The purpose of my study is to study Social Democrats immigration policy over the period 1990 and 2013. My material consists of party programs and motions that social democracy has raised in Parliament. As a research method I used McGee´s ideograph theory. I use a cluster analysis inspired by Kenneth Burke to analyze the meaning of those found ideographs. I also present and use Bitzers rhetorical situation in my analyze With help of Burke´s rhetorical situation I could see how the Social Democrats' rhetorical approach to immigration policy in the different periods in society. My investigation of the Social Democratic Party program and motions / propositions revealed the following ideographs: Democracy, solidarity, equality and freedom. keywords that went to associate to the ideographs relating to immigration policy was school, adults, racism, equal rights, democratic freedom. Rhetorical could be interpreted as a way to show that in year 2013 the party stands behind a more solidarity, equality of human beings in society. Groups such as migrants and refugees should not stick out like a social group, but the group should be included in the collective Sweden.

A philosophical and scientific eclectic, Dr. Friedrich Hoffmann (1660-1742) brought together the wisdom of ancient writers with the new science and philosophy of his day. In the Medicus Politicus (The Politic Physician) (1738) he applied his concepts to medicine and medical ethics. The Medicus Politicus contains the lecture notes of Hoffmann as first professor of medicine at the University of Halle. The work is divided into three parts: the personal characteristics required by the new politic physician; the physician's relationship with other members of the medical community (often competitors); and the patient-physician relationship. This dissertation provides the first comprehensive English-language philosophical analysis and commentary on this work. It addresses two issues found in the Medicus Politicus: Hoffmann's model for the new physician and the medical ethics required in the patient-physician relationship. The political, intellectual and religious upheavals of the Long Eighteenth Century inform the work of Hoffmann. Physicians were not yet considered professionals and competed with the untrained. The new Hoffmannian physician would change that and would develop the personal qualities that were found in the professions of theology and law. Specifically, the Hoffmannian physician would be moral, rational and clinically competent. Hoffmann provided two independent but harmonious foundations to justify these requirements: one theological and one rational. Specifically, Hoffmann was an enthusiastic Pietist, a Natural Law theorist and an evidence-based scientist. His applied ethics is one of the most complete systems ever found in the medical clinical setting as it addresses each stage of the healing process. The focus of the patient-physician relationship is trust and trustworthiness. The physician is trustworthy when he is compassionate and competent. Patient and physician work together towards a mutual goal of the patient's healing. The judgments of both patient and physician are directed by prudence--seeking that which preserves society and individuals. This very mature concept of the ethics of the patient-physician relationship founded on trust and trustworthiness is the basis of modern concepts of patient, fiduciary trust, medical ethics and medicine as a profession. / text

Precipitated by important work in recent natural law political theory, this research revisits the relationship between political association and human flourishing. Does the political community itself realize some aspect of human sociability intrinsic to our full flourishing or is it simply an instrumental good? The inquiry begins with a thorough examination of the merits of John Finnis’s influential argument for an instrumental political common good, pointing to a significant lacuna in his inattention to the value of political activity, as opposed to the operation of government and law. In building an alternative positive account the argument relies upon both formal and substantive considerations, generally employing an Aristotelian methodology of understanding the whole via a consideration of its constitutive parts. First, drawing from Aquinas’s Aristotelian commentaries to unpack the basic structure of part/whole relationships within the “body politic,” I argue that political community is partially defined by the nature of its basic constitutive parts. The next chapter considers the substantive good of familial association, particularly in light of longstanding concerns with the family’s particularity and inequality. I argue that the intrinsically liberal and educative character of parental love rightly orients children to virtuous activity and invests familial association with an intrinsic rationality. The final two chapters bring direct focus onto the political common good: First, I argue that a normatively compelling account of the political common good must be both inclusivist, i.e., including within its purpose the irreducibly diverse goods of every individual and basic association within the community, and distinctive, i.e., including within the calculus of practical reason the good of the political association as such. Lastly, I argue that the political common good is intrinsically—though only partially—constitutive of the human social good. Aquinas makes a crucial shift away from Aristotle’s political primacy in his more pluralistic account of human sociability and emphasis on the extensiveness of the political good over the superiority of political activity per se. Nevertheless, there are essential human virtues—justice, love, generosity—that are uniquely, if not exclusively, fostered in political community and potentially realized in civic friendship. / text

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Submitted by Karol Natasha Lourenço Castanheira (karol.castanheira@unesp.br) on 2018-10-15T16:16:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CASTANHEIRA, Karol_Tchau, querida os enquadramentos do Jornal Nacional no Processo de Impeachment.pdf: 2890228 bytes, checksum: 88a50ba58637e3235d9aaaf2001b0fe6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Lucilene Cordeiro da Silva Messias null (lubiblio@bauru.unesp.br) on 2018-10-15T17:36:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 castanheira_knl_dr_bauru.pdf: 2890228 bytes, checksum: 88a50ba58637e3235d9aaaf2001b0fe6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-15T17:36:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 castanheira_knl_dr_bauru.pdf: 2890228 bytes, checksum: 88a50ba58637e3235d9aaaf2001b0fe6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-17 / Ao acionar no imaginário social o impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, os sujeitos sociais se valem de seu repertório de significados previamente construídos. A mídia e o judiciário adquirem papel importante nesse processo, pois detêm a prerrogativa de propriedades estruturantes na sociedade moderna ao produzirem pacotes interpretativos sobre os eventos políticos. Portanto, o discurso jornalístico, nesta tese, será perquirido como um espaço de disputa simbólico, que se apodera das múltiplas estruturas de significado da cultura e a notícia será investigada como um produto cultural baseado na linguagem e produzido a partir de enquadramentos culturais negociados pelo veículo, jornalista, público e as circunstâncias do contexto social. Nesse sentido, o objetivo desta tese é discutir como a Rede Globo, por meio do Jornal Nacional, foi construindo e imputando identidades a então presidente Dilma nos anos 2015-2016. Nesse processo, os velhos e novos atores do impeachment destituíram não somente a função de agente político de Dilma, mas também de sujeito social. Durante este episódio, os agentes corresponsáveis pela gestão pública e membros do PT envolvidos na Operação Lava Jato, como o próprio ex-presidente Lula, não produziram uma condição de desconto, mas potencializaram a presunção de culpa de Dilma, na medida em que o discurso jornalístico categorizou de modo genérico os representantes do PT como corruptos e responsáveis pela crise econômica do país. Como metodologia este trabalho recorre à análise de enquadramento a partir dos seguintes itens de observação: a) ideia organizadora; b) atribuição de responsabilidade e o julgamento moral; c) indicação de solução; d) categorização do fato; e) tipificação do sujeito. A contribuição da tese se estabelece no âmbito metodológico pela vinculação entre o operador tipificação do sujeito presente nos estudos de enquadramento com o conceito de identidade. / In order to trigger Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment in the social imaginary, social subjects make use of their previous constructed repertory of meanings. Media and judiciary system assume an important role in this process, since they hold the prerogative of structural proprieties in the modern society as producers of interpretative packages about political events. Therefore, in this dissertation journalism discourse will be inquired as a space of symbolic disputed. It seizes from the multiples structures of cultural meanings. In this case, news will be seen as a cultural product based on language, a result of cultural framings negotiated between the media outlets, the journalists, the public and the circumstances of the social context. In this sense, this dissertation seeks to discuss how Brazilian TV network Rede Globo, through its main broadcast news Jornal Nacional, constructed and imputed identities to the former president Rousseff on 2015-2016 period. In this process, old and new impeachment actors impeached not only the Rousseff function as a political agent, but also as a social subject. During this episode, public agents and members of Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, the Brazilian Labor Party, left wing) involved on the federal investigation Operação Lava Jato, such as the former president Lula himself, did not produced a mitigating situation. On the contrary, they enhanced Rousseff guilt assumption, car journalist discourse in general categorize PT members as corrupted and responsible to the Brazilian economic crisis. This work draws on framing analysis as methodological path. It applies the following categories: a) organizing ideas; b) responsibility attribution and moral judgement; c) Pointing out a solution; d) Fact categorizing; e) Typifying the subject. This PhD dissertation contributes in the methodological level by associating the framing studies operator typifying the subject to the cultural concept of identity.

In arder ro identifY rhe most important characrerisrics rhat describe rhe Latín American Psychology ar rhe end of rhe century, six main issues áre discussed: rhe scientific orienration, the dependency characteristic, the lack of an original arproach, the social meaning, the politic permeabiliry, rhe emphasis on applied research, and the interest in the person as the central object of study. The fact that these observations are based on the more active nations in rhe generation of psychological knowledge could be a limitation in rhe generalization of rhe findings. / Con el propósito de identificar las características más relevantes que tipifican a la psicología latinoamericana hacia fines del siglo XX, se señalan y discuten seis notas dominantes: su orientación científica, el carácter dependiente, la escasa originalidad, la relevancia social y su permeabilidad política, la preferencia por la investigación aplicada y su interés por el hombre como objeto central de sus trabajos. Se señala como limitación para establecer generalizaciones, el que las observaciones se basan solamente en las naciones latinoamericanas más activas en la generación de conocimientos psicológicos.

BRANCO, Judikael Castelo. Violência e ação política em Eric Weil. 2011. 122f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-07T16:45:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-JCBRANCO.pdf: 749684 bytes, checksum: d7028b981bb00f986bc2ae1263fa17d7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-07T17:49:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-JCBRANCO.pdf: 749684 bytes, checksum: d7028b981bb00f986bc2ae1263fa17d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-07T17:49:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-JCBRANCO.pdf: 749684 bytes, checksum: d7028b981bb00f986bc2ae1263fa17d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / For Eric Veil, the philosophy is not a view of the world, a dogmatic or relativistic knowledge, but a commitment with the reason and freedom through the attempt of understanding the human being, his speech and his action. The purpose of this work is try to understand what the terms violence and politic action means in the philosophy of Weil, and at the same time, the meaning of philosophy itself. We start using the relationship between philosophy and violence, related to the negative act of the reason and, that´s why, the main problem for the philosophical speech in its pretension of absolute understanding. One of the Veil´s characteristics is consider what represent the problem of the violence after Hegel´s perspective of an absolutely coherent speech, so that, considering the lack of the absolute speech in order to contain the reality of the violence. As a result, we have the reflection about the relationship between violence and reasonable action in the politic area, in order to think the politics through the philosophy. Weil takes the politics as consideration of the human being living in common according to his essential structures getting back a positive relationship between moral and politics, in order to raise a philosophy that is capable of understand the modern politics and consider the politic action as a fighting against the violence, referring to nature, the relationship between individual and society and the solution in the modern state, as the owner of the monopoly of the use of violence. The state appears as a condition for the conciliation between the sensible life of the individual in the concrete moral and the imposing demand through the rationality of the modern society. Finally, a reasonable life, with the possibilities of the modern society, must find a meaning in the politic life, participating of the decisions of common interest. It´s the transposition of the problems solution of the using of violence for the debating area, through the education of the politic people, social task of the philosopher, and it´s the aim of the politic action. This reflection intends to be coherent, according to its time, must recognize that history, politics, economy, and philosophy, force the philosopher to think about the common destiny of the human kind. That´s what Weil reflects about a world state, concrete category that gather the moral categories, of society and the state, and where all these politic categories are together in the purpose of understanding the reality / A filosofia, para Eric Weil, não é apenas uma visão sobre o mundo, ou um saber dogmático ou relativista, mas um comprometimento com a razão e com a liberdade enquanto tentativa de compreensão do homem, do seu discurso e da sua ação. Deste modo, o objetivo deste trabalho é compreender o que os termos violência e ação política significam na filosofia de Weil, e, ao mesmo tempo, o significado da própria filosofia. Parte-se da relação entre filosofia e violência, enquanto ato negador da razão e, por isso, problema fundamental para o discurso filosófico na sua pretensão de compreensão absoluta. O específico de Weil é considerar o que o problema da violência representa depois da perspectiva hegeliana de um discurso absolutamente coerente, isto é, a consideração da insuficiência do discurso Absoluto para dar conta da realidade da violência. Decorre daí a reflexão acerca da relação entre violência e ação razoável no campo político, propondo-se a pensar a política a partir da filosofia. Weil parte da política como consideração da vida em comum dos homens segundo as suas estruturas essenciais, recuperando uma relação positiva entre moral e política, para erguer, a partir destas indicações, uma filosofia capaz de dar conta da política moderna e lança mão da consideração da ação política como luta contra a violência, seja como violência da natureza exterior, seja na relação violenta entre indivíduo e sociedade, seja na solução apontada no Estado moderno como detentor do monopólio do uso da violência. O Estado aparece como condição para a conciliação entre a vida sensata do indivíduo na moral concreta da sua comunidade e as exigências impostas pelo tipo de racionalidade da sociedade moderna. Por fim, uma vida razoável e dona das possibilidades oferecidas pela sociedade, deve encontrar tradução na vida política pela possibilidade de, vencidas as violências da natureza, do indivíduo e da sociedade, participar das decisões que tocam os interesses coletivos. É a transposição da resolução dos problemas do uso da violência ao plano da discussão através da educação do povo político, tarefa social do filósofo e finalidade por excelência da ação política. Tal reflexão, para ser coerente com seu tempo, deve reconhecer que história, política, economia e filosofia obrigam o filósofo a refletir sobre o destino comum da humanidade, o que Weil faz ao pensar um Estado mundial, categoria concreta na qual reúne as categorias da moral, da sociedade e do Estado, e onde todas estas categorias políticas se articulam em vista da compreensão da realidade.

The topic of my thesis is Scattering of the prices offer of apartments in the Czech Republic and an assessment of the influence on an area of the apartment. The subject matter of my thesis is the evaluation of apartment prices according to individual regions in the Czech Republic and another purpose is an assessment with prices of apartments affected by the location and their social influence unemployment and safety of the location. The concepts of valuation apartments, price and value property and options valuation according to laws and regulations are included in the part of literary research. I mentioned factors affecting the price of an apartment. I analyzed prices of apartments, working opportunity in the location and safety of the location in the practical part of my thesis. I evaluated these influences with a suitable statistical method and I found out the dependence of apartments prices on their location.

Submitted by IZABELE DIAS DOS SANTOS (izabeledias_@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-01T23:50:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Izabele Dias dissert.pdf: 2049366 bytes, checksum: bb8dc6666ee7acb6ff97fce924931ea8 (MD5) / Rejected by Claudia Adriana Spindola null (claudia@fct.unesp.br), reason: Solicitamos que realize correções na submissão seguindo as orientações abaixo: - Acrescentar a seguinte expressão do financiador nos agradecimentos : O presente trabalho foi realizado com apoio da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiamento 001 - Se tiver o número do processo acrescentar Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2018-10-02T13:24:06Z (GMT) / Submitted by IZABELE DIAS DOS SANTOS (izabeledias_@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-02T13:50:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert Izabele.pdf: 2049948 bytes, checksum: f901fae7629f71873b54c210c5eceb6c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Claudia Adriana Spindola null (claudia@fct.unesp.br) on 2018-10-02T14:15:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_id_me_prud.pdf: 1993045 bytes, checksum: 479848167531ec385d4eb376fab1f780 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-02T14:15:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_id_me_prud.pdf: 1993045 bytes, checksum: 479848167531ec385d4eb376fab1f780 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Tendo a lei nº 12.244/2010 e os Parâmetros para Bibliotecas Escolares (GEBE/CFB/CRB) como base, esta pesquisa pretendeu analisar em Pirapozinho, uma cidade pequena do interior de São Paulo, como se organizam as bibliotecas nas cinco escolas públicas municipais de ensino fundamental – Ciclo I. O objetivo principal da pesquisa foi verificar se essas escolas têm bibliotecas escolares e, quando a possuem, se estão adequadas aos Parâmetros para Bibliotecas Escolares. A metodologia da pesquisa utilizada teve natureza qualitativa, objetivada em observação sistemática e não-participante. Os procedimentos de pesquisa incluíram a revisão bibliográfica do conhecimento produzido na área, como também a observação do funcionamento das bibliotecas, seus horários e suas regras e a identificação das ações de leitura no Projeto Político Pedagógico da escola. Também foram coletados dados por intermédio de entrevistas semiestruturadas com os diretores das escolas e com os coordenadores pedagógicos, bem como da análise documental para analisar o Projeto Político Pedagógico de cada instituição. Os resultados nos mostram uma lei falha e inconclusa que deixa diversas lacunas e, por essa razão todas as escolas pesquisadas a cumprem. Considerando os Parâmetros para Bibliotecas Escolares temos um cenário diferente, no qual nenhuma das cinco escolas conseguem atender todos os seus indicadores. / Having the law n. 12.244/2010 and the Parameters for School Libraries (GEBE/CFB/CRB) as a basis, this research was intended to analyze in Pirapozinho, a small city in the interior of São Paulo, how to organize the libraries in the five public schools municipal elementary school – Cycle I. the main goal of The research was to check whether these schools have school libraries and, when they do, if they are appropriate to the Parameters for School Libraries. The research methodology used was qualitative in nature, objectified in systematic observation and non-participant. The research procedures included a literature review of the knowledge produced in the area, as well as the observation of the functioning of libraries, their schedules and their rules and the identification of read actions in the Political Pedagogical Project of the school. Were also collected data through semi-structured interviews with school principals and pedagogic coordinators, as well as an analysis document to analyze the Political Pedagogical Project of each institution. The results show us a law, failed, and inconclusive, which leaves several spaces and for that reason all the schools surveyed the meet. Considering the Parameters for School Libraries we have a different scenario, in which none of the five schools are able to meet all of your indicators.

A crônica reacionária de Nelson Rodrigues comporta uma riqueza de traços estéticos e ideológicos. Do ponto de vista formal, a sátira rodriguesiana remete suas raízes a uma archaica situada no "campo do sério-cômico" da Antigüidade Clássica. Do ponto de vista ideológico, ela é politicamente interessada e toma partido na batalha das idéias que se trava sob a ditadura militar. A crônica jornalística de Nelson Rodrigues é contingente e dá um tratamento ficcional ao real, sobretudo através do exagero, da amplificação dos fatos da vida cotidiana. Como acontecimento discursivo, está aqui abordada num feixe temático que engloba cinco eixos: a morte, o negro, o feminino, o anticomunismo e a estética / The reactionary chronicle of Nelson Rodrigues contains a wealth of aesthetic and ideological lines. From the formal point of view, the satire rodriguesiana its roots back to an archaic located in the "field of serious-comic" of Classical Antiquity. From the ideological point of view, it is politically interested and takes part in the battle of ideas that hangs under the military dictatorship. The news chronicle of Nelson Rodrigues is contingent and gives a fictional treatment of reality, mainly through the exaggeration, the amplification of the facts of everyday life. As a discursive event, is addressed here in a bundle that includes five thematic areas: death, black, the female, the anticomunism and the aesthetics