possible de ce litige. À cette fin, nous avons réalisé une étude préliminaire du concept de moralité publique en droit international public et présenté en détails le contexte, notamment politique, de ce différend; puis nous avons procédé à son analyse par étapes, selon la méthode retenue à ce jour par l’Organe de règlement des différends (ORD). À l’issue de nos réflexions, nous avons conclu que l’ORD devrait constater que la mesure européenne contestée vise à répondre à un réel souci de protection de la moralité publique en Europe; toutefois, il est probable, selon nous, que l’embargo européen ne soit pas considéré comme « nécessaire » à cette fin, au sens de l’article XX du GATT : en effet, l’ORD estimera sans doute que l’Union européenne aurait pu mettre en œuvre des solutions moins incompatibles avec ses obligations au titre du GATT. Nous pensons donc, hélas, que l’issue de ce litige ne satisfera pas ceux qui réclament une plus grande ouverture de l’OMC vis-à-vis de considérations non commerciales légitimes. / Among other criticisms, the World Trade Organization (WTO) is often blamed for not taking sufficient account of non-trade concerns, which express consumers and States’ societal or cultural values, under the pretext of international trade liberalization. Concerning trade in goods, though, GATT article XX provides certain general exceptions, allowing States to justify trade-restrictive measures intended to protect public morals. Now, this rarely-invoked "public morals clause" is at the very heart of a pending trade dispute between Canada and the European Union (EU), after the EU decided in 2009 to ban products derived from seal hunt, which is seen as cruel by many Europeans. In this report, the author tries to predict what the outcome of this dispute could be. To this end, the report first examines the public morals concept in public international law. Then, it describes in details the context of this conflict, in particular at the political level. Finally, the author makes an assessment of an article XX defense, following the method adopted to date by the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB). This report concludes that the DSB is likely to consider that the challenged measure aims at addressing a real concern about the protection of public morals in Europe; however, in the author’s view, the European ban will not be deemed "necessary" to achieve this end under GATT article XX. Indeed, the DSB will most likely consider that the European Union had less trade-restrictive available options that are more compatible with its obligations under the GATT. Regrettably, the author believes that the ORD decision in this dispute will not satisfy those who call for a better recognition of legitimate non-trade concerns by the WTO.