La France s’est fondée autour des valeurs centralisatrices symbolisées par l’unité fiscale et la concentration du pouvoir sur sa capitale Paris. Depuis 2003 et la réforme constitutionnelle qui reconnaît l’organisation décentralisée, elle se retrouve face à sa contradiction : celle de revendiquer l’unité centralisatrice et d’admettre la décentralisation. Contrairement à la définition qui veut que la décentralisation se caractérise par le partage des compétences entre les collectivités locales et les autorités nationales, l’État décentralisé possède une logique propre distincte de l’État central. En effet, il devrait intégrer la société civile dans le fonctionnement normal des institutions pour délibérer conjointement avec les élus. Pour comprendre ce phénomène et comment une telle décentralisation conserve l’unité nationale, il devient nécessaire de retracer l’histoire de la raison fiscale, c’est-à-dire la logique politique des contributions, de l’ancienne France à la naissance de l’État décentralisé contemporain pour déterminer les fondements, comprendre l’unité du pays et en concevoir les enjeux du début du XXIe siècle : payer directement, à la source, prendre en compte les revenus de chacun, intégrer la protection du vivant ainsi que le développement de l’économie locale. / France was created around central values which are symbolized by the fiscal unity and the concentration of power in its capital Paris. It has been contradicting itself since 2003 date of the constitutional reform, which recognizes the decentralized organization, because it claims to be a centralized state while also acknowledging the values of a decentralized state. This is in contradiction with the definition of “decentralization” which defines a state with a division of power between the local and national authorities, and the decentralized state possesses its own logic which is different from the central state. Indeed, it should integrate the civil society into the normal functioning of institutions in order to deliberate together with the elected representatives. To understand this phenomenon and how such “decentralization” has preserved the national unity it is essential to tell the history of the fiscal reason. That is to say, the political, logical contributions from ancient France to the birth of the contemporary decentralized state in order to determine its foundations, to understand the unity of the country, and to conceive the stakes in the beginning of the 21st century: direct payment, to the source, to take into account each person’s income, and to integrate environment protection as well as the development of the local economy.

Submitted by Haroudo Xavier Filho (haroudo.xavierfo@ufpe.br) on 2016-04-19T18:42:57Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação 27-11-15 - SILVANA WORD.pdf: 1412272 bytes, checksum: 3cc3e9e74283d10a273581a87e43d319 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-19T18:42:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação 27-11-15 - SILVANA WORD.pdf: 1412272 bytes, checksum: 3cc3e9e74283d10a273581a87e43d319 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-30 / FACEPE / Esta dissertação insere-se nos estudos desenvolvidos na linha de Pesquisa “Política Educacional, Planejamento e Gestão da Educação”, do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da UFPE. Seu objetivo é analisar os impactos quali-quantitativos da Política de Correção de Fluxo Idade/série no Estado de Pernambuco no que concerne à superação do fracasso escolar dos alunos egressos do Programa Travessia (2007-2013). Os objetivos específicos são: conhecer a proposta de enfrentamento de fracasso escolar na política de correção de fluxo escolar em Pernambuco; compreender as concepções dos gestores e técnicos de instituições públicas e privadas responsáveis pelo Programa sobre a relação entre os objetivos propostos e a efetivação qualitativa dessa política; e caracterizar os impactos desse Programa na trajetória de vida dos alunos egressos. Para responder a tais objetivos, optou-se pela abordagem quali-quantitativa. Para tanto, a investigação baseou-se em dados estatísticos, assim como entrevistas semiestruturadas e pesquisa documental. O campo empírico para coleta dos dados foi constituído pela: Secretaria de Educação do Estado de Pernambuco; Gerência Regional de Educação da Recife-Sul (GRE); Fundação Roberto Marinho/Seção Recife; e duas escolas estaduais situadas no município de Recife. As principais referências teóricas que subsidiaram o estudo foram: Patto (1998); Setúbal (2000); Oliveira (2002); Parente (2002); Angelucci et al. (2004); Brandão et al. (1983); Peroni (2006); Ball (2001); Affonso (2001); Bossa (2007); Charlot (2005); Tardif (2001); Marun(2008) entre outros. Com base na Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977), adotamos o que se considera triangulação "categorização, inferência e interpretação" como processo analítico dos dados obtidos. Os resultados indicam, por um lado, a efetividade do Programa quanto ao processo de regularização do fluxo escolar, uma vez que observamos a redução quantitativa de alunos com distorção idade/série. Por outro lado, apontam limitações no que se refere à superação do fracasso escolar, uma vez que os sujeitos da pesquisa relatam baixo impacto no tocante a dimensões como sequência dos estudos, inserção no mundo do trabalho formal e exercício de práticas cidadãs no contexto social em que vivem. Espera-se que esse estudo possa subsidiar novas ações para o campo educacional, entre elas a proposição de políticas eficazes que culminem na redução da distorção idade/série, atreladas à melhoria da qualidade de educação. / This dissertation is part of develop studies based on Research “Educational Politics, Planning and Education Management”, from postgraduate education of UFPE. The objective is to analyze the qualitative and quantitative impacts of Correction Politics of Age-Series flow in the State of Pernambuco concerning the overcoming of school failure of the students from “Travessia” Program (2007-2013). The specific objectives are to know the proposed school failure confrontation in correction politics of flow in Pernambuco; understand the views of managers and technicians of public and private institutions responsible for the Program about the relationship between the proposed objectives and qualitative realization of this politic; and characterize the impacts of this Program in the trajectory of life of students. To answer these objectives was chosen the qualitative and quantitative approach. Therefore the investigation was based on statistics data, as semi-structured interviews and documentary research. The empirical field for data collection was constituted by: Secretary of Education of State of Pernambuco; and Regional Education Management of “Recife-Sul” (GRE); Roberto Marinho Foundation/ Recife Section; and two state schools located in Recife. The main theoretical references that support the study are Patto (1998); Setúbal (2000); Oliveira (2002); Parente (2002); Angelucci et al. (2004); Brandão et al. (1983); Peroni (2006); Ball (2001); Affonso (2001); Bossa (2007); Charlot (2005); Tardif (2001); Marun (2008) and others. Based on the analysis of the content (BARDIN, 1977), it was adopted what is considered triangulation “categorization, inference and interpretation” as an analytical process of data. The results indicate, on one side, the effectiveness of the Program as to the school flow regularization process, once was observed the quantitative reduction of students with age-series distortion. On the other side, point out limitations with regard to overcoming school failure, once the research subjects reported low impact in terms of dimensions in the following of the studies, insertion in the world of formal work and exercise humane practice in the social context in which they live. The expectation is that the study can subsidize new actions for the educational field, including the proposal of effective politics which culminate in the reduction of age-series, connected to improving education quality.

We can see today that young adults use social media for mostly entertainment purposes. Because of this the political subjects gets overshadowed within social media. This is a problem both because young adults hold the majority of the consumption on social media and because young adults can be seen as the future. Therefore, it’s important to get the young adults more active in political subjects on social media. Former studies show that political subjects can be sensitive for young adults to talk about and this shows that this group of people are afraid of being in a minority position if they voice their political opinion. Furthermore, former studies show that young adults do not feel an obligation as a citizen compared to earlier generations. This study is conducted on ten young adults aged between 18-25, using a qualitative method with semi-structured interviews. The results from this study showed us that the young adults have a good attitude towards social media as a tool for political purposes. Even if they had a positive attitude, they also thought that it had to be used in the right way in order to make use of it.

On considère souvent que le projet de fondation d’une rhétorique philosophique chez Platon ne s’effectue que dans les dialogues du Phèdre et des Lois. Pourtant, la puissance du Gorgias tient dans le fait qu’il articule à la fois l’appréhension du nouveau phénomène social, politique, éducatif que représente la rhétorique, sa critique et sa refondation par le philosophe idéal, Socrate, tout en apportant un nouvel éclairage à l’histoire d’Athènes. Le présent travail propose d’en faire l’étude en accordant une attention particulière au mouvement du dialogue et aux différents visages de la rhétorique qu’incarnent les personnages. On discernera trois étapes fondamentales dans le dialogue : la réception, la réfutation et la refondation dialectique de la rhétorique qui sont finalement reproduites à une échelle plus réduite et métaphorique dans le mythe eschatologique qui conclut l’œuvre. / We often consider that the Platonic project of founding a philosophical rhetoric is carried out only in the Phaedrus and the Laws. However, the force of the Gorgias lies at once in its presentation of the new social, political, and pedagogical phenomenon of rhetoric, the dialogue’s critique and refoundation of this new phenomenon by the ideal philosopher, Socrates, as well as the light it sheds on the history of Athens. The following study proposes to examine these features of the Gorgias by affording a particular attention to the movement of the dialogue and to the different faces of rhetoric embodied by its characters. We will set out three fundamental steps in the dialogue: the reception, refutation, and dialectical refoundation of rhetoric, which are finally reproduced metaphorically, though on a smaller scale, in the eschatological myth that concludes the work.

The aim of this paper is to present a critical reflexive analysis of spin doctoring in the Euro-Atlantic area. We aim to determine whether a spin doctor use the knowledge of semiotics, media studies, public relations, political communication and rhetoric for the practice of crisis communications. This text puts this kind of manipulative communication into historical perspective and monitors its application in social communication of contemporary Western society. With the support of current thinking on this persuasive communication, we would like to explore various methods and techniques of spin doctoring. We try to identify and analyse various sign systems, specific channels and media that are used in the practice of spin doctoring. We attempt a comparison of these communication channels in relation to the effectiveness of the persuasion. We focus on the era of new media (last 20 years) and the consequences of these developmental processes, and effects on the agenda of media (problem of agenda setting). The subject of our interest is also the influence of increasing number of people who have access to World Wide Web. We study individuals' participation in the democratic process. We believe that the advent of new media caused a reconfiguration of participation in democracy, but we think, that new...

This diploma thesis deals with the formation and development of self-government in the small Central Bohemian town of Nové Benátky during the reign of Francis Joseph I. The research focuses on the functioning of the municipal government on the background of the process of modernization (for example Democratization). The thesis wants to capture the everyday and the extraordinary challenges the self-government faced and how it tried to solve them. In relation to that, the town management and administration of communal property is analyzed. Attention is also paid to people who participated in the government and in how they are transformed into local elites. The thesis is trying to place this regional theme in the context where the self-government played a significant role in the Czech emancipation movement. The aim is mainly to analyze the work of self-governments on the background of societal changes.

Centuries of devastating, recurrent outbreaks made the plague the archetypical disease of late medieval and early modern societies. Yet explanations of where it came from changed significantly over time. This dissertation examines how portrayals of the plague’s origins and place in society evolved separately in England and France, from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries. It relies in particular on plague tracts, a long-lasting literary genre that offered standardized therapeutic and curative advice. Medical historians have studied these sources to trace the development of medical thinking and practice over time. This dissertation focuses instead on the tracts’ changing discourses about the nature of the plague that are unique to time and to place. The study elaborates a new analytical method to investigate the materiality and contents of these historical documents: it involves close reading and a codicological/bibliographical comparison of approximately 180 tracts in manuscript and printed form, set into their appropriate historical contexts. Tract producers influenced how the plague was understood locally. England’s centralised print industry fostered the idea that London was the de facto site and source of the disease; France’s diffused industry, by contrast, encouraged the discussion and tracking of outbreaks in multiple cities. Understanding of the plague’s origins also evolved: belief in malevolent celestial events gave way, in turn, to blaming unhealthy local landscapes, then the living conditions of the poor, and finally the Ottoman Empire. By the mid-seventeenth century, tract writers pointed to the Ottoman Empire as the historical and geographical source of the disease. Especially during the tumultuous sixteenth century, religious discord, dynastic factionalism, and incapable rulers also appeared in the tracts as causes and effects of the plague. Plague tracts are direct expressions and reflections of the short- and medium-term historical waves in which they appeared. It is possible to trace through them shifts in political, cultural, and intellectual worldviews. The spread of humanism in particular influenced how tract writers discussed the plague’s origins and influence in society. This study thus demonstrates that understanding disease is a cultural construct specific to time and place. Observing the unique aspects of plague tracts enhances our ability to understand the place of disease in past human societies.

Ce mémoire s’intéresse au changement de la notion d’asile à travers l’incorporation du concept de genre et son impact sur les processus de demande d’asile et l’octroi du statut de réfugié pour les personnes victimes de violences liées au genre au Canada. À partir d’une perspective diachronique sur les transmutations de l’asile et des transformations sociales et culturelles de ce phénomène social, nous enregistrons des tensions et des contradictions qui émanent de son application et des discours qui lui sont reliés. L’observation des dynamiques contradictoires qui s’enchevêtrent dans ce champ indique une tension dialectique entre les droits humains et la citoyenneté, une symbiose dans le développement des droits de la femme et les lois sur les réfugiés et des contradictions comme celles entre le relativisme et l’essentialisme. L’examen du processus de demande d’asile pour les femmes en particulier victimes de violences liées au genre à travers l’analyse des transformations sociales et culturelles signale le caractère éminemment politique de ce phénomène qui situe l’asile au carrefour du procès d’émancipation du sujet politique. / This thesis focuses on the change of the concept of asylum through the incorporation of the gender concept and its impact on the application process of asylum and the granting of status refugee for victims of gender violence in Canada. From a diachronic perspective on the transmutations of asylum and of social and cultural transformations of this social phenomenon, we record the tensions and contradictions be issued by its application and its related discourse. The observation that conflicting dynamics tied in this field displays a dialectical tension between human rights and citizenship, a symbiosis in the development of women’s rights and laws on refugees and contradictions as those between the relativism and essentialism. The review of asylum process especially for women in particular victims of gender violence through an analysis of social and cultural change signals the highly political nature of this phenomenon and lies asylum at the crossroads in the process of emancipation of the political subject.

En 1969, le gouvernement de Pierre Elliott-Trudeau réalisa la plus grande expropriation de l’histoire du pays au nom du développement, pour construire le plus grand aéroport au monde : Mirabel. Le projet fut un cuisant échec pour plusieurs raisons sociales, politiques et économiques. Ce mémoire se concentre surtout sur les impacts post-expropriation sur la population de Mirabel et le positionnement politique de ces-derniers. / In 1969, the government of Pierre Elliott-Trudeau made the biggest expropriation of all time in the history of the country. The project was a total failure for social, political and economic reasons. This study focuses on the post-expropriation impact on the population of Mirabel and their political positioning.

La présente étude porte sur l’anthropologie et la politique de Spinoza. Il s’agit précisément de montrer en quoi, la réflexion spinoziste sur l’homme se donne particulièrement à lire à travers les concepts d’ « individu », de « corps » et d’« affects ». Au cours de notre analyse, nous montrons que ces concepts occupent une place de choix chez l’auteur de l’Éthique pour deux raisons : d’une part, c’est par eux, que le philosophe déploie son analyse des rapports psychophysiques de l’individu humain. En effet, selon lui, le corps humain étant une réalité « en acte », il est nécessairement affecté par d’autres corps. Or, en tant qu’il est aussi l’objet de l’idée (l’esprit), rien n’affecte ou ne modifie sa puissance, sans qu’il ne soit perçu par l’esprit humain. Et, l’« affect » n’est tout autre que cette modification de la puissance corporelle et sa perception par l’esprit. Autrement dit, l’affect peut se définir comme la conscience simultanée que l’individu humain a de son propre corps, par l’entremise de la perception des altérations de la puissance d’agir de ce dernier (les sciences contemporaines, telles que la neurobiologie, la psychologie, la médecine, et bien d’autres, corroborent les thèses de Spinoza à ce propos). C’est en insistant sur la simultanéité des rapports psychophysiques, donc sur l’absence d’interaction du corps et de l’esprit, que Spinoza se démarque de Descartes. D’autre part, à travers les mêmes concepts (de « corps » et d’« affects »), Spinoza permet aussi de penser la constitution d’un autre genre de corps ; un corps né de l’union des individus humains, à savoir : le corps politique. Les affects sont, non seulement au fondement de la constitution de ce corps, mais ils sont aussi ce qui permet de réguler les affaires humaines. C’est en ce sens que Spinoza nous amène à concevoir le corps politique, non pas comme une rupture - contrairement à ce que soutenait Hobbes - mais comme une continuité de l’état de nature. Le mérite de l’anthropologie spinoziste est de montrer qu’autant la nature humaine ne peut se concevoir sans affects, autant aucune réflexion politique ne peut avoir de valeur de vérité sans la prise en compte de ces mêmes affects. / The Dissertation is a study of Spinoza’s anthropology and politics. It shows how Spinoza’s reflection on man can be read with an emphasis on the concepts of “individual”, “body” and “affects”. These concepts have a prominent place for the author of Ethics for two reasons: 1) they are central to his analysis of the mind body relation. Because, according to him the human body, for being a reality “in action”, is necessarily affected by other bodies. 2) However, as it is also the object of an idea (mind), nothing affects or modifies its power, without it is being perceived by the human mind. And the affect is the very modification of physical power and its perception by the mind. In other words, the affect can be defined as simultaneous consciousness that the human individual has from its own body by means of perception of the changes of his power to act (the contemporary sciences, such as the neurobiology, the psychology, the medicine, and many others, may confirm the theses of Spinoza). Our study pays attention to the simultaneity of the affections of the body and the ideas of these affections in the mind, and to the lack of interaction of body and mind that characterizes Spinoza’s philosophy and makes the difference with Descartes’ conception. It is important to emphasize that Spinoza with the same concepts of “individual”, “body” and “affects”, also allows us to think of the constitution of another kind of body the political body. The affects are not only on the foundation of the constitution of this body, but they are also what allowed to regulate human affairs. It is in this sense that Spinoza leads us to conceive the body politics, not as a breakage - unlike Hobbes - but as a continuation of the state of nature. Spinoza’s anthropology is powerful, because it proves that human nature cannot be conceived without affects, as well as no political thinking can have a value without considering the affects.