Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Compreender o financiamento da habitação social requer identificar as mediações necessárias para sua problematização crítica. Orientado pelo método marxista, o estudo utiliza como metodologia a pesquisa bibliográfica, de documentos legais e o estudo das peças orçamentárias. A produção do espaço no capitalismo é produto de relações sociais voltadas a exploração e a acumulação capitalista. Por ser objeto da luta de classes, o Estado responde as necessidades habitacionais dos trabalhadores por meio de políticas urbanas fragmentadas e desfinanciadas, abertas as investida do mercado. A institucionalização do arcabouço legal para a habitação, como a conquista do Fundo Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social - FNHIS não representou mudanças efetivas sobre as condições de moradia nas cidades. Marcado pelo desfinanciamento (os recursos corresponderam a 1,3% do orçamento do Ministério das Cidades, em 2012) e pela baixa envergadura dos programas sob sua responsabilidade (recursos para Urbanização de Assentamentos Precários e Provisão Habitacional ficaram em R$ 4,7 bilhões, nos anos estudados), o FNHIS é esvaziado no seu sentido político de satisfazer as necessidades habitacionais da população. Em 2009, é criado o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida - PMCMV. Há o incremento do Estado como indutor da macroeconomia fortalecedora da reestruturação do mercado imobiliário e das medidas para minimizar os efeitos da crise econômica mundial, pondo em marcha o social-liberalismo. Foram destinados R$ 16 bilhões de 2009 a 2012, com produção de 2 milhões de unidades habitacionais pelo PMCMV. Contudo, pelo caráter privilegiador do produtor privado, o PMCMV fez com que o mercado imobiliário continuasse a realizar a punção de parte de fundo público no desenvolvimento de projetos que fortalecem a periferização, o bloqueio a cidade para os trabalhadores e a redução a responsabilidade do Estado sob a política de habitação social como direito humano. / To understand the financing of social housing it is required to identify the necessary mediations for its critical questionings. Guided by the Marxist method, the study has as its methodology the bibliographical research of legal documents and the study of budget components. The production of space in capitalism is a product of social relations focused on exploration and on capitalist accumulation. By being an object of class struggle, the State responds to the workers housing needs through fragmented and unfinanced urban politics, both available to the interest of the market. The institutionalization of the legal framework for housing, like the achievement of the Fundo Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social- FNHIS, has not shown effective changes on the housing conditions in the cities. Characterized by the non-funding (in 2012, resources corresponded to 1.3% of the Ministry of Cities budget) and by the low scale of the programs under their responsibility (resources for Urbanization of Slums and Housing Provision were R$ 4.7 billion between 2006 and 2012), the FNHIS was withdraw from its political sense of meeting the populations housing needs. In 2009, the Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida - PMCVMV (My House My Life) was created. There is the States increase as an inducer of macroeconomics of the real estate markets restructuring and of measures to minimize the effects of the global economic crisis, putting in motion the social liberalism. Sixteen billion reais were invested in 2009 to 2012, with production of two million housing units by PMCMV. However, through the privileged character of the private producer, the PMCMV helped the housing market to continue taking part in the public fund on the development of projects which strengthen the peripherization, the city blocking for workers and the States reduction under the politic of social housing as a human right.

Submitted by ALINE RAFAELA PORTILIO LEMES null (arplemes@gmail.com) on 2016-02-28T23:36:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Entre a literatura e a política - cultura e poder na representação do índio em José de Alencar.pdf: 1045609 bytes, checksum: 709687f3fba3ac6db191d4ec7b9ee8f6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-02-29T16:31:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lemes_arp_me_assis.pdf: 1045609 bytes, checksum: 709687f3fba3ac6db191d4ec7b9ee8f6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-29T16:31:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lemes_arp_me_assis.pdf: 1045609 bytes, checksum: 709687f3fba3ac6db191d4ec7b9ee8f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / No Brasil do século XIX, ao processo de emancipação política seguiu-se um processo de construção de uma memória nacional particular, visando legitimar o novo regime que se estabeleceu. O palco onde se desenvolverão essas questões será a literatura que, por meio do romantismo, seria capaz de expressar a especificidade do Brasil enquanto nação. O índio, associado à natureza, aparece então como um dos principais motivos literários, já que era visto como elemento capaz de expressar a especificidade brasileira. Nesse processo, política e literatura se unem de forma indissociável. Pensando a coerência interna da obra de José de Alencar, nossa proposta é analisar a maneira pela qual ele constrói seus conceitos de literatura e de nacionalidade e de que maneira esses conceitos articulam questões culturais e questões de poder, tendo como base a representação que o autor constrói a respeito do índio em dois romances: O Guarani (1857) e Iracema (1865). / In Brazil at the nineteenth century, the political emancipation process followed by a construction of a particular national memory process to legitimize the new regime that was established. The stage where these issues will be develop the literature, through Romanticism, would be able to express the main Brazil’s characteristics as a nation. The Indian, associated with the nature, appears as a major literary subjects, as it was seen as an element with conditions of expressing the Brazilian specificity. In this construction process, politics and literature come together, in an inseparable way. Thinking about the internal logic of José de Alencar's work, our goal is to analyze the way in which the author builds his literature concepts and nationality and how these concepts articulate cultural issues and issues of power, based on the representation that the author builds about the Indian in two fictional narrative: the Guarani (1857) and Iracema (1865).

En Bolivie, si les victoires électorales d’Evo Morales - le premier président « indigène » du pays - ont confirmé la force du mouvement rural bolivien, celui-ci ne reste pas moins divisé. Dans les Andes, l’organisation indigène des ayllus affronte l’organisation paysanne syndicale pour le contrôle et la définition du monde rural. La recherche présentée ici analyse ce dualisme organisationnel dans la région du Nord Potosi, à partir du concept d’« économie morale » et de l’étude de la communauté « paysanne-indigène ». La recherche accorde un rôle central au travail de terrain réalisé, tant au niveau régional qu’au niveau local avec l’étude de cas de l’ayllu Chiro, sans oublier les connexions avec le national et l’international. Elle a pour objectif de comprendre les facteurs historiques et structurels de ce dualisme, mais aussi d’analyser les constructions actuelles des catégories sociales « paysanne » et « indigène ». Le dualisme s’amplifie en effet avec l’intégration à l’économie de marché et de la société dominante autour de la gestion de la main d'œuvre et des ressources naturelles. Il s’amplifie aussi avec l’émergence de nouveaux leaders au sein des organisations sociales, qui jouent le rôle d’« intermédiaires » entre la communauté et la société environnante. Formés dans les écoles et institutions de la société environnante, ces leaders sont entrés dans une lutte au sein des différents champs du pouvoir pour représenter le monde rural autant que pour le définir. De cette dynamique, se construit une « frontière symbolique » entre les deux organisations, dont la finalité est la conquête du pouvoir politique et la gestion des projets de développement. / Evo Morales’s electoral victories - the first “indigenous” president of Bolivia - have confirmed the power of the bolivien rural movement, but it’s still stays divided. In the Andes, the Ayllus indigenous organization fights against the rural union organization for the control and the definition of the rural world. The researches analyse here this organizational dualism in the Northern Potosi, thought the “moral economy” concept and the study of the “peasant-indigenous” community. The investigation is mainly based on the fieldwork done, in the regional area, the local case of Chiro Ayllu, and the national and international connexions. Its Goal is to understand here the historical and structural processes of this dualism and analyse the actual constructions of the social categories of “peasant” and “indigenous”.The dualism is growing with the integration to the market economy and to the dominant society about the management of the Labor and natural resources. It also grows with the emergence of new leaders in the social organization, wich plays a role of intermediate between the community and the global society. Educated in shools and institutions of global society, those leaders started a a fight in different space of power to represent and define the rural world. A “symbolic boundary” between the two organizations is building from this actions, which the finality is the conquest of the politic power and the management of the development projects.

Il est communément admis que la poésie et le discours politique entretiennent des relations problématiques. Platon avait disqualifié le poète du débat et de la sphère politique, le poète étant alors écarté du langage-instrument. Après la guerre, les mots d’ordre visaient à motiver le poète ou plus généralement l’écrivain à sortir de « l’inaction du texte », de l’inutilité textuelle. Aimé Césaire, chantre de la Négritude, poète, homme politique, essayiste et dramaturge, a su magistralement conjugué les genres littéraires au sein de son œuvre en dépassant la contradiction entre sa poésie et sa politique, que beaucoup lui ont reproché. En effet, nombreux sont ceux qui ont critiqué son action politique jugée contradictoire d’avec son message poétique. Mais de quelle contradiction s’agit-il ? Quelles sont les modalités de cette contradiction? En quoi peut-on parler de contradiction et de dépassement ? Quel processus est mis en place pour établir la « poésicratie » d’Aimé Césaire ? Le lien établi entre la poésie et la politique a nécessité une force créatrice intellectuelle, littéraire et dramaturgique hors du commun de la part du poète, Aimé Césaire, héritier Thotien, homo-creator et homo-pragmaticus. Cette fureur de création a engendré un coup d’Etat à la fois littéraire et politique historique qu’il convient ici, d’analyser et d’exposer par l’examen de la problématique des rapports et la théorie de l’inversion que nous avons établie. L’élévation du poète-oiseau, du poète-prophète et la recherche effrénée du « moi césairien » ont motivé la quête de sens du fondamental. Le « moi poétal » d’Aimé Césaire se pense et s’élabore dans un processus analytique herméneutique pour découvrir le « Moi-Nègre », c’est-à-dire l’Essentiel et l’universel. C’est l’écrit qui épouse l’être éclaté et le transcende en un homme unifié pour découvrir la puissance du mot. Poésie, politique et théâtre, voilà le triptyque teinté d’humanisme et de révolte qui façonne la stratégie du renversement césairien pour faire face à la puissance de l’hermétisme de la contradiction. / It is collectively admitted that the poetry and the political speech maintain problematic relations. Platon had disqualified the poet of the debate and the political sphere, the poet being then moved away by the language-instrument. After the war, watchwords aimed at motivating the poet or more generally the writer to go out of " the inactivity of the text ", of the textual uselessness. Aimé Césaire, bard of the Negritude, poet, politician, essayist and playwright, knew masterfully combined literary genres within its work by exceeding(overtaking) the contradiction between its poetry and its politics(policy), for whom many people blamed him(her). Indeed, many are those who criticized his(her,its) political action(share) considered contradictory from its poetic message. But what contradiction is it a question? What are the modalities(methods) of this contradiction? In what can we speak about contradiction and about overtaking? What process is set up to establish Aimé Césaire's poésicratie "? The link established between the poetry and the politics(policy) required an outstanding intellectual, literary and dramaturgic creative strength on behalf of the poet, Aimé Césaire, the heir Thotien, the gay man(woman) - creator and gay man(woman) - pragmaticus. This fury of creation engendered a coup d'état at the same time literary and political historic that it is advisable here, to analyze and to expose(explain) by the examination of the problem of reports(relationships) and the theory of the inversion which we established. The rise of the poet-bird, the poet-prophet and the wild search(research) of " I césairien " motivated the collection(quest) of sense(direction) of the fundamental. " I poétal " of Aimé Césaire thinks and develops in a hermeneutic analytical process to discover " I Negro ", that is the Main part and the universal. It is the paper which marries him(her,it) to be burst and transcends him(it) in a man unified to discover the power of the word. Poetry, politics(policy) and theater, here is the triptych tinged with humanism and with revolt which shapes the strategy of the reversal césairien to face(to deal with) the power of the hermetism of the contradiction.

Si la peinture dans l'œuvre balzacienne a beaucoup occupé la critique, la sculpture moins. C'est pourquoi elle fait l'objet de cette thèse. Il s'agit de montrer que la représentation de la sculpture dans La Comédie humaine est au cœur de la création balzacienne. En résonance (en résistance aussi parfois) avec les discours de l'époque, la représentation de la sculpture chez Balzac implique une réflexion sur la représentation politique et figure la fin du fondement sacré du pouvoir, liée à la Terreur, dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle. Articulant représentation politique et poétique de la représentation, le romancier met ainsi au jour une crise de la mimèsis, trop souvent invoquée à propos de son œuvre. En deuil du sacré et de la réalité de l'Idée, Balzac fait de la sculpture le lieu de l'articulation entre Idée et Image et la place au cœur de son énergétique et de son esthétique. Née de la mort, la sculpture devient pour Balzac art premier, capable de redéfinir les fondements du réel et du roman. À la croisée du politique, de la poétique et de l'esthétique, cette réflexion sur la sculpture dans La Comédie humaine voudrait allier histoire des représentations et histoire de la représentation. / If painting in Balzac's work has interested many critics, sculpture less. This is why this is the theme of this thesis. Indeed, it is a question of demonstrating that sculpture's representation in La Comédie humaine stands at the heart of Balzac's creation. In resonance (sometimes in resistance) with the speeches of that period, sculpture's representation in Balzac's novels implies particular thought on political representation, and represents the end of the sacred foundation of power, linked to Terror, in the first part of the nineteenth century. Articulating political representation and poetics of representation, the novelist highlights a crisis of mimèsis, too often mentioned regarding his work. In mourning of the sacred foundation and the reality of the Idea, Balzac considers sculpture as the place of the link between Idea and Image, and puts it at the heart of his energetic and his aesthetics. Coming from death, sculpture becomes for Balzac the first art, able to redefine the foundations of reality and fiction. At the crossroads of politics, poetics and aesthetics, this thought on sculpture in La Comédie humaine aims to combine history of representations and history of the representation.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-06-15Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:36:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 palaciosjunior_amc_me_mar.pdf: 813863 bytes, checksum: d22bc93dce433e95371358f0a482dcf0 (MD5) / A incorporação do conceito da estratégia preemptiva ao documento de Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA em 2002, e a suposta aplicação dessa estratégia na Guerra do Iraque em 2003, fez com que os debates teóricos sobre guerras preventivas e preemptivas fossem reabertos. Em termos gerais, as guerras preventivas podem ser entendidas como o “início de uma ação militar em antecipação a ações danosas que não ocorrem no presente nem são iminentes”. A análise da definição de guerras preventivas mereceu enfoque especial para embasar o estudo das três correntes teóricas principais sobre o tema nas Relações Internacionais, quais sejam: a proibição geral das guerras justas (bellum justum); o status quo legal (direito internacional) e o realismo político. Esta proposta de sistematização do debate nos parece a mais apropriada, por abranger as principais linhas argumentativas teóricas sobre o tema objeto da pesquisa. As abordagens sobre a proibição geral das guerras justas; sobre o status quo legal e realismo político, equivalem às denominadas abordagens moralistas, legalistas e realistas, respectivamente. Cada uma dessas três correntes prioriza uma dimensão de análise dentro da qual se levanta uma problemática sobre as guerras preventivas. De igual forma, constituem foco desta pesquisa as questões levantadas; para os adeptos do bellum justum a questão se coloca nos seguintes termos: as guerras preventivas são justas, isto é, são legítimas? Para os adeptos do status quo legal será: as guerras preventivas podem ser legais? E as levantadas pelos adeptos do realismo: as guerras preventivas são úteis? Com essas questões em mente apresentaremos os argumentos que cada corrente seleciona para respondê-las, esperando que joguem luz sobre as guerras preventivas. / This research, on the theme of theories of preventive wars in international relations, focuses on the questions described next. For the followers of bellum justum: are preventive wars just, that is, legitimate? For the followers of the legal status quo: can preventive wars be legal? For the followers of political realism: are preventive wars utile? With these inquiries as its center, it aims to present the arguments that each of these lines of thought select to answer them. The incorporation of the concept of preemptive strategy in the USA`s National Security Strategy document, in 2002, and the presumed application of this strategy in the Iraq War in 2003 caused the reopening of the debates about preventive and preemptive wars. In general terms, preventive wars can be understood as “the start of a military action in anticipation to harmful actions that do not occur in the present and are not imminent”. Here, the definition’s analyses of preventive wars received special attention, in order to create the foundation for the study of the three main lines of thought in the theme of International Relations: the blanket prohibition of just wars (bellum justum), the status quo (international law) and political realism. This debate`s systematization proposal seems more appropriate because it embraces the main theoretical argumentative lines regarding the research’s subject. The approaches referring to the just wars` general prohibition, the legal status quo and political realism are equivalent to what is called respectively moralist, legalist and realist approaches. Each one of these three lines of thought give priority to a determined analysis` scope, in which a determined problem about preventive wars is raised. The likely outcome of this specific research is to help clarify specific topics regarding preventive wars.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-05-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:36:49Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 freitasjunior_m_me_arafcl.pdf: 405016 bytes, checksum: b54c45043be9c3c5a37eace89b2110cc (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho estuda as transformações sofridas pelas elites econômicas e políticas paulistas durante o processo de reforma do Estado brasileiro ocorrido no período de 1990 a 2002. Busca-se entender a transformação sofrida pelo Estado Brasileiro desde 1980 até os dias atuais, a qual resultou na substituição do modelo desenvolvimentista para o liberalgerencial, as razões de sua crise e as conseqüências em relação aos atores sociais aqui estudados. Com base em um modelo que busca a intersecção entre os conceitos de classe dominante e elites, procura entender o comportamento dos dirigentes políticos no período e quais as razões que levaram às substituições ocorridas entre estas a partir de 1990, com a ascensão de um novo grupo político. Ainda, no que tange às elites econômicas, como a crise econômica dos anos 80 alterou a composição dessas elites, sendo os empresários ligados ao setor industrial substituídos por outros alinhados aos novos setores da economia que emergiram dos processos de reforma do Estado, entre os quais os de serviços, surgidos das privatizações e o financeiro. Apresenta ainda dados empíricos que apontam para a direção das hipóteses trabalhadas, auxiliando na visualização das transformações que se deseja demonstrar. Ao final, propõe a discussão acerca do modelo nacional-desenvolvimentista e de seu futuro enquanto ideologia na sociedade atual / The present work studies the transformation occurred by the economic elite and São Paulo State politics during the process of the Brazilian state reformation occurred on 1990 to 2002. We look for to understand the transformation occurred by the Brazilian State since 1980 until now, which resulted on the substitution of the developmental model to the managementliberal model, the reasons of its crisis and the consequences toward the social actors studied here. With basis in a model that searches the meeting point between the concepts of dominant class and elites, looking for to understand the behavior of the politics chairperson on the period and what reasons took to the occurred substitution between them since 1990, with the rising of a new politic group. Still, about the economics elites, with de economics crisis in the 80’s changed the composition of these elites, so the business men connected to the industrial housing substituted for others aligned to the new economy sectors that emerged from the process of the State reformation, between them there were the services, arise from the privatization, and the financial services. Still, this study presents empirical datum which point to the directions of the worked hypothesis, helping on the visualization of the transformation that is to be demonstrated. At last, it is proposed a discussion about the nationaldevelopmental model and its future as ideology in the present society

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2488.pdf: 465174 bytes, checksum: 512ab528fd0ff832d9f128120be6b42c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-30 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This research investigates the political dynamics of PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape-Verde), that during and after the process of getting the independence from the portuguese, wich was done through a long liberation war, has a tremendous help from the mass. PAIGC officially conquered the political power in 1974 and ruled for a period or 16 year, as a sole political party. During this period, it showed a lot of dificulties to realize its program of governance. This fact leads to a fundamental question: how come that a party that counted with a strong base of help from the mass and acted as a sole political force that controlled the machinery oh the state was not able to implement its proposals of governance? / Esta pesquisa investiga a dinâmica política do Partido Africano para Independência da Guiné e Cabo-Verde, PAIGC , que durante e depois do processo de luta pela independência nacional contra o domínio português, teve apoio considerável da população. O PAIGC conquistou oficialmente o poder político na Guiné no ano de 1974 e governou o país por dezesseis anos em regime de partido único, apresentando dificuldades para viabilizar o seu programa de governo. A questão central é saber por que o partido, que contou com forte base de apoio popular e atuou como a única força política que controlava o aparelho de Estado, teve dificuldades para implementar suas principais propostas de governo?

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2017-06-08T12:14:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseFCC.pdf: 9423509 bytes, checksum: 56ce54ca7e3e03004f03759c25d6dbf1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-13T18:22:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseFCC.pdf: 9423509 bytes, checksum: 56ce54ca7e3e03004f03759c25d6dbf1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-13T18:22:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseFCC.pdf: 9423509 bytes, checksum: 56ce54ca7e3e03004f03759c25d6dbf1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T18:26:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseFCC.pdf: 9423509 bytes, checksum: 56ce54ca7e3e03004f03759c25d6dbf1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This thesis focuses on the observation and analysis of the connections among memory, conflict and politics in social network associations, neighborhoods and local sociabilities in the context of the urban “revitalization" in the port area of Rio de Janeiro. Presuming that a story is an individual expression limited by a "general discourse" that classifies feelings, understandings and significations of experience from a dominant culturally provided structure, this thesis is guided by the understandings of a symbolic universe based on memories that combine past and present with official and non-official perceptions of the city, told in multiple ways by the interlocutors of this research. Throughout the study the term "revitalization" is analyzed according to circumstances in which dweller and association categories were observed in the course of fieldwork as a constant "movement" of different artistic, political and cultural investments in the context of social transformations. The nonfixity of the resident category is due to the notion of "testimonial memories" and ethnographically understood as the operator of a system that activates relations and "ways of inhabiting" in the port area, primarily from a political point of view. / A presente tese destina-se à observação e análise do nexo que se forma entre memória, conflito e política no contexto das redes de associativismos, vizinhança e sociabilidade oriundos do cenário gerado pelas obras de “revitalização” em curso na zona portuária do Rio de Janeiro. Tendo em vista que um relato é uma expressão individual limitada por um “idioma geral” que classifica sensações, entende e significa todas as experiências a partir de uma estrutura culturalmente fornecida, este trabalho está pautado na compreensão do universo simbólico proveniente de lembranças que mesclavam o passado e o presente com as histórias oficiais e as não oficiais da cidade, contados de maneiras múltiplas pelos interlocutores desta pesquisa. No decorrer da análise, o termo “revitalização” vai sendo problematizado de acordo com as circunstâncias em que aparece e as categorias morador e associação deixam ver através da etnografia uma constante “movimentação” de diferentes investimentos artísticos, políticos e culturais no contexto das transformações sociais em questão. À não fixidez da categoria morador deve-se a noção de “depoimentos de memórias” desenvolvida etnograficamente como operadora de um sistema que ativa relações e “modos de habitar” a região portuária, em um movimento, sobretudo, político.

Submitted by Cristhiane Guerra (cristhiane.guerra@gmail.com) on 2017-01-24T15:40:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1873770 bytes, checksum: ea3ca1aa014e81ca385878930fbd75ba (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-24T15:40:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1873770 bytes, checksum: ea3ca1aa014e81ca385878930fbd75ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation aims to analyse the process of elaboration of the BNCC document, highlighting the participation of the practice context of the João Pessoa Municipal Teaching Network / PB. Understanding that the curriculum is located in a field of disputes (Pereira, 2010), (Silva, 2013), we realize that it is never just a neutral set of knowledge. It expresses a historicity, a context, a tension. In this way, we intend to identify these aspects in theprocess of the BNCC. Therefore, considering that the policy needs to be analyzed in relation to the context, we conducted an investigation from the Policy Cycle of Stephen Ball and collaborators. This time, we analyze the conjuncture in which the curricular policy was initiated and how the political discourses were established based on their influences in the policy making process. In addition, we consider the effects produced by the policy and the issues placed in the context of the practice. In the context of schools, through the discourses of teachers, we observe the existing conflicts and contestations that enabled us to understand the way in which politics are perceived and interpreted by these actors. Our intention was to carry out an analysis based directly on the teachers' experience. Concerned to find out: What do they think? How do you welcome an idea from BNCC? What spaces were given for the discussion? Who was heard and what voices were silenced? Which interests were passed over? Were there any areas of resistance? We aim to understand how the context of the practice of the João Pessoa Municipal Teaching Network worked in this process of curricular policy development. In order to perform this task, we used the Case Study and semi-structured interviews as data collection technique (YIN, 2001), (GIL, 2009). Our work was based on the studies of Pereira (2010, 2009, 2015), Mouffe (2013), Santos (2002), Ball (1987, 1992), Paterman (1992), Gadotti (2014) and others. We point out that it was not our intention in this research to capture the truth about the subject, but we intend to demonstrate, through our problematization, possibilities and directions for thinking about curricular policies in Brazil. / Esta pesquisa de dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o processo de elaboração do documento da BNCC, ressaltando a participação do contexto da prática da Rede Municipal de Ensino de João Pessoa/PB. Entendendo que o currículo situa-se num campo de disputas (Pereira, 2010), (Silva, 2013), percebemos que ele nunca é apenas um conjunto neutro de conhecimentos. Ele expressa uma historicidade, um contexto, uma tensão. Intencionamos, assim, identificar esses aspectos no processo de tessitura da BNCC. Portanto, considerando que a política precisa ser analisada em relação ao contexto, realizamos uma investigação a partir do Ciclo de Políticas de Stephen Ball e colaboradores. Desta feita, analisamos a conjuntura em que a política curricular foi iniciada e como os discursos políticos foram estabelecidos com base em suas influências no processo de elaboração da política. Além disso, consideramos os efeitos produzidos pela política e as questões colocadas no contexto da prática. No contexto das escolas, através dos discursos dos professores, observamos os conflitos e contestação existentes que nos possibilitaram compreender a maneira como a política é percebida e interpretada por esses atores. Nossa intenção foi realizar uma análise baseada diretamente na experiência dos professores. Inquietou-nos descobrir: o que eles pensam? Como recepcionam uma ideia de BNCC? Quais espaços foram oportunizados para a discussão? Quem foi ouvido e quais vozes foram silenciadas? Quais interesses foram preteridos? Houve espaços de resistências? Objetivamos perceber como o contexto da prática da Rede Municipal de Ensino de João Pessoa atuou nesse processo de elaboração da política curricular. Para a execução dessa tarefa, utilizamos como método de pesquisa o Estudo de Caso e as entrevistas semiestruturadas como técnica de coleta de dados (YIN, 2001), (GIL, 2009). Nosso trabalho fundamentou-se nos estudos de Pereira (2010, 2009, 2015), Mouffe (2013), Santos (2002), Ball (1987, 1992), Paterman (1992), Gadotti (2014) e outros. Desde já, ressaltamos que não foi nossa intenção nesta pesquisa capturar a verdade sobre o tema, mas intencionamos demonstrar, através de nossas problematizações, possibilidades e direções para pensarmos as políticas curriculares no Brasil.