Resumo: O presente trabalho estudou as territorialidades do lazer e do turismo dos idosos no município de Rio Claro / SP, visando colaborar com os debates sobre esse tema, com o diagnóstico das oportunidades de lazer e turismo para idosos, com a elaboração de propostas de políticas públicas de lazer e turismo. A caracterização dos Grupos de Idosos de Rio Claro procurou mostrar meandros de uma realidade que se desdobra no processo de envelhecimento. Os dados coletados e expostos nesta pesquisa permitiram traçar um perfil de idosos que participam de grupos organizados em Rio Claro. Na maioria são mulheres com idade média de setenta e sete anos que vivem sós, tem renda entre um e dois salários mínimos, freqüentam o grupo há mais de cinco anos, consideram lazer os trabalhos domésticos e manuais em casa, a freqüência ao grupo de idoso e as viagens, de preferência de curta duração, tendo como destino preferencial a praia. Gostariam de ter mais oportunidades de passeios e atividades físicas e, por isso, demandam ações do poder público.Considerando que o contingente de idosos de Rio Claro já é muito significativo no conjunto da população da cidade e que sua organização lhes dá visibilidade, poder político e consciência de direitos, será cada vez maior a pressão destes sobre o poder público e sobre a sociedade civil. Os espaços que freqüentam e que constituem seu território são limitados, quer pelas condições econômicas de acesso, quer por limitações físicas pessoais ou pela falta de acolhimento adequado quanto a infra-estruturas e atividades. Os grupos se organizam espontaneamente, sem regras formais definidas, sem coordenação central, sem programação mínima (exceto as reuniões semanais), em espaços muitas vezes inadequados. Há grande diferenciação entre os grupos pelo perfil... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This paper studied the elderly leisure and tourism in Rio Claro (SP) county, aiming at helping with the debates about this subject, through the diagnosis of the opportunities of the leisure and tourism for elderly, elaborating public politics proposals of leisure and tourism. The Elderly Group characterization got to know meanders of one reality which follows during the aging process. The data showed in this research allow making a profile of the elderly who participated of organized groups in Rio Claro. Most of them were women with the average age of seventy-seven living alone and with an income of two minimum salaries. They have been inside of the group for more than five years and have considered housework, elderly group participation, short trips mainly to the beaches as leisure. More opportunities of trips and physical activities have been their will, such opportunities demand actions of the public office. Considering that the number of elderly in Rio Claro has been quite significant in relation to the city inhabitants and its organization brings visibility, political power and conscience of their rights, the pressure over the public offices and the society will be bigger. The places they use to go which are their territories are limited, due to their social economic conditions or because of their physical limits or the lack of infrastructures and activities. The groups have organized spontaneously, without formal rules, headquarter, schedules (except the weekly meetings) and most of the time inadequate spaces. There is a big differentiation among them due to their socioeconomic profile which has been shown in the local meetings and in the performed activities. The study establishes a territory which has been used and makes new ones for the elderly and the elderly groups... (Complete abstract, click electronic address below) / Orientador: Lucia Helena de Oliveira Gerardi / Coorientador: Odaléia Telles Marcondes Machado Queiróz / Banca: Auro Aparecido Mendes / Banca: Darlene Aparecida de Oliveira Ferreira / Banca: Walquíria Krüger Corrêa / Banca: Vanda Ueda / Doutor

1 ABSTRACT The aim of this text is to provide an analysis of the phenomenon of spin doctoring in the Euro-Atlantic area. Spin doctors are educated people in the fields of semiotics, cultural studies, public relations, political communication and especially familiar with the infrastructure and the functioning of the media industry. Critical reflection of manipulative communication techniques puts spin phenomenon in historical perspective and traces its practical use in today's social communication in Western society. Using the concept of semiology and explore possibilities of interpersonal communication techniques and characteristics of the spin doctor. We present a compilation of persuasive techniques. We follow the sign systems, specific channels and media that are used by spin doctors. We evaluate how the different channels vary in relation to the effective application of spin. We focus on the significance of the rise of new media in social communication and mediation and explore the impact of proliferation of Access to the Net to individuals' participation in the democratic process. We ask for reconfiguration mode of participation in democracy, media influence and manipulation of public opinion. The study is supplemented by examples and case studies. Key words: spin, spin doctoring, spin doctor,...

This study deals with the historical development around the arguments for women's eligibility for the priesthood in the Church of Sweden between the years 1923-1950. Based on two government investigations in 1923 and 1950, I present the argument that emerges and how this relates to the gender order and social structures of the time. My purpose of the study is to provide an insight into the multifaceted debate that this issue gave rise to. My questions are: what arguments for or against the female priesthood were put forward in these investigations and how were these related to understandings of male and female? I will methodically use a qualitative text analysis based on the hermeneutic spiral and take as a starting point the gender theories of previous research to answer these questions. The study shows how the presented arguments in several ways formed a distinction between men and women. The argument was also developed during these years and the study shows how it is connected with an overall changed gender order and societal structures.

[pt] Esta pesquisa analisa a representatividade da bancada feminina na Câmara Federal, por meio do método dedutivo, considerando duas dimensões principais: presença e ideias. O objetivo geral dessa investigação é examinar as potenciais interações entre essas duas perspectivas no âmbito do legislativo federal brasileiro. Partindo de uma abordagem feminista, a pesquisa delineia o conceito de representatividade, destacando o debate internacional em relação a construção de medidas institucionais de inclusão no cenário político que se fortaleceu a partir da década de 90. Além disso, destaca as lutas políticas articuladas pelas mulheres na conquista e expansão de seus direitos políticos no Brasil, desde a luta pelo sufrágio até a implementação das cotas eleitorais de gênero e a consolidação da bancada feminina. A pesquisa ressalta a importância de fortalecer e ampliar os direitos políticos das mulheres, enfatizando que a busca pela equidade de gênero nos espaços políticos está intrinsecamente ligada a esforços para transformar as estruturas de poder que perpetuam a injustiça e a desigualdade. / [en] This research examines the representativeness of the women s bench in the Federal Chamber through deductive methodology, considering two main dimensions: presence and ideas. The overarching aim of this investigation is to scrutinize the potential interactions between these two dimensions within the scope of the Brazilian Federal legislature. Departing from a feminist approach, the research outlines the concept of representativeness, highlighting the international discourse surrounding the construction of institutional inclusion measures in the political landscape that gained momentum from the 1990s onwards. Furthermore, it underscores the political struggles orchestrated by women in their pursuit and expansion of political rights in Brazil, spanning from the suffrage movement to the implementation of gender electoral quotas and the consolidation of the women s bench. The research underscores the significance of bolstering and broadening women s political rights, emphasizing that the quest for gender equity in political spaces is inherently tied to efforts to transform power structures that perpetuate injustice and inequality.

A study on far-right populism voters and democratic attitudes in five countries, France, Hungary, India, Russia and Sweden. The purpose of the study is to create a deeper understanding on the far-right populist voters view on a selection of democratic values. It is a quantitative study using datafrom International social survey program (2016). The focus is on the voters of these political parties.We conducted an exposé of the right-wing populism, using the theory of Cas Mudde and others, and of the far-right populist voter. Presentations were also carried out on every country´s far-right populism background. Democratic values were operationalized in different indicators, freedom of assembly, limitations of civil rights, limitations of public information, corruption and trust for MP: sand civil servants. The study did not result in a clear correlation between far-right populism voters and non-democratic values. However, we did find some correlations and the strongest effects were in France, Hungary and Russia. The patterns we found were on limitations of civil rights and the result showed that far-right populist voters tend to have a more non-democratic view on these issues.

L’expression plastique des victoires navales opère tel un prisme à travers lequel s’observent les rites de célébration, les modes de commémoration et les desseins politiques de ses commanditaires. Il s’agit de s’intéresser à la naissance de cette image en remontant aux traditions grecques et romaines relatives au retour de guerre des soldats et à la célébration du succès. Ces coutumes à caractère cathartique ont inspiré les imagiers pour créer l’iconographie de la victoire navale. L’apparition des images et monuments pérennes exprimant la victoire, pourtant interdits dans la Grèce classique et réglementés à Rome par les valeurs républicaines, repose sur la prise de conscience du pouvoir politique de la revendication d’exploits militaires et sur des influences de pratiques orientales et macédoniennes qui accordaient la royauté à ses généraux pour des succès décisifs. L’expression de la victoire navale engendre une production artistique riche prenant des formes diverses, de la sculpture monumentale à la monnaie, en passant par la décoration privée, dans un but de diffusion massive. La confrontation des témoignages de la célébration et de la commémoration de la victoire sur mer, issus des deux mondes, sur tous les supports, permet de réunir l’ensemble des thèmes iconographiques qui appartient aussi bien aux domaines militaire, mythologique et religieux. L’examen des fonctions politiques de cet art démontre que ces manifestations ont été utilisées comme les supports de diffusion des idéologies. C’est ce détournement des succès militaires navals en propagande, devenu central dans la politique qui explique l’originalité et la subtilité des thèmes de la victoire navale. / The plastic expression of naval victories operates as a window through which can be observed the celebration rituals, commemoration modes and the political intentions of its bakers. The main purpose is to focus on the birth of this images dating back from the Greek and Roman traditions based on the returning soldiers and the celebration of success. These cathartic traditions were the artistic inspiration to create the iconography of the naval victories. Initially forbidden in the classic Greek era and regulated by Rome’s republican values and the influence based on the Eastern and Macedonian practices that gave kingship to his generals for decisive success, the appearance of images and monuments displaying victory started to show up as they realize the political power it implies to claim military achievements. Naval victory representations generated a rich artistic production in various and multiple forms, from sculptures to coins and even private home decoration; the goal was to be massively present. The Analogy between Roman’s and Hellenic’s celebration and commemoration of naval victories in all types of support allows a compilation of iconographic themes that belongs to the mythology, military and religious domains. The study of the political purpose of this art demonstrates that the representations were use as a broadcast support for ideologies. It’s the diversion of the naval military success into propaganda that became mainstream in politics and explains the originality and subtlety of naval victory themes.

<p>The study begins with a historical background over the fisheries development in North America and in the Baltic Sea area in Finland and Sweden. As we can see the fisheries development depends on the interaction between ecology, state of production, politic and also social factors. In Sweden the fishery politic has changed over the period of the study. In the 1970: s the main politic focus was on the fisheries progress, expansion and rationalization. The State in Sweden took a vast part in this development and gave economic support. In the 1980: s the fishery politic in Sweden started to change and the environmental politics began to enter the fishery politic. The environmental problems in the Baltic Sea were given attention and it was a great anxiety over the eutrophication. In the 1980: s the codpopulation declined and with them the catches declined. The conflict over the White zone 1978-1988 between Former Soviet Union and Sweden resulted in a plunder fishery in the area east of Bornholm. This plunder fishery effected the cod population enormous and the effect has continued to the late 1990: s. </p><p>In 1995 Sweden joined the European Union and the common fishery politic replaced the Swedish fishery politic. </p><p>The system with TAC (Total Allowable Catch) is central in the common politic and it is used to control the cod catches. But the problem is that the TAC -volume has been higher than the codpopulation could stand. Despite the politic goal in Sweden and EU to preserve the codpopulation in the Baltic Sea, the codpopulation has continued to decline. The reason to this politic failure is that the limit of the ecology has been overseen. Instead, the economic and social values have been dominating the politic and together with a to weak control of the catches and environmental problems in the Baltic Sea, the situation for the cod has been devastating.</p>

<p>In this essay I try to find out how the local political climate in the Swedish Municipal Örebro looks like through the eyes of Michel Foucault. I’ve been focusing on the concept power, knowledge and politic. I’ve been applying the discourse theory on the study and the founder of that theory is Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, the discoursetheory is a refinement of Foucaults thoughts about discourse. The object of study is the Mayor of Örebro, Staffan Werme and the position connected to that post. I’ve used the method “shadowing”, and I’ve been following the Mayor in every physical room that he appears in for nearly two weeks. The aim is too see which subject-position that the Mayor ascribes to in those different rooms, and also how the concept of power is used.</p>

No description available.

The study begins with a historical background over the fisheries development in North America and in the Baltic Sea area in Finland and Sweden. As we can see the fisheries development depends on the interaction between ecology, state of production, politic and also social factors. In Sweden the fishery politic has changed over the period of the study. In the 1970: s the main politic focus was on the fisheries progress, expansion and rationalization. The State in Sweden took a vast part in this development and gave economic support. In the 1980: s the fishery politic in Sweden started to change and the environmental politics began to enter the fishery politic. The environmental problems in the Baltic Sea were given attention and it was a great anxiety over the eutrophication. In the 1980: s the codpopulation declined and with them the catches declined. The conflict over the White zone 1978-1988 between Former Soviet Union and Sweden resulted in a plunder fishery in the area east of Bornholm. This plunder fishery effected the cod population enormous and the effect has continued to the late 1990: s. In 1995 Sweden joined the European Union and the common fishery politic replaced the Swedish fishery politic. The system with TAC (Total Allowable Catch) is central in the common politic and it is used to control the cod catches. But the problem is that the TAC -volume has been higher than the codpopulation could stand. Despite the politic goal in Sweden and EU to preserve the codpopulation in the Baltic Sea, the codpopulation has continued to decline. The reason to this politic failure is that the limit of the ecology has been overseen. Instead, the economic and social values have been dominating the politic and together with a to weak control of the catches and environmental problems in the Baltic Sea, the situation for the cod has been devastating.