Submitted by Maria Aparecida (cidazen@gmail.com) on 2017-11-28T19:05:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rayane de Jesus Santos.pdf: 32730471 bytes, checksum: 04b4072160c3d5ac941eaaf3b4c305fa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-28T19:07:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rayane de Jesus Santos.pdf: 32730471 bytes, checksum: 04b4072160c3d5ac941eaaf3b4c305fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-02 / FAPEMA. / This study as objective to analyses the presence of Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) in initial formation of mathematics teachers in three Public Institution of High Teaching of São Luis, with motif to comprehend how the courses Mathematic Licentiate are forming the professionals futures for acting in this teaching modality. For developed of this researcher were used the quality approach to such a documental research as interviews. In documental investigation, the current discourse in the Politic Pedagogic Project and discipline programs of Mathematic Licentiate of Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Maranhão (IFMA), of Universidade Estadual do Maranhão (UEMA) and Universidade Federal do Maranhão (UFMA) analyzed. In the interviews was collected the discourse of teachers of two public institution who taught pedagogical disciplines. The analyses of data were realized based in theoretic referential of Discourse Analyses French aspect affiliated with Michel Pêcheux. As result, was certified that initial formation of mathematic teachers with ability and competence to act in EJA continue being leaved the part for public institutions of high teaching of Maranhão UEMA and UFMA, because both, with bases on the PPPC of Mathematic course, did not to given the importance to this teaching modality of education. The IFMA, opposite, presented a plausible discourse for the formation of the future educator of mathematics, directed to the qualification of the graduates so that upon completing the course they are prepared to act in different levels and modalities of education. / Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar a presença da Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) na formação inicial de professores de matemática em três Instituições Públicas de Ensino Superior de São Luís, com o intuito de se compreender como os cursos de Licenciatura em Matemática estão capacitando os futuros profissionais de ensino para atuação nessa modalidade de educação. Para desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, foi utilizada a abordagem qualitativa tanto na pesquisa documental quanto nas entrevistas. Na investigação documental analisou-se o discurso presente no Projeto Político Pedagógico e nos programas das disciplinas do Curso de Licenciatura em Matemática do Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Maranhão (IFMA), da Universidade Estadual do Maranhão (UEMA) e da Universidade Federal do Maranhão (UFMA). Nas entrevistas coletaram-se discursos de docentes que ministraram disciplinas pedagógicas em duas dessas instituições. A análise dos dados foi realizada com base no aporte teórico da Análise de Discurso de vertente francesa afiliada a Michel Pêcheux. Como resultado, constatou-se que a formação inicial de professores de matemática com habilidades e competências para atuar na EJA continua sendo deixada a parte pelas instituições públicas de ensino superior do Maranhão UEMA e UFMA, uma vez que ambas, com base no PPPC do curso de Matemática, ainda não deram a devida importância para essa modalidade de educação. O IFMA, ao contrário das outras duas instituições, apresentou um Projeto Político Pedagógico do curso de Matemática com discurso voltado à qualificação dos licenciandos para atuarem em diferentes níveis e modalidades de educação, entretanto, não foi possível a realização de entrevistas com seus professores.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:28:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Quelli_Cristina_Oliveira.pdf: 3658725 bytes, checksum: aa63c334077b25711655adcde56fcc84 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-29 / The search analised the education quality conception os the Basic Education development Rate(Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica IDEB) and its impact in six public schools teachers in Francisco Beltrão-PR. The search aimed: to learn historically the context of large scale evaluation in Brazil; to analyze the IDBE s conception of quality, the foundation and prepositions to school context, to investigate how the IDEB reflect in the school context originating a consensus and/or resistance around the pedagogical work in municipal schools in Francisco Beltrão. In order to collect the empiric data it was used semi-structured interviews with 24 education workers, among them ten teachers, eight principals and six coordinators, besides 68 student notebooks of third and fifth grades aiming to verify the space and the time focused to knowledge area. It was also analyzed documents of Mundial Bank, OCDE, MEC and INEP, a bibliographic review of the studies related to the problematic around question of reading and analyzes of the books, articles, theses and essay data. So the search was done based in the theoretical-methodological perspective of the dialectic historical materialism. The results show that the IDBE s quality conception is characterized from demands of the Mundial Bank, FMI, BIRD and OCDE PISA quality pattern which based in the competence Pedagogy. It is highlighted the pragmatism as a evaluation guidelines and consequently to the learning, as well as the emphasis to contents evaluated through the Brazil Test in the Portuguese and Mathematics subjects, given focused the reading and problem solving competences and abilities. In this context, we consider the large scale evaluation has contributed to teaching disqualification due to fast graduation and guidelines books. When the schools are stuffed by MEC support material even it is affirmed they are around evaluation parameter and they should not use them as a curriculum they reinforce the function of a Educational State, which centralize the way and the content in order to generate a collective-worker new man and decentralize when it projects in school members the auto management and the responsibility of the process and their materialized results in the IDEB. / A pesquisa analisou a concepção de qualidade da educação no Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica IDEB e seu impacto junto aos educadores de seis escolas da rede municipal de Francisco Beltrão-PR. Os objetivos foram: apreender historicamente o contexto da avaliação em larga escala no Brasil; analisar a concepção de qualidade do IDEB, fundamentos e proposições para o contexto escolar; investigar como o IDEB recai no contexto escolar produzindo consenso e/ou resistência no trabalho pedagógico nas escolas da rede municipal de Francisco Beltrão. Para a coleta de dados empiricos foram utilizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com vinte e quatro educadoras sendo dez professoras, oito gestoras, seis coordenadoras. Complementados com a coleta de 68 cadernos de alunos de terceiro e de quinto ano para verificar o espaço e tempo destinados para as áreas do conhecimento. Também, foram objetos de análise documentos do Banco Mundial, OCDE, MEC e INEP, revisão bibliográfica de estudos relacionados à problemática em questão e leituras e análises dos livros, artigos, bancos de dados de teses e dissertações. A pesquisa foi realizada na perspectiva teórico-metodológica do materialismo histórico dialético. Os resultados mostram que a concepção de qualidade do IDEB esta caracterizada a partir das demandas estabelecidas pelo Banco Mundial, FMI, BIRD e OCDE - padrão de qualidade do PISA que se fundamenta na pedagogia das competências. Destacamos o pragmatismo como eixo norteador da avaliação e, consequentemente, da aprendizagem. A ênfase dos conteúdos avaliados na Prova Brasil das disciplinas de Língua Portuguesa e Matemática, ministradas apenas com foco no desenvolvimento de competências e habilidades de leitura e resolução de problemas. Neste contexto, consideramos que as avaliações em larga escala estão contribuindo para desqualificação do magistério, devido à formação aligeirada, apostilada. Quando a escola é recheada pelo MEC de materiais de apoio mesmo que afirmem que são parâmetros para as avaliações e que estes não devem ser utilizados como currículo. Pois na forma como está se apresentando reforça a função de um Estado Educador, o qual centraliza a forma e conteúdo para a formação do novo homem coletivo trabalhador, e descentraliza, quando projeta aos sujeitos da escola a autogestão e responsabilidade pelos resultados.

Depuis la thèse de Germaine Coutard-Salmon, soutenue en 1980 et consacrée à l'étude monographique de Chana Orloff (1888-1968), peu de travaux ont porté sur cette artiste. Cette thèse se propose donc de mettre en perspective l'œuvre sculpté et l'œuvre graphique (dessins, gravures et illustrations) de l'artiste, de 1910 à sa mort, exécutés entre Paris et Israël. L'étude privilégiera les sujets, les techniques, les supports, mais aussi les orientations esthétiques qui parcourent l'oeuvre et l'inscrivent dans l'histoire et dans l'histoire de l'art Commencée à Paris sous les auspices d'un héritage cubiste et d'une tentation Art déco, son œuvre – où abondent les portraits, les Maternités et les sujets animaliers - , développe une esthétique reposant sur la simplification des formes, leur apurement et leur étirement et sur des compositions frontales traversées par une ambition décorative, qu'on a rapproché tour à tour de Modigliani, d'Archipenko ou de Nadelman. Puis, à partir de la fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et au moment de la création de l'Etat d'Israël, son art devient plus tourmenté et plus expressif. C'est aussi le moment où lui sont confiées, par l'Etat juif, d'importantes commandes monumentales. D'un point de vue méthodologique, la thèse s'appuiera notamment, mais non exclusivement, sur l'exploitation scientifique des fonds conservés à ce jour d'œuvres et de documents issus de l'atelier de l'artiste et interrogera la réception critique de l'œuvre de Chana Orloff à partir des années 1920, ainsi que les conditions de sa diffusion internationale (les galeristes, les marchands, les collectionneurs…) dans la perspective d'une histoire culturelle, sociale et politique de l'art. / Since Germaine Coutard-Salmon's thesis, presented in 1980 and devoted to the monographic study of Chana Orloff (1888-1968), there were not many other works published about this artist. The aim of this thesis is to put an emphasis on the sculpted and graphic works of art (drawings, engravings and illustrations) of the artist, since 1910 until her death, and achieved in both Paris and Israel. This study will deal with the subjects, the technics, the supports, but also the aesthetic orientations of her work which made her a part of history and art history. Started in Paris under the auspices of a cubist's heritage and Art deco's temptation, her work – characterized by many portraits, Maternities and animalist subjects -, developed an aesthetic based on the simplification of shapes, their balancing and their being stretched and on frontal compositions mixed with a decorative ambition, which has often been compared to Modigliani, Archipenko or Nadelman's work. Then, from the end of the Second World War and the time of the creation of Israel's State, her art became more tormented and more expressive. This was also the moment when the Jewish State commissioned her to produce a great number of works of art. From a methodological point of view, this thesis will be based in particular, but not exclusively, on the scientific exploitation of the funds preserved until now, made up of the works and documents of the artist's workshop and will question the critical reception of Chana Orloff's work from the 1920's until now, as well as the conditions of its international diffusion (gallerists, art dealers, collectors.....) from a cultural, social and political point of view of art.

La présente thèse visait à comprendre pourquoi malgré les atouts démographiques politiques et même économique des femmes, les camerounais(e)s et français(e)s adhèrent très peu au leadership politique féminin. Nous avons appréhendé les comportements électoraux à l’occasion des élections municipales et législatives de 2013 au Cameroun et les élections municipales de 2014 en France. Nous postulons que les différences culturelles exprimées par les représentations du leadership politique féminin peuvent permettre de cerner les comportements des participants. Trois études empiriques pour le Cameroun d’une part (avec 338 participants) et pour la France d’autre part (avec 310 participants) sont conduites. La construction du questionnaire s’inspire principalement de la démarche proposé par Ajzen et Fishbein (1985) pour la théorie du comportement planifié et par celle de Vergès (1992 ; 1994) pour les représentations du leadership politique féminin.Dans la première étude (Cameroun et France), on note que les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin sont d’autant plus fortes que les représentations sont favorables au leadership politique féminin. De même, lorsque les électeurs ont une attitude favorable envers le leadership politique féminin, ils se le représentent comme une force et expriment une intention favorable au leadership politique féminin. Les stéréotypes de genre féminin (chaleureuse, conciliante, maternelle) induisent au Cameroun des représentations du leadership politique favorables; ce qui n’est pas le cas en France. En outre, ces représentations médiatisent le lien entre les attitudes, les stéréotypes et les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin, tandis qu’en France, elles médiatisent uniquement le lien entre attitudes et intention de vote.La deuxième étude (Cameroun et France), examine la variation des intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin en fonction de l’adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles et des normes subjectives. En France, lorsque les participant(e)s adhèrent fortement aux croyances et valeurs culturelles, leurs intentions de vote sont favorables au leadership politique. Par contre, on observe chez les participant(e)s camerounais(e)s aucun lien entre l’adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles et leurs intentions de vote. Les représentations du leadership politique féminin des camerounais(e)s sont d’autant plus favorables qu’ils adhérent fortement aux croyances et valeurs culturelles. Les représentations du leadership politique féminin des participants français ne varient pas significativement avec leur adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles. Au Cameroun comme en France, lorsque les participants accordent une importance au point de vue des personnes considérées comme référents sur la question du leadership des femmes en politique et sont motivés à s’y conformer, leurs intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin est forte. Les résultats dans cette étude ont montré également que l’effet de l’adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles, et des normes subjectives sur les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin n’est pas médiatisé par les représentations du leadership politique féminin.L’étude 3 évalue l’intention de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin en fonction du contrôle comportemental perçu, puis examine l’interaction entre ce contrôle comportemental perçu et l’expérience électorale. Les résultats ne sont pas concluant sur les deux échantillons (France, Cameroun).Enfin, le modèle global (Cameroun et France) est testé avec toutes les variables de nos trois études en même temps. Le modèle conceptuel final camerounais est confirmé par les résultats de l’analyse et est le plus parcimonieux que le modèle français. Ces résultats apportent une intéressante contribution aux recherches antérieures et sont discutés en lien avec les connaissances théoriques. / The aim of this thesis was to understand why despite the real demographic, political and economic qualities of women, despite the regulatory and judicial measures, Cameroonians and French citizens adhere very little to female political leadership. This thesis suggests to apprehend electoral intentions and electoral behaviors using the 2013 municipal and legislative elections in Cameroun and the 2014 municipal elections in France. Hence we argued that cultural differences portrayed by the representations of female political leadership can allow for the identification of Cameroonian and French citizens’ behaviors with regards to the presence of women in political positions.Three empirical studies for Cameroun on one hand (N=338) and for France (N=310) on the other hand were conducted. The construction of the questionnaire was mainly inspired by two approaches, namely the theory of planned behavior by Ajzen and Fishben (1985) and the representation of female political leadership by Vergès (1992;1994).In the first study (Cameroun and France), we observed that voting intentions in favor of female political leadership were all the more high that the representations were positive towards female political leadership. Likewise, when the electorates showed a positive attitude towards female political leadership, they perceived it as strength and thus portrayed a favorable intention towards the female political leadership. Female gender stereotypes (e.g. warmth, accommodating, maternal) induced positive political leadership representations in Cameroun; unlike in France. In other words, these representations mediated the link between attitudes, stereotypes and voting intentions in favor of female political leadership whereas in France these representations mediated only the link between attitudes and voting intentions. The second study (Cameroun and France) used the same data as the Study 1. Here, we examined the variations of voting intentions in favor of female political leadership with regards to adherence to beliefs, cultural values and subjective norms. We observed that in France, when participants adhere strongly to beliefs and cultural values, their voting intentions tend to be favorable towards female political leadership. However, we did not observe a link between adherence to beliefs and cultural values and favorable voting intentions towards female political leadership with the Cameroonian participants. Concerning Cameroonians, the representation of female political leadership was all the more favorable when they adhered strongly to beliefs and cultural values. With reference to the French participants, female political leadership did not vary significantly in function of their adhesion to beliefs and cultural values. In Cameroun as well as in France, when participants attributed importance to the viewpoints of people who are considered as experts in women political leadership and are motivated to conform to it, their voting intentions in favor of female political leadership was high. The results from this study also revealed that adhering to beliefs and cultural values as well as subjective norms was not mediated by the representations of female political leadership.The third study evaluated voting intentions in favor of female political leadership in relation to perceived behavioral control. We then examined the interaction between perceived behavioral control and electoral experience. The results were not conclusive for the two samples (France, Cameroun).Finally, the global model (Cameroun and France) was tested simultaneously with all variables of the three studies. The final conceptual model for Cameroun was confirmed by the results of the analysis. This model fitted with the data collected and proved to be the most parsimonious than the French model. These results conveyed an interesting contribution to the research and were discussed in light of existing theoretical knowledge.

一九四九年國民黨政權倉皇撤退來臺 ，面臨美國「放手政策」、中共陳 兵對岸與臺灣經濟崩潰的危機下，國府乃起用吳國楨出任臺灣省主席，勵 行民主改造。吳三連在日治時期從事抗日運動中，深得政治智慧， 且建 立豐沛的人脈關係、戰間期居住中國使其具有北京話的語文能力， 戰後 高票當選國代，擁有雄厚的民意基礎。在國民黨倉皇撤退來臺、急須美援 的情況下， 不得不實施民主，乃拔擢非國民黨員的吳三連為戰時首都臺 北市長， 並在國民黨未及改造完成，實施地方自治時， 再獲得國民黨支 持成為臺北市第一屆民選市長。市長任內，一面與中央配合致力早日完成 反攻大業， 也盡力從事臺北市政建設，並處理大量難民湧入臺北市所造 成的學校駐軍、 違建等等問題。不久韓戰爆發，國民黨在美國支持下， 改組重建完成一黨獨大的威權體制。相對於國民黨的威權統治，臺灣人歷 經二二八事件的打擊， 加上戒嚴體制的限制和白色恐怖的威嚇，呈現無 組織弱勢社會的情境。 當內外危機解除、國民黨的威權統治確立後，臺 灣人的支持與否相對失去重要性，國民黨也無法再容納不是國民黨員的臺 灣人繼續主持臺北市政， 吳三連乃選擇回臺南競選省議員，在議壇繼續 為臺灣人服務。總之，吳三連擔任臺北市長， 是國民黨倉皇撤退來臺至 完成重建威權統治之前的過渡措施，對吳三連而言，四年臺北市長任內 ， 建立中央與地方的人脈關係，更深刻的認識國民黨政權的本質，奠立 此後辦報、 經商與溝通朝野對立衝突的中介角色，享有極高的社會清望 與影響力。

<p>Ungdomars attityder och värderingar gentemot politik är något som sedan årtionden tillbaka undersökts. Det finns undersökningar som visar att ungdomars politiska intresse minskar. Sociologen Ulrich Beck förklarar det minskade intresset som ett led i individualiseringsprocessen, vilket är teorin i föreliggande uppsats. Uppsatsen grundar sig på en enkätundersökning i tre städer, Stockholm, Norrköping och Skänninge. I varje stad har en klass i år 9 svarat på enkäten. Enkäten består av 13 frågor varav 12 är strukturerade och en fråga är öppen. Undersökningen visar att det finns ett politiskt intresse hos de ungdomar som deltog. Dock ligger intresset i andra politiska aktiviteter än de som traditionellt tillhör denoffentliga politiken som bland annat innefattar politiska partier. Ungdomarna deltar gärna i demonstrationer, namninsamlingar och bojkotter för att visa sin politiska åsikt. Undersökningens resultat tyder på att ungdomarna deltar i individualiseringsprocessen samt att den rådande politiska strukturen och ungdomarna glider isär. Fortsätter individualiseringen tills dagens ungdomar tillträder politiken kan en omorganisering av den politiska strukturen bli aktuell.</p>

Ungdomars attityder och värderingar gentemot politik är något som sedan årtionden tillbaka undersökts. Det finns undersökningar som visar att ungdomars politiska intresse minskar. Sociologen Ulrich Beck förklarar det minskade intresset som ett led i individualiseringsprocessen, vilket är teorin i föreliggande uppsats. Uppsatsen grundar sig på en enkätundersökning i tre städer, Stockholm, Norrköping och Skänninge. I varje stad har en klass i år 9 svarat på enkäten. Enkäten består av 13 frågor varav 12 är strukturerade och en fråga är öppen. Undersökningen visar att det finns ett politiskt intresse hos de ungdomar som deltog. Dock ligger intresset i andra politiska aktiviteter än de som traditionellt tillhör denoffentliga politiken som bland annat innefattar politiska partier. Ungdomarna deltar gärna i demonstrationer, namninsamlingar och bojkotter för att visa sin politiska åsikt. Undersökningens resultat tyder på att ungdomarna deltar i individualiseringsprocessen samt att den rådande politiska strukturen och ungdomarna glider isär. Fortsätter individualiseringen tills dagens ungdomar tillträder politiken kan en omorganisering av den politiska strukturen bli aktuell.

This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between two main inspiration sources of the Arab world, both emerged in Egypt: Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood. The focus is defined as the relationship between the Egyptian state of Nasser&rsquo / s era and the Muslim Brotherhood / hence the time period is determined to be between 1952 and 1970. The reason why I have chosen this subject is that for the Middle East in general, and Egypt in particular, both actors have played a significant role in the path of deposing Western colonialism and engaging with modernism. On the other hand as both sides could provide alternative theories and means of governance against each other, the relationship seems more than interesting / especially regarding region&rsquo / s endeavor of providing a strong response and local alternatives to dominant Western values of modernism, it seems more than worthy to focus on these two main players and their interactions with each other.

Members¡¦ political behaviors in organizations often influence the decision of Human Resources on members¡¦ salary or promotion. After perceiving organizational politics that might alter their expected job reward and performances, in the short run, employees might react negatively and lead to behaviors such as reduction of job involvement, dissatisfaction, job anxiety, as well as absentness. In the long run, there will be increasing turnover. The purpose of this study is to understand the relationship among Perception of Organizational Politics (POPs), Turnover Intention and Job Satisfaction. Through empirical survey data analysis, the findings are as follows: 1.There is no relationship between gender and turnover intention. 2.Members¡¦ age is negatively correlated with their turnover intention. 3.The turnover intentions of college & university graduates are lower than those with less education. 4.Members who are single have a higher turnover intention, compared with those of married members. 5.Members with longer tenure have a lower turnover intention. 6.Managers¡¦ turnover intention is lower than those with non-manager positions. 7.Members with higher POPs also tends to have higher turnover intentions. 8.Members with higher POPs have lower job satisfaction. 9.Job Satisfaction serves as an intervening variable, partially mediates the relationship between members¡¦ POPs and their turnover intentions.

National security policies are defined as ¡§Those effective procedures or actions taken by the government to guard the nation whenever the nation encounters the crises endangering national security¡¨. After the end of the curfew in 1987, the authoritarian form of government turned into a democratic one. In the transformation process from 1988 to 2008, the ¡§silent revolution¡¨ had been achieved through the peaceful exchange of the ruling parties, which had increased the democratic development of Taiwan and renewed each social status. Nevertheless, diversified opinions and disagreements resulted from such a successful revolution. The transition of political party in 2000 is a turning point. Different ruling parties hold different claims and implement different national policies. Moreover, the nation security was influenced by three crucial issues¡Ftherefore, the formulation and implementation of national security policies are worthy of deeper exploration. This research structure followed the politic systematical theory and investigated our national security policies to achieve the following two purposes¡G (a) the investigation of the crucial period after the end of curfew, the formulation of the national security policies under the politic systematical theory and different ruling concepts by different ruling parties, and (b) the analysis and comparison of the national secure policies, in terms of the politic systematical theory, between different ruling parties¡¦ viewpoints in the operation of the democratic system.